Skip to main content

Full text of "Divus Augustus"

See other formats


This is a digital copy of a book that was prcscrvod for gcncrations on library shclvcs bcforc it was carcfully scanncd by Googlc as part of a projcct 

to make the world's books discoverablc onlinc. 

It has survived long enough for the copyright to cxpirc and thc book to cntcr thc public domain. A public domain book is one that was never subjcct 

to copyright or whose legal copyright term has expircd. Whcthcr a book is in thc public domain may vary country to country. Public domain books 

are our gateways to the past, representing a wealth of history, cultuie and knowledge that's often difficult to discovcr. 

Marks, notations and other maiginalia present in the original volume will appear in this flle - a reminder of this book's long journcy from thc 

publishcr to a library and fmally to you. 

Usage guidelines 

Googlc is proud to partncr with libraries to digitize public domain materials and make them widely accessible. Public domain books belong to thc 
public and wc arc mcrcly thcir custodians. Nevertheless, this work is expensive, so in order to keep providing tliis resource, we liave taken stcps to 
prcvcnt abusc by commcrcial partics, including placing lcchnical rcstrictions on automatcd qucrying. 
Wc also ask that you: 

+ Make non-commercial use ofthefiles Wc dcsigncd Googlc Book Scarch for usc by individuals, and wc rcqucst that you usc thcsc filcs for 
personal, non-commercial purposes. 

+ Refrainfivm automated querying Do nol send aulomatcd qucrics of any sort to Googlc's systcm: If you arc conducting rcscarch on machinc 
translation, optical character recognition or other areas where access to a laige amount of tcxt is hclpful, plcasc contact us. Wc cncouragc thc 
use of public domain materials for these purposes and may be able to help. 

+ Maintain attributionTht GoogXt "watermark" you see on each flle is essential for informingpcoplcabout thisprojcct and hclping thcm lind 
additional materials through Google Book Search. Please do not remove it. 

+ Keep it legal Whatcvcr your usc, rcmember that you are lesponsible for ensuring that what you are doing is legal. Do not assume that just 
bccausc wc bclicvc a book is in thc public domain for users in the United States, that the work is also in the public domain for users in other 
countrics. Whcthcr a book is still in copyright varies from country to country, and wc can'l offer guidance on whether any speciflc usc of 
any speciflc book is allowed. Please do not assume that a book's appearancc in Googlc Book Scarch mcans it can bc uscd in any manncr 
anywhere in the world. Copyright infringement liabili^ can be quite severe. 

About Google Book Search 

Googlc's mission is to organizc thc world's information and to makc it univcrsally acccssiblc and uscful. Googlc Book Scarch hclps rcadcrs 
discovcr thc world's books whilc hclping authors and publishcrs rcach ncw audicnccs. You can scarch through thc full icxi of ihis book on thc wcb 

at || - 






THE main object of this volume is historical. Though 
I hope that I have not neglected important points of 
textual and grammatical criticism, my chief desire has been 
to illustrate the work of Suetonius by putting before the 
reader, as fully as space would permit, the materials which 
exist for constructing the history of the life and times of 
Augustus, and which expand and explain the necessarily 
brief and summarised statements in the Biography itself. 
I have therefore quoted freely from Dio and other writers, 
and have printed in an appendix the entire Monumentum 
Ancyranum (as emended and restored by Mommsen), with 
dates and slight marginal indications of subject-matter, which 
I hope may render it more readily available. To this I have 
subjoined a few other inscriptions illustrating special points 
in the Emperor's life, in addition to a considerable number 
transcribed in the notes. 

I feel, on looking back on my work, that I may at times 
have sacrificed to this object of historical illustration some 
critical discussions on text or language, such as might justly 
have been expected. For Suetonius, like all good writers, 
has a strongly marked individuality of style, and his own 
peculiar method of manipulating word-forms and construc- 
tions. It is not safe criticism to class all such as accounted 
for by the usage of the * silver age,' that is, after all, a usage 
other than that of Caesar and Cicero. Suetonius differs as 
much in style from such writers as Velleius, Florus, Pliny, 

viii PREFACE. 

as he does from either Caesar or Cicero. Idiosyncrasy has 
as much to do with it as date. It is easy to exaggerate 
the difference itself. Caesar's vocabulary, writing as he does 
on a narrow range of subject, is a singularly limited one. 
Cicero, except in his more private letters, aimed at a literary 
purism which must have been remote from the common 
practice of the day either in colloquial or written language. 
The admission into literature of words in common use con- 
stitutes a large part of the difference, such, for instance, as 
the fondness for the frequentative forms like pensare (c. 25), 
pensitare (c. 66), grassare (c. 6y\ taxare (cc. 4, 41), and of such 
irregularly formed compounds as inobservantia (c. y6) and 
praecipitium (c. 79). ^Again, of the long list drawn out by 
P. Bagge of words used by Suetonius which are not used by 
Cicero and Caesar, or only in a slightly different sense, a 
considerable number can be shewn by the practice of Vergil, 
Horace, Nepos and Livy to have been current at and soon 
after the end of the Republic. Such are appellatio c. 100, 
atistrinus c. 81, avius c. 96, cerritus c. 87, cessare c. 42, conflare 
c. 52, sedile c. 43, subtexere c. 68, titulus c. 31, and others. 
In another class of words Suetonius has gone back to the 
colloquialisms of an earlier age, as is shewn by the usage of 
Plautus and Terence. Such are adapertus c. 53, condormire 
c. 98, aquilus c. 79, invitare se c. ^J, Some new words or 
usages are naturally the result of new things, or a new view 
of things. Such are actus c. 78, contubemium c. 89, exauctorare 
c. 24, extemporalis c. 84, ieiunum servare c. 76, missilia c. 98, 
notare c. 64, praecognoscere c. 97, publicare cc. 29, 100, missio 
cc. 17, 45, recensus c. 49, breviarium cc. 28, io\, prosa {prorsa 
oratio) c. 85. 

In constructions he is fond of using the present and 
perfect subjunctive (for vividness) instead of the imperfect 
or pluperfect, as in edant c. 55, exigant c. 49, observata sit 
c. 94, fugatae sint c. 16; and after verbs of exhorting or 
commanding he prefers the construction without «/, as monet 
imitetur c. 3 ; and usually puts a subjunctive after ant^. . . 


quam, prius.,.quamy though the clause is not in any way 
oblique, see cc. 4, loi; sopridie quam..xammitteret c. 96. He 
omits the preposition in with words conveying a well-under- 
stood locative sense, such as continenti c. 16, regiane (followed 
by genitive) cc. 7, 41, municipalibus agris c. 13. For quippe 
qui he often uses ut qui cc. 30, 66, 72 ; for an non he has an 
c. 94 ; for an sometimes anne c. 69 ; for illico he uses coram 
c. 27 ; for ^;r adverso he uses contra cc. 44, 94 ; «Vw has the 
sense of ante or j/iw^ cc. 24, 43, 66. He is fond of the con- 
junctions sed et cc. 38, 45, 57, 70, 89, 93 ; and of sed or sed 
qiiidem for koX ravra, cc. 16, 29, 68, 92, 98 ; tanquam and 
quasi with subjunctive express the ground of an action 
without necessarily any suggestion of unreality, cc. 6, 7, 10, 14. 

Speaking more generally the points to be observed in his 
style are (i) its brevity. This is not the epigrammatic brevity 
of Tacitus, that master of the unexpected, who seeks to 
impress his reader by surprising him. Suetonius is not 
thinking of startling his readers : his brevity comes from a 
wish to express much with the least possible expenditure of 
words. It is business-like statement that he is seeking, not 
ornament or brilliancy. (2) Allied to this is his ificoncinnitaSy 
his rejection of the *periodic' style. His sentences are not 
elaborated or arranged with a careful eye to the balance of 
clauses, order of words, or intricate combination. To express 
clearly what he has to say is the limit of his ambition. For 
rhythmical prose he has either no ear or no patience. (3) 
Thirdly, he is participiorum amantissimus. This too is a 
peculiarity which arises partly from the desire of brevity, but 
partly also from a perhaps conscious imitation of Greek 

These hints may serve as indications as to what to observe 
in reading Suetonius. He is not a great artist in langfuage ; 
but he is a considerable grammarian, and his peculiarities 
are not the result of carelessness, but rather of scholastic 


The earliest Editions of Suetonius appeared in Rome 
(1470) and Venice (1471). The principal Editions since are 
those of Erasmus (15 18), I. Casaubon (Geneva 1595, Paris 
1610), J. G. Graevius (Utrecht 1672, 1691, 1703), S. Pitiscus 
(Utrecht 1690, Louvain 1714), P. Burman (Amsterdam 1730), 
J. H. Bremi (Zurich 1820), C. G. Baumgarten-Crusius (Leipzig 
1816), C. H. Hase (Paris 1828). The text in this volume is 
mainly that of C. L. Roth (Leipzig 1890). I have found the 
edition of Pitiscus, which contains the notes of the older 
editions, very useful, especially in regard to the legal writers. 
The standard edition is still that of Baumgarten-Crusius; and 
nothing, as far as I am aware, has been done for Suetonius 
in England. 

For discussions of the style and diction of Suetonius the 
following will be found useful : 

H. R. Thimm de usu atque elocutione C. Suetonii Tranquilliy 
Konigsberg 1867. 

P. Bagge de elocutione C Suetonii Tranquilli, Upsala 1875. 

A^m. Trachmann de conjunctionum causalium apud Gaium 
Suetonium Tranquillum usUj Halle 1886. 

R. Diipow de C Suetonii Tranquilli consuetudine sermonis 
quaestioneSy lena 1895. 

For the life of Augustus : 

J. C. Dietrich Historia Augustiy Greisen 1666. 

L. de Tillemont Histoire des Empereurs^ Venice 1732. 

W. Drumann Geschichte Roms^ Vol. 4, pp. 245 — 302. 

Egger Examen critique des historiens anciens de la vie et du 
rigne d' Auguste^ Paris 1844. 

G. C. Hieronymi de Octavii Imperatoris moribus^ Hamburg 

M. A. Weichert Imperatoris Augusti Scriptorum reliquiae, 
Grima 1841. 

M. Beuld Auguste et safamille et ses amis, Paris 1868. 

Merivale History of the Romans under the Empire^ 
London, 1865. 



-<- " -«^— ^M M^^M^— — ^lfa 



ZoilllOli: C. J. CLAY AND SONS, 

•UuVirf»: 363, ARGYLE STREET. 












(iDambtt&se : 



[AU Rights reserved,'] 



• . 

• • 
• • 

:•: .•. 

• • • • 


• • 

• •• • 

• • • 


• • 

••• • 



• • • • • 

• • • • 

• • 

• • 

• ^ m 
••• • 

• • • 

• • 


m • 1 

• • •• 

• • •• 

• • •• 


• • • 


• ••• 


• ••• 

• ••• 

• • 


• • 

• ••• 


• •• 

• •• 


• • 

• • ' 

> •. 
• • 1 


• 4 
• • 
• • 
• • • < 

» •• • • 

• • • • 

> • • • 


• •• • 

• • 

• • 

• • 

>• • • •< 


• ••• • 

••• ••• 

•••• : 

• • • 

• • • 

• •• 

• • 


• • • 

• • • 

• • • 

• • 

»• • • 

• • 

• • • 

•• • 

• • 

• • • 

• • • 

•• • 

• • 

• • • 

• •• 

• • 

• • 

• • 









'n '^ ^ X 2. 


T. Mommsen Res gesiae Divi Augustiy Berlin 1883. 

G. Wilmanns Exempla Inscriptioftum Latinarum^ Berlin 


G. M. Rushforth Latin Historical Inscriptions, Oxford 


References to Mommsen's R.-Staatsrecht and Marquardfs 

R,'Staatsverwaltung are made by the volumes and pages of 

the French Translation. 

I have to thank Mr P. Giles, Fellow of Emmanuel College, 
Cambridge, for reading almost all my notes in proof and 
giving me many valuable suggestions. AIso Mr W. Chawner, 
Master of Emmanuel, for doing me the same service in 
regard to some of the notes. Mr W. W. Wroth of the British 
Museum for aiding me to select some coins. AIso Mr J. G. 
Frazer, Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge, and Mr P. E. 
Matheson, Fellow of New CoIIege, Oxford, for kind aid when 
appealed to for iL Lastly I owe more than I can say to the 
care and kindness of the oflicials of the Press. 

Aprilf 1896. 


p. 13, first column, note on Ciupias^ add: It has been suggested by Ihne to 
read Kwirtdt in Dio 45, i, from Copia, the name given to Thurii on becoming a 
colony in B.c. 193. 

p. 7, left-hand column, 3 1. from bottom, for halting read hcUting-place, 

P- 8, ,, „ 

12 1. 

P- 16, „ „ 

13 1. 

P- 60, „ „ 


,, right-hand ,, 


p. 61, left-hand „ 










Gnomaiici read Gromatici, 
iiri<f>oiTiap read iweipolTbw, 
Rushworth read Rushforth, 
6.C. 29 read 28. 

2 1. from top, for 29 read 28. 
p. 51, margin, for Lollias read Lollius. 
p. 96, note on tigTlm, add reference Dio 54, 9. 

p. 108, lefl-hand column, first note, add reference, Cohen Monnaies frappies 
sous CEmpire Romain, vol. i. p. 67. 

p. 132, 1. 10 of text, add no. of chapter, 70. 




^ Though containing valuable material for biography and 
history the work of Suetonius is neither history 

,. i_ ^ «^. 1 1-1 Merits and 

nor biography. By rejecting chronological arrange- d^ects of 
ment he puts it out of his power to trace the ^^^o^^jf 

^ *^ biography, 

connexion of events, or the effect of circumstances 
in developing character. A number of detached facts are 
told us of the conduct and policy of Augustus in various 
departments of government or personal habit, and we are 
left to sort and fit them into their proper place by the help 
of others. Even if something is gained by this method, in 
giving a view of his policy on each particular department 
en bloCy more still is lost by putting out of view all that 
explains motives, and justifies or condemns action.LSuetonius 
seldom passes a moral judgment. He tells us facts or rumours 
and leaves us to form our own!^ He in no way emphasizes 
what has struck so many modern critics of Augustus, — the 
surprising change from the cold cruelty of the triumvir to 
the wise lenity of the Emperor. And though I think too 
much has been made of this contrast by such writers as 
M. Beul6\ a little more cleamess in distinguishing the policy 
of the two periods would have been useful in helping us to 
understand the nature of the times as well as the character of 

^ Auguste^ sa famille et ses amis^ Paris, 1867-8. The evident reference to the 
regime in France at the time perhaps gave a peculiar zest to the denunciation of 
Augustus and his crimes in M. Beul^'s very brilliant and interesting, but scarcely 
trustworthy, essay. 

S. C 



In a sense indeed there was a singular unity in his cha- 

racter and career. . Without his great-uncle's bril- 
AugmJus. ^^^^^ qualities (especially as a general) he avoided 

many of his mistakes. He was able to retain the 
services and fidelity of men best suited to carry out the 
measures demanded by the time ; and he had leamt the 
statesman's secret of effecting his objects without fatally em- 
bittering opponents or alienating friends. These qualities had 
shown themselves in the young man : they accompanied him 
and secured his success through nearly half a century of a vast 
and difficult government When we consider the distracted 
state of Rome diiring the last thirty years of the Republic and 
the scandalous abuses in the provinces ; and when we farther 
consider the frightful misuse of the autocracy by many of his 
successors : it is difficult to withhold admiration from the man 
who remedied the evils at home by a carefully veiled monarchy, 
grafted with consummate skill upon the institutions of the 
republic ; who removed the worst evils in the provinces by 
strenuous and honest administration ; who gained the respect 
of neighbouring rulers ; who organised and kept in check the 
army ; placed the finances on a sound footing ; adorned and 
beautified the city; and left the vast Empire, not indeed 
entirely free from danger, but on the whole peaceful, pro- 
sperous and strong. 

On all these points Suetonius gives us information, but 
Ourautho- i^^ver a connected story. For that we must go 
rities/or elsewhere, and for the most part unfortunately to 
reignof writers considerably posterior in time. Among 
Augustus, them the first place must be given to Dio Cassius, 
a writer of the 2nd and 3rd centuries", who with many foibles 

tells a straightforward story with (I think) an 
^sius. evident intention of neither withholding nor mis- 

representing facts. Here and there doubtless, as 
in most writers, inaccuracies whether from mistake or pre- 
judice may be detected in him ; but on the whole his state- 
ments are generally supported, when the test is possible, by 
coins and inscriptions. Considering the length and import- 

^ Dion Cassius Cocceianus, b. about a.d. 155, d. after a.d. 130. 



ance of the public life of Augustus, and the literary activity 
of the period, there seem to have been remarkably few con- 
nected accounts of it either contemporary or immediately 
subsequent Such as there were have for the most part 
perished. His youth indeed is described with some charm in 
a fragment of Nicolas of Damascus, which ends 
however with the death of lulius, and is perhaps ^^^^, 
too declamatory and eulogistic to be accepted 
without considerable caution*. Appian* has much to tell 
us of his civil wars, but ends with the death of 
Sextus Pompeius (B.C. 35). This may be in part *^' 

supplemented by Plutarch's lives of Antony and Brutus"; 
and the Epitomes of Livy's later books, ending Piutarck, 
with the death of Drusus (B.C. 9), remain to show ^^- 
us how great our misfortune is in having lost them. Velleius 
Paterculus is rhetorical and partial, though he 
occasionally tells us something of value ; and the 
Annals of Tacitus only begin with the death of Augustus. 
Of later writers Eutropius and Aurelius Victor (^th 
cent.) are mere epitomists; Zonaras (i2th cent.) a jj^/^^ 
rechauif^ of Dio ; and Orosius (^th and 5th cent), Victor, 
though now and then producing something of in- orosius! 
terest, is confused in chronology, and labours under 
the disadvantage of writing with a special thesis, to be proved 
at all hazards. The panegyrics of courtly poets seldom 
add much that is substantial to our knowledge ; yet, apart 
from Vergil, Propertius, and above all Horace, the fff^ace 
Augustan period itself would have added little to Vergil, 
our acquaintance with Augustus, had it not been for <t^^* 
the preservation of that remarkable document on the wall of 
an Asiatic temple, known as the Monumentum An- TheMmu- 
cyranunty the most authentic piece of autobiography Ancyra- 
that has survived from antiquity*. ««»*• 

' Nicolas was secretary to Herod the Great. losephus attacks his accuracy 
and accuses him of suppressing and nusrepresenting facts in order to please Herod 
\ArU, 16, 7, i]. He visited Rome, and his favour with Augustus is mentioned by 
Athenaeus 14, 651 a, and Plutarch Symp, 8, 4. 

^ Appian of Alexandria, temp. Trajan to Antoninus Pius. 

" Pltttarch (b. about a.d. 45) wrote a life of Augustus, but it is lost. 

' The writers of the period whom Suetonius might have used are discussed in 





In no part of the story of Augustus are the disadvantages 
of Suetonius' method more striking than in the chapters 
dealing with those constitutional changes by which the new 
autocracy was gradually evolved. Yet in no department is it 
more necessary to observe dates, the order of events, and the 
circumstances of the day, if we are to understand in the 
faintest way how this immense and far-reaching change was 
accomplished. For such help we must go to Dio Cassius. 

The situation may be stated somewhat thus. Two evils 
were afflicting the Empire, disorder at Rome and 
tionas maladministration in the provinces. For the 
i^^^T ^orm^T the remedy in Cicero's eyes had been the 
supremacy of a man at once powerful and loyal 
to the constitution ; for the latter sharper legislation and the 
purification of the law courts. Both had proved illusory. 
Pompey had failed as a guardian of order, and a succession 
of scandals had discredited the courts. lulius had succeeded 
DiMcuUi ^^^ ^ while in keeping order at Rome. He would 
oflulius perhaps have succeeded in reforming the adminis- 
^^^' tration of the provinces, for which his legislation 
had inaugurated a new and valuable principle. But he had 
some special disadvantages. He had been in arms against 
his country ; he had been long a leader of a party, and of a 
party to which (thbugh doubtless counting many good men) 
the spendthrift and the reckless naturally drifted. Conse- 
quently he was surrounded by men of bad character, to 
whom he was obliged to commit aifairs of importance'. 
Again, in the course of party conflict he had roused many 
implacable enmities and lost many friends. With all his 
brilliance and clemency there was something in him that 
provoked hatred and alienated loyalty. Nor was it of slight 
import that he had nearly all the learned and literary class 
at Rome against him. In spite therefore of the destruction 

the next section. Of course the labours of scholaxs (and above all of Monunsen) on 
this monument, and in the whole field of epigraphy, in reconstructing our know- 
ledge of the early Empire, must hold the first place in our recoUection and gratitude. 
^ Bellorum enim civilium hi semper exitus sunt, ut non ea solum fiant quae 
velit victor, sed etiam ut iis mos gerendus sit^ quibus adiutoribus sit farta victoria* 
Cicero /am, 12, 18. 


which had befallen the opposition at Pharsalus, Thapsus, and 
Munda, there were still enough nobles left with the will and 
the power to thwart and murder him. But Octavian belonged 
to a new generation. A mere boy when he first SupeHor 
engaged in politics, he had no party ties to shackle '^^^octa^^ 
him, or long-standing enmities to embarrass him. 'vian, 
Such friends as he had were personally attached. They did 
not, like confederates in a conspiracy, demand a share of the 
spoils; and, with rare exceptions, proved eflFective and re- 
mained loyal. Nor did the events of the civil war ruin his 
credit with the citizens. The cruelties of the proscription 
were by many attributed more to his colleagues than to 
himself ^ And if his severities at Philippi and Perusia have 
left a stain on his memory, they did not seem so horrible to 
contemporaries accustomed to a stern code of military law, 
and rendered callous by twenty years of bloody party strife 
and civil war. 

They were also the last. From the time of the fall of 
Perusia in the spring of B.C. 40 he figured more and . 
more clearly before the eyes of the citizens as their becomes 
best security for peace and prosperity. The times ^ta^' 
were troublous. The ships of Sextus Pompeius thanAn- 
scoured the seas, cutting off merchant vessels and eyesofthe 
stopping the supplies of corn. From Gaul came <^^^^ ^^- 
news that the Germans were crossing the Rhine, or 40 and 
that certain tribes were interrupting the passage of ^'^* ^^* 
the Alps. In the East the Parthians were threatening the 
frontier of Syria : 

hinc mavet EuphrateSy mavet hinc Gertnania bellum^, 

Antony was in the East indeed with a great army to keep 
back the barbarians. But not only was the East less interest- 
ing to the Romans than the West ; but, while scandalous 
stories were reaching Rome as to Antony*s revels in Egypt, 
his infatuation with Cleopatra, and his disasters in the field, 
the young Caesar was by his own exertions, or those of his 
friends, gradually relieving the city of the terrors nearer home. 

8 Dio 47, 7; Vell. 2, 66; Plut. Ant, 21. 

* Vergil Georg, i. 509, evidently written before Actium. 


Sextus Pompeius was crushed in B.C. 36 ; the movements in 
Northern and Southern Gaul were checked by Agrippa in 
B.C. 38-7"; the Illyrians, Dalmatians, lapydes and Panno- 
nians were subdued by successive expeditions under Polho in 
B.C. 39, under Augfustus himself in B.C. 35-6, under Agrippa 
and himself in B.c. 34"; the Salassi who blocked the Val 
d* Aosta were crushed in B.C. 34 by Valerius Messala*^; and 
Statilius Taurus had in B.C. 36-^, after the degradation of 
Lepidus, secured the loyalty of Africa and Sicily without 
striking a blow". These achievements gave safety and peace 
to Italy, and the poet only expressed the aspiration of the 
citizens generally in his prayer to the gods, 

hunc saltem everso iuvenem succurrere sc^clo 
ne prohibetel^^ 

The contrast with Antony, carving out kingdoms for his 
own and Cleopatra's children, and credited with the 
^ecures^his ^^^^^ ^f transferring the seat of Empire to Alex- 
position andria, was easily drawn, and Augustus took care 
^the iuLndof ^^^ ^^ should be made very plain to the eyes of the 
Antonius Romans. The two men had never been cordial 
friends since the young Octavius first landed in 
Italy in B.C. 44 to claim his inheritance. Party needs had 
brought them together; jealousy and mistrust were always 
thrusting them apart. Reconciiiations had again and again 
been effected, now by the intervention of friends and ministers, 
now by that of Octavia : but they were diametrically opposed 
in disposition, purpose, and policy; and finally Octavian 
deliberately brought on the conflict which ended at Actium, 
when he thought himself strongest, and the case against 
Antony most capable of being represented in an odious light 
to the citizens. 

Actium and the suicide of Antony and Cleopatra gave 
him aii that he hoped. He was now left alone ; the 

After Ac- 

ttum B.c. old oiigarchical party was destroyed ; the legions, 
31 ali long weary of civil war, were ready to be disbanded if 

forpeace, ' / 

only the veterans could obtain bounties and land ; 

w Dio 47, 49. " Dio 47, 42 ; 49, 35—38. 

^ Dio 49, 34, 38; Appian Illyr, 17. " Dio 49, 44. ^* Vergil G, i, 500. 


the survivors of the previous generation were tired of war" ; 
the new generation were used to a directing hand. The 
problem was how to secure his power without offending the 
prejudices of the elder men too bitterly, or fatally obscuring 
the hopes of promotion and activity on the part of the 
younger. Hence was gradually evolved, with extraordinary 
skill and sagacity, the theory of the Principate. 

The term prindpaius rightly represents the fact ; it was to 
be a primacy among other powers, as well as a 
primacy of rank among the citizens. But this develop- 
primacy was developed in two ways ; and eventually ^* ^f*^ 
the principatus was attached both in men's minds 
and in practical fact to the second of the two. On one side 
Caesar was to become supreme by combining the powers of 
the republican magistrates, with or without the offices them- 
selves. He was to be consul or to have consular power. 
Though not proconsul, he was to have proconsular power. 
Above all, though not tribune (which as a patrician he could 
not be), he was to have the tribunicia potestas, This was not 
all conceived at once. At first he was always consul, and 
therefore the question of the consular power did not arise, 
and the proconsulare imperium was thought of afterwards. 
But on the other hand he was to be invested with what was 
practically a new office, though under a name which might 
admit of being regarded as only an honorary distinction, freely 
attributed to him by universal consent, and in virtue of which 
he should appear to the whole world to represent in his singie 
person the majesty of the Empire : this was the principatus, 

(i) And first the absorption of the republican powers. 
The tribunicia potestas was the most important of ^^ ^^ 
these ; and his attempt to obtain the Tribuneship in absorbs the 
B.C. 44 seems to show that he had early seen that ^rlpubii- 
this office, with its power of initiation, obstruction, <^«» magis- 
and control, would give him what he wanted". The xhe Tri- 
first step was taken in B.C. 36-3, immediately after ^^*^^^P' 

'^^ h itJkv Aofdrios o^dip ^cufcpus, ws ye xal <rufuf>op(2y woXKw weireipa/Uyos, ivei'' 
XM^€y, Dio 50, 3. 

^^ Dio 45, 5; Plut. Ant, 16; Suet. c. 10. 


the final defeat of Sextus Pompeius. Besides the ovation 
, and other honours decreed to Octavian on that 

B.C. 36-5. 

Thepersm occasion, a residence on the Palatine was assigned 
us^fair^ to him, and his person was declared to be under 
A? depro' the protection of the same /eg-es sacratae as those of 
/^iegwi the Tribunes, with whom he was to share the 
sacratae. official bench in the Senate^'. Whether this was a 
spontaneous idea of the Senate, or came from a suggestion of 
his own, it is at any rate the first use of the Tribunate as a 
means of giving him a special position, and the first indication 
of the principle that the difficulty of his being ineligible to the 
Tribunate might be got over by the possession of the power 
without the office. 

Still it was the privileges rather than the power that were 

given by this vote. The next step was the power. 
7%/Trtim- It was taken in B.c. 30. Antony was dead : all 
JJ^J^* opposition was at an end. Death in battle, suicide, 

or submission had put the world at Caesar's feet. 
When the news was brought home by Cicero, the great 
orator*s son, the Senate hastened to lavish their now familiar 
honours. Among others more or less extravagant, Caesar 
was to have the tribunicia potestas for life, with a right of 
auxilium within the city and half a mile beyond the pomoe- 
rium (which was not in the competence of the tribunes) and 
the right of giving a casting vote in all iudicia^^. 

Still, important as the tribunicia potestas was to him, it was 

in point of dignity inferior to the consulate, which 
The iribu' at any rate in theory made him head of the State. 
lasl^^fke ^"^ there were certain inconveniences about the 
new consti- consulship, which he held in successive years from 
tutum. jj^ ^ j ^^ jj^ 23. At home it involved (at any rate 

in form) a division of functions and powers with a colleague. 

17 j.^y j^ otKUw adTifi kyfnifphavTO Kal t6 /JLi^e \&ytfi ti {f^pi^&Tdai. ' el W /iij, tois 
a^ToTs t6p toiovt6 ti dpd/ravTa ^v^€<r^at oUrircp ivl ry drffjuipxV iT^TCucTo. koX ybip 
iirl Tuv ainrQnf pddpwv (rvyKaOi^eadai a^i(riv iXapev. Dio 49* 15* 

^^ Dio 51, 19. nip T€ i^owriap ttjp tQv drifMpxu» Sia piov (xciv koX to^s iwipou- 
fjLGfovs ai)T6p KoX ipT6s tov Tnaiiiifpiov koX i^u fiixpis 6y56ov 7Jfu<rTa5iov dfjjltpeiy, 6 
firiSepl tQp SrifJMpxo^PTUP i^rjv, iKK\irjfr6v re IkKd^eiv Kal }f/^<p6v Tiva a^oO iv iratri TOts 
SiKaffTifpiois (Sffirep ^KBrfvds <l>ip€<r $ai, This last rather dubious expression seems 
to imply some sort of appellate jurisdiction, at any rate in cases of doubt. 


In the provinces it might place him in an equivocal position 
in regard to the proconsul. In B.C. 23 therefore a great 
change was made, which in fact recognised the new consti- 
tution that had come into existence. Augustus resigned the 
consulship, which he did not hold again till B.c. 5, and in 
exchange received the proconsulare imperium^ which was not 
to be laid down upon his entering the pomoerium, and was to 
be superior (maius) to the imperium of the proconsul or pro- 
praetor in every province. He was also to have perpetually 
the consular privilege of bringing any business before the 
Senate which he chose. He had already in B.c. 27 received 
special powers in those provinces in which there were legions, 
but this new proconsulare imperium made him in theory as 
well as in fact supreme in all alike. Still in this new con- 
stitution he clung to the shadow of popular choice and 
republican position, and the tribunicia potestas, now confirmed 
again to him for life, was openly treated as his most important 
function: the years of his tenure of it starting from B.C. 23 
are used as the ordinary mode of dating events on coins and 

(2) The consuls however were still nominally head of the 
State. It was necessary that some means should ^,, 
be found to give Augustus (as he was called since Prindpau 
B.C. 27) in form that first place which he already ^/0p„t/„i 
had in reality. It was thus, as I conceive, that the ofprinceps 
theory of the principate took a new development. 
It was not a development of his position as princeps senatus, 
which he had been since B.C. 28. That only gave senatorial 
rank, bringing no privileges beyond the right of being asked 
first for his sententia, which as consul (who introduced busi- 
ness but did not vote) would be of no value to him. The 
name may have suggested the new title ; but it was used in 
an essentially different sense. Its novelty and indefiniteness 
were its chief advantages. His consular, proconsular, and 
tribunician powers were very great, but after all had certain 
traditional limits. As princeps of the whqle State, on the 
other hand, he would exercise whatever magisterial powers 

" Dio 53, 42. 



he possessed without question as to precedence or rights of 
colleagues, and in all parts of the Empire alike. It was not, 
as were his other ppwers, founded on any shadow of republi- 
can magistracy, and was perhaps never exactly defined ; but 
as it placed Augustus in rank and dignity before all other 
magistrates, so it gave him the right not only of exercising 
those powers, uncontroUed by coUeagues, but also of doing 
everything else not included under them. Eventually it 
came to be treated as the reality which it was, and Augustus 
could speak of events me principey or ante me principemy just 
as he might have said me consule or ante me consukm^, 

Like other powers of the new rdgime, however, it was 
arrived at gradually. At first it seems to have been 
paufor conferred (without the name perhaps) in connexion 
lo years ^j^j^ ^j^g iniperial provinces at the division of B.C. 27. 
In them Augustus was to exercise for 10 years a 
power unlikc any that had been recognised before. When 
this apxv is renewed in B.C. 19-18 the rule in the provinces 
had been secured by the perpetual proconsulare imperium, and 
this novel power was not needed. From henceforth at each 
renewal this i^yefiovCa or irpoaraaia has ceased to have any 
special connexion with the provinces, and applies equally 
to the whole Empire, and is, as Dio [53, 16] says, a real 
'monarchy'^. It was this title and office which expressed 

^ M, A, cc. 30 and 32. I accept Prof. Pelham's ^rooi ihsX princeps was not 
a development oi princeps senatus [yaumal of PhiL viii. 16, p. 322], though I 
think that the title oi princeps iuveniutis (i.e. equUum^ or all below the Senate) 
given afterwards to Gaius and Lucius shows that in one aspect of it there was a 
feeling in men's minds that the two were in some senses connected; and I also 
venture to think that *leader of the Roman Nobility* and 'elect of the Roman 
people' do not adequately express the ideas ever attaching to the Princeps. 

^ This account of the origin of ihe principatus, in some degree (I think) new, 
requires to be supported. It seems to follow from Dio. In 53, 13, when describ- 
ing the division of the provinces, he says that Caesar wishing to avoid the imputa- 
tion of *monarchy* accepted the govemment (dpx'!) of them for lo years only. In 
summing up the results of his administration of the provinces, however, he declares 
it to have been a real monarchy, which the periodical renewal [aWa In; t^tc, cIto 
T^vTc, KoX fUToi TovTo 5iKa KoX h-epa adOis 5^/ca ir&fT&Kis atTtfi i\fnff4>lff$ri] made 
practically life-long. But when he tells of the various renewals, he has a new 
name for the office (which yet can only be the renewal of the first) ; in b.c. 19 he 
calls it wpoffTOffla [44, 12], in B.c. 8 rjyefJLovla [55, 5], in A.D. 3 'iyefioyla [55, 12]; 
in A.D. 13 irpoirraala [56, 18]. These are his words for the Latin prittcipatus, 






AUGUSTUS. xxiii 

the unity of the Empire in the face of the world of foreign 
nations, and the coordination of all powers and oflices under 
the supreme control of one, who yet had adopted a title so 
little arrogant that it might be interpreted as merely giving a 
first place in dignity, and a right to take the lead on all 
occasions of ceremony. Other titles suggested departmental 
functions, this an imperial and universal supremacy. Other 
titles might be and were (at any rate in name) shared with 
others, this could be applied to one alone. 

But though this title in a sense included all others, yet he 
also bore others indicating the particular spheres in which his 
powers were to be exercised ; often in conjunction with col- 
leagues. Thus the title Imperator had two meanings. (i) It 
belonged to a magistrate with imperium. (2) It was 
bestowed by acclamation on a victorious general '^* 

by his soldiers". If this were confirmed by the Senate, it 
could, it seems, be assumed as a perpetual titie. Augustus 
at any rate so assumes it. Thus, in an inscription recording 
the formation of the Triumvirate, Caesar alone has the title, 
given him by his soldiers after the battles at Mutina" and 
confirmed by the Senate,...EMILlvs M. ANTONIVS. IMP. 


SEXT. [Oreli. 594]. Thus again in the Consular Fasti for 
B.C. 33 he is entercd as IMP. CAESAR, and so henceforth. But 
he was also imperator because another formal vote of the 

which therefore he considers (so far as it was a definite office) to have grown out 
of the original o^x^ of the Imperial provinces. It may be worth while to observe 
that of the two passages in which Augustus speaks of himself as princeps in the 
Mm, An. [cc. 30 and 32], in the former he is referring to an extension of the 
frontier, in the latter to his relations with foreign powers. He was indeed/nW^ 
ciintatis to the citizens, but above all he was princeps as representing the Empire 
to the outside world. 

^ Dio 43, 44. The vote in the Senate in B.c. 44 confirmed by the Senate on 
the i6th of April [Ov. F, 4, 673]. An inscription of B.c. 29 [Wilm. 879] gives us 
the title in both senses : senatvs • populvs «que • romanvs • imp • caesari • d • 


Cp. also Pliny N.ff» 3 § 136 (the inscription at Turbia) imperatori • caesari • 


The title by acclamation could only be given once in the same war, Dio 70, 3i. 
•» Dio 46, 38. Cp. Cicero x. Phil. § 28. 


Senate in B.C. 29 gave the titie to him and his descendants**, 
and he therefore could and did use it as a regular title ; but, 
as he always had imperium in other ways, it rather expressed 
a fact than conferred any fresh powers. 

There were certain other functions, originally inherent in 

the consulship, but which since B.c. 443 had de- 
^^^^!^ volved upon the periodically appointed Censors. 

The chief of these were the making up of the list 
of the Senate {lectio Senatus)^ and of the Equites, and taking 
the census. The Censorship, much reduced in its powers by 
Clodius in B.C. 58, had fallen into desuetude during the civil 
wars. Two Censors had been appointed in B.c. 42, but had 
refused to act ; and, though the experiment of allowing the 
appointment of two in B.C. 22 was tried, it was not successful. 
Augustus performed the functions of the Censors partly by 
falling back upon the old consular powers", partly in virtue 
of special powers as praefectus moribus^y a contrivance for 
exercising censorial powers without the office or name, as in 
the case of his other powers. Thus in B.C. 29, though Consul, 
he seems to have thought it necessary in holding the census 
to rest upon his tribunicia potestas ; but in B.C. 8 and A.D. 14 
he acts simply in virtue of his potestas consularis^, which had 
been given him for life in B.C. 19. 

The general result of the concentration of all these powers 

in the person of one princeps is thus expressed by 
oftheauto' Dio, who speaks of course from a point of view 
^^j^gJ53» of a later date, when the development of the 
• autocracy had become more complete. 

^ Dio 53, 41. Perhaps Augustus may have claimed the title as early as B.c. 
43 in consequence of the vote bestowing it on lulius and his children : roin Tcudat 
Toii T€ iyydpovs a^Tov oCrta KoKeurOai \//ri4>l<rcurdai Dio 43, 44. 

^ Dio indeed speaks of him as n/ii^redcras <ri>p ^Ayplirirq, in B.c. 39. But 
Augustus himself enumerates this census among his consular acts with his 
colleague Agrippa [M. A, 8]. 

^ lulius had held the same office [Dio 43, 14; 44, 5]. What Augustus asserts 
that he refused \M, A, 6iva imfieXriT^s tuv tc vhfuav Kal tQv Tpdiruv iirl rj fteylffT-g 
i^owrlq, x^^Pf>'^^V^^] seems to have been a life-censorship. Dio [54, 10, 30] asserts 
that he was twice elected iwificXrp^s tuv Tpbirtav for five years each time, i.e. B.c. 
19 and 13, see c. 37. 

^ See p. 60, M. A, 8. 


* The word * monarchy ' was so odious to the Romans that they 

* never called their Emperors dictators or kings or anything of that 

* sort. Yet, as the ultimate power in the State lies with them, they do 

* in effect reign. The various constitutional offices (except the cen- 
' sorship) do indeed subsist to this day : but the Emperor for the time 
' being manages and directs everything exactly as he chooses. That 

* they may seem, however, to possess these powers in accordance with 
*law and not by force, the Emperors assume the several offices, 
*which, when there was a free democracy, carried with them the 

* highest powers, with the one exception of the dictatorship. Thus 
*for instance they frequently take the consulship; on quitting the 
' pomoerium they are always styled proconsuls ; instead of king or 
Mictator they take the name of Imperator, and not merely those 
' who have won victories, but all alike, as a symbol of irresponsible 

* power. Dictators or kings indeed they do not style themselves, since 

* those offices have been once for all abolished, but all their actual 

* powers they have secured by this appellation of Imperator. 

*The powers bestowed by these various offices are these. As 

* Imperatores they can levy troops, coUect money, declare war, make 
'peace, exercise at all times and in all places alike such complete 

* authority over the army, whether of citizens or auxiliaries, that even 
' within the pomoerium they can put to death both equites and 
' senators ; and, in short, can do all that the consuls and other magis- 
' trates possessed of frill imperium would be able to do. 

' Again, as censors they examine into our lives and morals, hold 
'the census, and enter or strike ofF names from the roUs of the 

* Equites and Senate, entirely at their own pleasure. 

* Once more, being invested with all priesthoods, especially that 

* of the Pontifex Maximus, and in the majority of cases being able to 

* confer them on others, they have complete control over everything 

* connected with religion. 

^ Lastly the tribunician power, exercised in old times by the men 
'of the greatest influence, gives them the means of absolutely 

* putting a stop to any proceedings of which they do not approve, 
'and renders their persons inviolable, so that the least violence 
*offered to them however trivial, whether by word or deed, makes 

* the guilty party liable to death without trial, as being under a curse. 

* The actual office of Tribune they consider themselves debarred by 
' the sacred laws from taking, because they are always patricians, but 
*its powers they assume to the highest degree to which they ever 

* extended, And accordingly it is by it that they reckon the years of 


* their reign as though they were colleagues of the annually elected 
< tribunes. 

' These titles they have taken from the usages of the democracy 

* in order that they may pose as having assumed nothing 

Legibus < that was not bestowed by the people. Yet they had 

*been already rendered unnecessary by one sweeping 

* concession putting them above the laws {legibus solvi), In virtue of 
' this, which was never given outright to any Roman in old times, 

* they might have done all they have ever done, or anything else. 
*The result is that they have invested themselves with the com- 
Thegme- *plete powers of the State, with everything in short that 
ral resuU, c kujgs ever had except the offensive name. 

' Their appellations of Caesar and Augustus add nothing to their 

* powers. The former is merely a symbol of a pretended descent, 
' the latter of an exalted position. The tifle pafer pafriae, however, 
' does perhaps give them a certain authority over us all, such as formerly 
' fathers had over their children. Not that this was the original idea 

* of it. It was at first a mere title of honour, which yet conveyed the 
' suggestion that, while they loved their subjects, their subjects were 

* bound to reverence them.' 

This view of what the new principate came to in the not 
remote future dissipates any colourable pretext of 
real constitutional conservatism, with which Augustus 

nwnarc y, ^^^ \iz,v^ flattered his contemporaries or deluded 
his own mind. He dwells indeed on this point more than 
once in the Monumentum ; and takes credit for refusing un- 
constitutional offices, and for not exercising powers superior 
to those of his colieagues. But facts are too strong for him. 
He had in effect established an autocracy, which his successor 
(with some show of reluctance) promptly acknowledged and 
carried to its logical conclusion. 

In no department of government was the unlimited 
„ . primacy of the Princeps more eflicacious or more 

the Pro' salutary than m the provmces. The hfe-long tm- 
vtnces, perium proconsulare, bestowed on him B.c. 23, gave 
a definite expression to its exercise. From that time appeals 
were naturaliy addressed to him, and new regulations issued 
by him*. But four years before, on the division of the pro- 

" Dio 53, 31; Suet. Aug, 33; Dig, i, 49, 4 ; «7, 42, i ; Tac. Ann, 4, 6. 

AUGUSTUS. xxvii 

vinces in B.C. 27, the theory of the Principate enabled Augustus 
to initiate, if he did not carry out immediately, a series of 
reforms. In the Imperial provinces this was comparatively 
easy. It followed from the fact that the legati Augusti pro 
pTiutore were appointed immediately by him, held their oifice 
during pleasure, and were answerable to him ; while the 
finances of the province were under the care of a promrator^ 
who was as dependent on his orders, and as responsible to 
him, as the steward of a private individual. But in the 
Senatorial provinces also his power could and did intervene 
with almost equal decisiveness. The beneficial changes in- 
troduced were mainly these : 

(i) Though in the Senatorial provinces the praetorian or 
consular governors were still selected by lot from ex-praetors 
and ex-consuls of five years standing (according to the lex 
Pofnpeia\ and though over that allotment the Senate presided 
and kept some control, yet Augustus retained the privilege 
of approving the list and, if he chose, of fixing the number of 
candidates ; whereby if necessary he could practically name 
the governors". 

(2) If there were serious complaints of maladministration 
he could take over a province temporarily, without changing 
its permanent status*. 

(3) The proconsuls (in Senatorial provinces) had but in- 
significant forces, only such as were necessary for a guard 
and police duty". Their power of compulsion therefore rested 
on the support and prestige of the government at home. 

(4) There was in a Senatorial, as in an Imperial province, 
a procurator to manage the tribute, who was equally in both 
answerable to the Emperor^. 

(5) The proconsul or propraetor had a fixed salary, and 
no longer exacted his expenses from the provincials**. 

(6) Cases of malversation and oppression were referred 
to the Senate by the Emperor ; and the Senate named one of 

" Dio 53, 44 ; Tac. Ann, 6, 27, 40. 

»0 Dio 53, 14; 54, 30; 55, 28. Tac. Ann, i, 76. 

•^ Except in the case of Africa Tac. H. \^ 17; Dio 53, 13. 

■» Dio 53, 15, Marquardt 9, p. 58«. 

» Dio 5«, 13; 53, 15; Tac. Agric. 4«, 


its own number as advocate for the complaining province. 
The injured provincials no longer depended on the services 
oidipatronus or on the verdict of a jury**. 

(7) The postal service (in connexion with which must be 
considered the improved roads) greatly facilitated rapid and 
frequent references to the Emperor himself on details of 

(8) The old abuse of the libera legatio, if not wholly 
removed^, was rendered diificult and almost ceased to exist 

At the same time such laws as had been previously passed 
with a view to purify provincial administration — the lex 
Calpurnia B.C. 149, the lex Acih*a [Cic. 2 Verr, i, 9], the lex 
Servilia Glauciae B.c. 122, the lex Cornelia B.C. 80, the lex 
lulia B.C. 59, — remained in force so far as they were not super- 
seded by the new regulations^. The beneficent eflTect of the 
change was promptly felt in many parts of the Empire, not 
least in Asia, where there set in about this time a period 
of great material prosperity. 


Like other writers of biography in ancient times, Suetonius 
has found no biographer himself Even the dates of his birth 
and death are uncertain*^, and scarcely any facts of his life 
are known. He mentions himself seven times, but only briefly 
to refer to what he had seen or heard as a boy or young man, 
or to tell us his father^s name and rank*^. Pliny the younger 

** Tac. Ann, 3, 68; Suet. Dom. 8; Pliny Ep, 3, 9. 

^ Suet. Aug. c. 49, p. 107 note. C. I. L. 14, p. I at Ostia there is 2Lprocurator 
pugillaiimis et ad naves vagasj Marq. 9, pp. 587 — 592. ^ Suet. Tib. 31. 

^ As for instance the regulations of the lex lulia^ which rendered all the 
staif (cohors) of a govemor liable to prosecution, without being able to plead his 
authority for illegal acts. See Pliny Ep. 3, 9. 

^ He was an adulescens 20 years after Nero's death, i.e. in a.d. 88 [Ner. c. 57] 
and still calls himself so towards the end of the reign of Domitian [ob. A.D. 96, 
Dom. 12]. The period usually marked as adulescentia is from about 17 to 31. 
Therefore he was roughly speaking not more than 31 in a.d. 96, or less than 17 
in A.D. 88, i.e. he was bom not earlier than a.d. 71. The year a.d. 75 seems the 
most probable, as we find that he had been promised a military tribuneship in 
A.D. 100 [Plin. Ep. 3, 8]. His death occurred at some time previous to A.D. 160. 

*• Aug. c. 7; Cal. 19; Oth. ro; Ner. 57; Domit. 12; de Gramm. 4; vitaLucani. 


is the only contemporary who throws any light upon his life. 
From him we learn that he practised in the law courts ; that 
he taught rhetoric ; that in A.D. loo he was to have a mih'tary 
tribuneship (probably to qualify for office), but begged Pliny 
to use his influence to have it transferred to another ; that his 
works were much liked and expected with some eagemess ; 
that he resided for a time at least in Pliny^s house, who de- 
clares that the closer his view of him the greater his aflection 
for him became*®; that though he was married he had no 
children or had lost them; and that Trajan accordingly 
granted him the ms trium liberorum, The biographer Vo- 
piscus testifies to his honesty*^; and Aelius Spartianus, in his 
life of Hadrian^, tells us that he was secretary {epistularum 
magister) to that Emperor, but was with others displaced 
about A.D. 121 for paying too much court to the Empress 
Sabina. That is really all that we know of him. The fact 
seems to be that he avoided public life. He was a gramma- 
ticuSy a teacher and scholar, half philologist, half antiquarian ; 
and the kind of literature to which he devoted himself was 
not that which made a man conspicuous or generally popular. 
He wrote no epigrams or panegyrics, no declamations or 
plays. Nor was his birth high enough to make him a 
personage in society. His father was a tribunus legionis 
angusticlavius [Oth. 10] ; and his connexion with Pliny was 
after all that of an inferior to a patron, in whose letters 
there is always, in spite of their warmth, a certain tone of 
superiority. Of his works (besides the treatise de Rhetoribus 
and the fragment de grammatids which we possess) Suidas 
gives us the foUowing list : 

(i) On Greek Games, one book**. 

(2) On Spectacles and Games at Rome, two books**. 

^ Pliny Epist. i, 18, 24; 3, 8; 5, 10; 9, 34; du/ Traj. 94, 95 Suetonium Tran- 
quillum, probissimum honestissimum eruditissimum virum, et mores eius secutus et 
studia iam pridem^ domine^ in contubernium adsumpsi tantoque magis diligere 
coepi quanto hunc proprius inspexi. 

** Vopisc. vit. Firmi r § i emendatissimus et candidissimus scriptor, 

« Ael. Spart. vit. Hadr. 11 § 3. 

^ Eustathius ad Hom. Odyss. i, 107 : loh. Tzetzes Chil. 6, 874. 

** Liber ludicrae Historiae^ TertuU. de spect. 6, Aul. Gell. 9, 7, 3. 

S. d 


(3) On the Roman year, one book*». 

(4) de notis {irepl r&v iv roU l3L/3Xioi^ arffieUov), one 


(5) On the Republic of Cicero, against Didumus, one 

(6) On proper names, dress, and shoes*^ 

(7) On words of iU-omen and their origin*". 

(8) de institutis et moribus Rotnaey two books^. 

(9) Stemma Caesarum ; et vitae eorum a lulio ad Domi- 
tianum^ eight books. 

(10) Stemma virorum illustrium Romanorum^, 

A. ReiflFerscheid (Suetonii Tranquilli reliquiae and Quaes- 
tiones Suetonianae) tries to show that some of these are the 
titles not of separate books, but of different parts of the same 
book. He appears also to have written an accpunt of the 
Gallic wars of lulius Caesar*^ ; a book de vitiis corporalibus^ ; 
another de illustribus scortis^*^ another de institutione offici- 
orum^; a miscellany called ■Pratum or de i^ebus variis'^; a 
treatise de Regibus in three books"*. This represeats the 
fruits of a great and varied industiy^ which, if ^ot as vast as 
that of Varro, is yet sufficient to explain his abstention from 
more active employment. 

^ Censormus ao, 1. ^ Amm. Marcell. 92, 16, 16. 

^ Servius ad Verg. Aen. 2, 683; 7, 612. ^ Eustathius ad Hom. //. 8, 488. 

^ Aul. Gell. 15, 4, 4. ^ Hieron^rmus ad Dextrum 2. 821. 

^ Oros. Hist. adv. Paganos 6, 7, 2 hanc historiam Siutonius Tranquillus ple- 
nissime explicuit^ which could by no possibility refer to the single chapter in the 
life of lulius. 

*' Servius ad Verg. Ecl. 3, 8; Aen. 7, 627. 

^ loh. Lydus de Magistraiibus 3, 64 TpdffvXXos...^ rQ irepl hrur-fifuav ropvQv, 

" Priscian 6, 8, 41. 

^ Priscian 8, 4, 21 ; 18, 19, 4; Isidorus de Natura rerum 38, i. 

^ That is, apparently, foreign kings, Ausonius Epist. 19. 


§ 3. The Authorities of Suetonius for the Life 

of augustus. 

The paucity of the contemporary accounts of Augustus 
which have reached us has been already noticed. Suetonius 
must have had a considerable mass of authorities at his dis- 
posal, the greater part of which has perished. 

First among them must be placed the Emperor's own 
memoirs extending to B.C. 24, which were published ^^-^ ^ 
in his lifetime or soon after his death'' ; more than ofAu- 
one coUection of his letters"* ; his speeches" ; State ^ ^^' 
papers or discourses delivered orally from a written copy®" ; 
his laws** ; diplomata^ ; rationaria of the Empire drawn up 
periodically®; edicts, some of which were on matters personal 
to himself" ; laudationes over members of his family or friends, 
his grandmother, sister, Agrippa and Drusus". Of the last- 
named he also wrote a life*^, besides other compositions on 
more general topics, enumerated in the eighty-fifth chapter. 
Lastly, there were the three volumes left at his death, con- 
taining directioAs for his funeral, a breviarium of the Empire, 

^'^ He quotes them in cc. .2, 7, 27, 28, 42, 62, 74, 85, 86; de Grammat, c. 16. 
They are also quoted by Appian B. civ. 4, iio; 5, 47; Hlyr. 14; Dio 48, 44; 
Isidorus de natura Rerum 44 ; Plutarch Comp* Cic. et Dem. 3 ; Pliny N. H. 2 §§ 
24, 94. 

^ Quoted in cc. 40, 50, 51, 64, 71, 76, 86, 87, 93 ; also in Tib. 21,51; Claud. 4; 
Calig, 8; vita Hor,\ Seneca de brev. vit. 5 § i ; dialog. 10, 4 § 3 ; Macrob. Sat. 2, 
4, 12; Pliny N. H. 18 §§ 94, 189; 21 § 9; Priscian 10, 9: Aul. GelL 10, 11, 5; 10, 
24, 2; 15, 7, 3; Isidor. Hispal. i, 24 § 2. There was also a collection of corre- 
spondence between him and Cicero in three books, frequently quoted by Nonius. 
That these books contained some of his letters is evident from one of these frag- 
ments cum iter facerem ad Hirtium Clatemam spurcissima tempestate^ cp. Cic. cui 
Att. 16, 9; 16, II. 

*® He quotes the exact words cc. 58, 84. Dio probably had published copies 
of them,see 53» 3— 10 J 54» ^5? 5^, 2—9; 60, 10; Cic. ad Att. 15, 2 § 3; 14, 21 § 4; 
Tac. Ann. i, 10; lul. Front. de limit. agr. ; Liv. Ep. 59, App. B. civ. 3, 96. 

^ c. 84 note. See Dio 55, 14 — 22; Tac. Ann. 4, 39 ; Sen. de Clem. i, 9. 

^^ c. 34, 36. ^ Cal. 33. ^ c. 28, cp. Cal. 16; Nero 10. 

•* cc. 28, 31, 42, 44, 53, cp. Ner. 4. 

** His grandmother lulia [c. 8] ; Octavia [Dio 54, 35], Agrippa [Dio 59, 28], 
Drusus [Suet. Claud. i ; Dio 55, 2}. 

«« Suet. Claud. i. 



and finally the index rerum gestarum, which constituted a kind 
of * apologia pro vita sua '•'. 

Next among Suetonius' sources we must reckon numerous 

public documents, the acta diurna which were pre- 

^aments served*^, senatus consulta et acta^, the plebiscita 

which bestowed honours on Augustus'^, as well as 

local records, as at Velitrae^. 

Thirdly, there were writings of various sorts by friends and 
r^ . . foes. Among the former it seems we must reckon 

offriends Maecenas and Agrippa, though it is uncertain 
^ P^^* whether the writings referred to were formal com- 
positions or mere letters^. Of his enemies there were speeches 
of M. Brutus^ ; letters of Sext. Pompeius^*, Marcus and 
Lucius Antonius'', Cassius of Parma'^ lunius Novatus^, be- 
sides popular pasquinades and epigrams^. 

Lastly there were some books giving a more or less con- 

secutive account of the life and times of Augustus'^. 

Suetonius does not frequently refer to them by 

name. He more often uses some vague phrase which might 

cover both written and oral testimony, such as alii (cc. 2 and 

\t\scribunt quidam,,.extiterunt qui traderent (c. 15), quidam 

ferunt,.,quidam exponunt,,,existunt qui ferant (c. g^\ ferunt 

(cc. 23, Ji\fertur (c. 33). A certain number however he does 

^ c. loi : Tac. Ann, i, 8; Dio 56, 33. 

^ Plin. N, H. 7, 60 in acHs temporum divi Augusti invenio &c. 

" cc. 5, 58, 65. ^® cc. 57—8. 71 c. I. 

"^ Plin. N, H, 7, 148 Philippensi praelio niorbidi fuga et triduo in palude ae- 
groti et (utfatentur Agrippa et Maecenas) aqua subter cutemfusa turgidi iatebra... 
Horace Odes 2, 12, ^ tuque pedestribus dices historiis proelia Caesaris^ MaecenaSt 
melius ductaque per vias regum colla minacium, Servius ad Verg. G. 2, 42 con- 
stat MaecencUem fuisse literarum peritum^ et plura composuisse carmina; nametiam 
Augusti Caesaris gesta descripsit^ quod testatur Horatius, Philargyrius ad Verg. 
Georg. 2, 162 Agrippa in secundo vitae suae dicity etc. See also Pliny N.H,g% 24 
pigeret referre ni res Maecenatis et Fabiani et Flavii Alfti multorumque esset literis 
mandata, None of these passages really prove that Maecenas, and much less that 
Agrippa, wrote on Augustus ; but Agrippa could hardly write his own life without 
giving many particulars of that of Augustus. Cf. Plin. N, H. '^^ 86. 

^ Tac. Ann. 4, 34. '4 g. 53. ^ cc. 2, 4, 7)^16, 63, 68, 69. 

7* c. 4. His letters are referred to by Pliny A^. .^. 31 § 11. 

"" c. 51. ^^ c. 70. 

^ Augustus disliked inferior writers undertaking to write of him, see c 89, cp. 
Hor. Od. r, 6, 10. 

THE SOURCES. xxxiii 

name. Among them perhaps the most important was Cre- 
mutius Cordus*^, who wrote a history of Augustus {irepl r&v 
t£ Avyovarqt TrpaxO^PTcop), and appears to have taken so un- 
favourable a view at any rate of the earlier part of his career, 
that his books were burnt or excluded from Rome during the 
reign of Tiberius. Aquilius Niger^, of whom nothing else is 
known, also attacked him, accusing him of causing the death of 
Hirtius. In like manner lunius Saturninus (equally unknown) 
assailed his conduct in the proscription®*. Among other 
writings M. Valerius Messala Corvinus (b. B.C. 64) composed 
a work on the civil wars after the death of lulius. He died 
about 9 years before Augustus, and as he deserted Antony 
for Augustus soon after Philippi, and was the mouthpiece of 
the Senate when ofTering the title ol pater patriae^ his account 
may be presumed to have been more favourable to Augustus**. 
Cornelius Nepos, one of the older generation like Messala, 
does not appear to have written a formal history of the time, 
but in his Chronka or de viris illustribus may have retailed 
some anecdotes of Augustus". lulius Marathus, who was his 
freedman and secretary, seems to have written some account 
of his personal appearance as well as of the prodigies that 
accompanied his birth®*. On this last subject anecdotes were 
also preserved by Asclepiades of Egypt and P. Nigidius 
Figulus", Pythagorean philosopher and mystic. This class 
of writer no doubt helped Suetonius in the composition of his 
94th chapter, but could not add materially to the chief parts 
of the work. That there was plentiful material, however, 
either in literature or tradition, is also shown by the number 
of anecdotes (about, 80) recorded of Augustus in Pliny's 
Natural History^. 

^ c. 35 p. 80 note. ^^ c. 11. ^^ c. 27. 

® cc. 54, 58, 74. He had been devoted to Cassius Tac. Ann. 4, 34; when 
put on the proscription list he had fled to Brutus [App. B, civ, 4, 38], and after 
Philippi made terms with Antony [ib. c. 136; 5, in — 3]. See also Dio 49, 16, 
38; 50, 10. His history is quoted by Plutarch Brut, cc. 40, 41, 43, 45. 

^ c. 77 p. 143 note. ^ cc. 79, 94. ^ p. 162 notes. 

^ It may be observed that Pliny is the only writer who records one important 
work of Augustus, the division for administrative purposes of Italy into eleven 
regiones [3 §§ 46—128]. They were I. Campania (including Latium south of the 
Anio). II. Apulia and Calabria including the Hirpini. III. Lucania and Bruttium. 


§ 4, The Text. 

The text of Suetonius, though not perfect, may be regarded 
as fairly satisfactory, and few great problems seem to arise, at 
any rate in the Augustus. The number of MSS. of the vitae 
Caesarutn is very great, the best of all being the Codex Memmi- 
anus (9th cent.) in the National Library at Paris, and the next 
the Florence Codex Mediceus (iith century). Roth holds 
it not proven that, as has been maintained, all later MSS. 
were derived from the Memmianus or from any one source ; 
though all MSS. have the same lacuna at the beginning of 
the lulius, and certainly the variations between such MSS. 
as have been collated are not large or important. I have 
collated the two in the Cambridge University Library of the 
I2th and i^th centuries respectively, and the general result of 
the inspection seems to be that the text had been thoroughly 
settled before the earlier date. The two texts (setting aside 
common blunders) are substantially the same, and offer little 
assistance in such difficulties as exist. I have noticed most 
variations of importance in the course of the notes. I append 
a few observations on special points. 

c. 7, p. 12, 1. 6. cubiculi Lares. The mss. have cubiculares 
(so both Camb. mss.). The correction is by Lipsius. 

c. 17, p. 38, 1. I. Cn. Domitium. I have admitted Cn, into 
the text in spite of all mss., which have T, as there seems no doubt 
whatever that the praenomen of Domitius was Gnaeus, 

c. 21, p. 48, 1. 2. Suebos [some mss. Suevos]. I feel that 
Suetonius ought to have written Ubios, but it is possible that he 
used Suebi in a loose and wide sense. 

IV. Samnium (embracing the Frentani, Marrucini, Marsi, Peligni, Aequiculi, 
Vestini, Sabini). V. Picenum. VI. Umbria (including the territory of the Senones). 
VII. Etruria. VIII. Gallia Cispadana. IX. Liguria to the Var. X. Venetia (in- 
cluding Cami, Istri, Cenomani). XI. Gallia Transpadana. The division seems 
to have taken into account both the natural features of the country and the dis- 
tribution of races : but though Suetonius is careful to note his divisions of the city 
and his pohce arrangements for the protection of the country (cc. 31, 32), it is only 
in a passing allusion to his visitation of them that he mentions the regiones of Italy 
(c. 46). 


c. 25, p. 55, 1. 5. Sicilia is evidently right for the Cilida of 
most Mss. The same error occurs in Livy Ep. 58. 

c. 30, p. 68, 1. 5. seBtertii. The later Camb. ms. has seBter- 
tiumj and it seems to me now more probable that in this and 
similar places the numeral sign HS has been wrongly transcribed with 
the singular case terminations of sesfertium, See also c 41, p. 91, 1. 7. 

^' 32} P* 75> 1* 7* vicenBimo [quinto]. The mss. have fricen- 
simo or tricessimo. See fragm. of the Lex Acilia (formerly called Lex 
Servilia)% 17, Bruns Fontes p. 59, C* L L. i, 49 — 54. It may be 
observed that 25 was also the minimum age for the lowest senatorial 
magistracies under Augustus, Dio 52, 20, Momms. Staatsr. p. 235. 

c. 40, p. 90, 1. 9. circove. This reading for circave^ adopted 
by Roth from a Paris ms. and several others, is also in the older 
Cambridge ms. 

c. 42, p. 93, 1. 12. poBt se. Both Cambridge mss. hsiveposse. 
„ „ 1. 13. posthac. Camb.\ Caxnb.' postAanc. 

c. 51, p. 109, 1. 6. sed violentius, an emendation of Pithoeus 
for seduio lentius. Camb.' sedulo violentius. 

c. 53, p. III, 1. 10. adoperta is the reading of the mss. but I 
have on the whole preferred Roth's adaperta. The point of the 
former would be that Augustus closed the curtains of his sedan to 
avoid giving or receiving trouble. 

c. 56, p. 114, 1. 3. in tribu. Erasmus for the mss. tribubus. 
The latter might be defended by translating * among the tribes,' i.e. 
in his tribe when the tribes were voting. Camb.^ has trib. 

c. 64, p. 124, 1. 7. notare. I have accepted this emendation 
of Lipsius with some doubt. For though writing in shorthand was 
taught boys in schools, swimming was also a conspicuous feature in 
early training, which Cato taught his son himself (Plut. Cat. 20); yet 
perhaps it would be too much for a valetudinarian, like Augustus, 
to do. 

c. 70, p. 133, 1. 3. istorum. Camb.^ iustum. 

c. 79, p. 147, 1. 3. et a memoria eius. This phrase does 
not seem to occur elsewhere. The mss. have etiam memoriam, 
Camb.* etiam in memoriam. 

c. 94, p. 164, 1. 13. in eiuB sinum signum rei publicae. 
Roth reads in eius sinum rempuhlicam. But Dio, who is translating 
from Suetonius, has ciKova rtva riys 'Pwfwys [45, 2], and it seems some- 
what forced to use respublica as = signum reipublicae. The Codex 
Memm. has in eius signum reipublicaey but sinum would be likely to 
drop out before a word so similar as signum. The two Camb. mss. 


have in eius sinum reipubiicaey thus by a parallel mistake dropping 
the other of the two similar words. The true reading is found in 
several mss. 

c. 98, p. 169, 1. II. mlBBilia. Roth marks a lacuna before this 
word. We might read rerumque omnium as in Ner, 11. But rerum 
may be defended perhaps as referring to the ornaments or furniture, 
as opposed to the eatables lying on the table. For diiipiendique 
Camb.^ has diripiendi 

[Madvig Advers, Crit (1872) pp. 374 sq. proposes the following 
emendations: c. 27, p. 58, 1. 4 persona, c. 32, p. 73, Lio grassa- 
turam. c. 35, p. 79, 1. 4 « deformi\ 1. 6 pretium iox praemium. c. 42, 
p. 93, 1. 12 restitutum iri. c. 43, p. 95, 1. 7 om. et before nonnun- 
quam. c. 65, p. 126, 1. 11 quoquam for quopiam. c. 86, p. 153, 1. 17 
Annius ac Veranius, c. 89, p. 157, L 2 alii dabat^ sed plane. Poe- 
matum etc. c. 91, p. 159, IL 5 — 6 dedicata..Medes,..frequentaretur, 
Cp. Dio 54, 4.] 

OF THE Principal Events during the Life of 












M. Tullius Cicero, C An* 

D.IuniusSilanus, L. Licinius 

M. Pupius Piso Calpumia- 
nus, M. Messala Niger. 

L. Aifranius, Q. Caecilius 
Metellus Celer. 

C. lulius Caesar, M. Cal- 
pumius Bibulus 

L. Calpurnius Piso Caeso- 
ninus, A. Gabinius. 

P. Comelius Lentulus Spin- 
ther, Q. Caecilius Metellus 

Cn. Comelius Lentulus 
Marcellinus, L. Marcius 

Cn. Pompeius Magnus II., 
M. Licinius Crassus II. 

Principal Events 

Birth of Augustus at Rome ix. Kal, OcU (23 
Sept.) c. 6. Execution of the Catilinarian 
conspirators N<m, Dec, (13 Dec.). Capture 
of Jerusalem by Pompey in December. Birth 
of M. Vipsanius Agrippa. 

C. lulius Caesar praetor. Fall of Catiline in 
the winter. Retum of Pompey to Italy from 
the East. 

Triumph of Pompey. lulius goes to Spain as 

Auer victories in Spain lulius returns to Rome 
to stand for the Consulship. Formation of 
the so-called triumvirate — Pompey, Caesar 
and Crassus. 

Contests between Caesar and the Optimates 
headed by Bibulus. Caesar carries his 
agrarian laws and the Ux dt repetundis, 
Death of C. Octavius, father of Augustus, 
c. 8. Clodius becomes Tribune on 10 De- 
cember. Birth of Livy. 

Clodius carries a law punishing those who had 
put citizens to deaUi without trial. Cicero 
goes into exile (April). lulius Caesar in 
Gaul conquers the Helvetii and the German 
Ariovistus. Clodius quarrels with Pompey. 
Birth of Propertius. 

lulius conquers the Belgae. Cicero returns 
from exile (September). Vom^ey prae^ectus 
annonae for nve years* Birth of Livia (27 

Campaign of lulius in Armorica. Clodius, 
aedile, still attacks Pompey. Conference at 
Lucca and renewal of the agreement be- 
tween Pompey, Caesar, and Crassus. 

lulius defeats the Germans on the Meuse and 
crosses the Rhine, and first goes to Britain. 
Pompey marries lulia, daughter of lulius 
Caesar. Death of the poet Lucretius. 













L. Domitius Ahenobarbus, 
Ap. Claudius Pulcher. 

Cn. Domitius Calvinus, M. 
Valerius Messala. 

Cn. Pompeius Magnus III., 
solus : ex Kal. Sexiil., Q. 
Caecilius Metellus Pius 

Ser. Sulpicius Rufus, M. 
Claudius Marcellus. 

L. Aemilius Paulus, C. 
Claudius Marcellus. 

C. Claudius Marcellus, L. 
Cornelius Lentulus Crus. 
Dict, s. eq, m, comit. hdb. 
et fer. Lai. c. , C, lulius 

C. lulius Caesar II., P. Ser- 
vilius Vatia Isauricus. 

Dictator r. p. c, c. , C lulius 
Caesar. Mag. d/., M. An- 
tonius. Q. Fufius Calenus, 
cos., P. Vatinius, cos. 

Principal Events 

lulius Caesar goes to Britain a second time. 
Rebellion of Ambiorix in Gaul. Crassus 
marches against the Parthians. Death of 
lulia in childbirth. Pompey pro-consul of 
Spain, which he govems by three legates, 
staying at home himself. 

lulius Caesar subdues the Nervii. At Rome 
frequent riots between the followers of Clo- 
dius and Milo prevent the Consular elections. 
Crassus defeated and killed at Carrhae by 
the Parthians. 

Murder of Clodius by Milo (20 Jan.). More 
riots preventing election of consul till 25 Fe- 
bruary. Pompey carries a law preventing 
consuls taking a provmce till 5 years after 
consulship, and renewing the rule that a 
candidate for consulship must come person- 
ally to Rome. Milo condemned de tn. 
Campaign of lulius against Vercingetorix. 

Final reduction of Gaul by lulius Caesar. 
He is deprived of two legions for the Par- 
thian war under Bibulus. Parthians defeated 
by C. Cassius. Proposals to give Caesar a suc- 
cessor in Gaul. Death of lulia, grandmother 
of Augustus, who speaks her funeral oration 
in his i2th year, c. 8. Pompey^s command 
in Spain extended to a second period of 5 
years. Cicero govemor of Cilicia. 

Illness of Pompey. Farther attempts to recall 
lulius Caesar. Curio (tribune) vetoes the 
proposal to name a day for lulius to give up 
his province, and on the loth Dec. joins 
Caesar at Ravenna. 

Caesar sends an ultimatum to the Senate, — 
he wiil surrender his province and army if 
Pompey will do the same. Expulsion of the 
tribunes Antony and Cassius from the Se- 
nate. Caesar crosses the Rubicon (Jan.) and 
advances towards Bmndisium. Pompey col- 
lects his forces at Bmndisium and thence 
crosses to Greece (March). Siege of Mar- 
seilles. Defeat of the Pompeian legates at 
Ilerda in Spain (August). 

Defeat of Pompey at Pharsalus (9 August= 
29 June). Pompey murdered in Egypt. 
Octavius (Augustus) assumes the toga virilis 
(18 Oct.), and is elected into the college of 
pontifices in the room of Domitius Aheno- 
barbus. He acts as praefectus urbi during 
the feriae Latinae [Nic. Dam. 7]. Caesar 
engaged in the Alexandrine war. 

Condusion of the Alexandrine war (28 March 
= January). Defeat of Pharnaces of Pontus 
and retum of Caesar (as Dictator) to Rome 
(Septem. = July). Thence goes to Africa to 
attack Cato and the remains of the Pom- 
peians. Octavius (Augustus) prevented by 
his mother owing to weak health from ac- 
companying him [Nic. Dam. 6]. 












Principal Events 

C. lulios Caesar III., M. 
Aemilius Lepidus. 

Dictator r,p. c, c.^ C. lulius 

Caesar III. Mag, eq,y M. 

Aemilius Lepidus. 
C. lulius Caesar IV. cos, 

sine coUega. 
Q. Fabius Maximus ntori.f 

C. Caninius Rebilus, C. 

Dictatorr./. £er.c,,C, lulius 

Caesar IV. Afag. eg,, M. 

AemiliusLepidusI I . Mag. 

eq.f C. Octavius. Mag. 

eq.i Cn. Domitius Calvinus 

non iniit, 
C. lulius Caesar V. cos, occ, 

est, M. Antonius. 
P. Comelius Dolabella. 

C. Vibius Pansa ntort, est, 

A. Hirtius occis. est, 
C. lulius Caesar Octavianus 

c^d,y C. Carrinas, Q. Pe- 

dius mort, est, V, Venti- 

Ill.viri reip. constituendcu, 

M. Aemilius Lepidus, M. 

Antonius, C. lulius Caesar 


L. Munatius Plancus, M. 
Aemilius Lepidus II. 

L. Antonius Pietas, P. Sul- 

Cn. Domitius Calvinus II. 

abd,, C. Asinius Pollio. 
L. Cornelius Balbus. 
P. Canidius Crassus. 

L. Marcius Censorinus, C. 
Calvisius Sabinus. 

Battle of Thapsus (7 April), and suicide of 
Cato at Utica. Reformation of the Calendar 
by insertion of 90 days. The youne Octavius 
in high favour with lulius, wnich he uses to 
obtain pardon for the brother of his friend 
Agrippa [Nic. Dam. 7]. Caesar's triple 
triumph over Gaul, Egypt, Pontus. Octavius 
takes part in it. Caesar (Dictator for 10 
years) goes to Spain in December. 

War witn Gnaeus and Sextus Pompeius in 
Spain. Battle of Munda (17 March). Oc- 
tavius, left behind from sickness, joins Caesar 
soon after the battle of Munda, with him 
visits Carthage [Nic. Dam. 11], and retums 
to Rome in September. lulius appointed per- 
petual Dictator with right of being consul for 
10 years. Octavius treated as his uncle's heir. 

Murder of lulius (14 March). Octavius, who 
was at ApoUonia in Epirus, retumed at once 
to Italy (April). By will of lulius he is 
adopted as his son and made heir to three- 
fourths of his estate. He accepts the inherit- 
ance and is henceforth known as G. IvliiiB 
Caesar Octavianiu. When his relations with 
Antony became strained he enrolled a legion 
of veterans, and was joined by two other le- 
gions which Antony had brought over from 
Macedonia. With these he marches to Mu- 
tina where Antony was besi^ing Dec. Bratus 
(December). The Senate votes him authority 
(i) 2&pro prcutore, and (2) 2&pro consule, 

Battle at Fomm Gallomm near Mutina (15 
April). The consul Pansa is mortaily 
wounded, Hirtius being killed next day in 
assaulting Antony^s camp. Antony retreats 
to GauI,foIIowed byDec. Bmtus. Octavian 
comes to Rome and is elected consul (Au- 
gust). The lex Pedia for trial of assassins 
of lulius. Octavian makes terms with An- 
tony and Lepidus, and the Triumvirate is 
arranged. This followed by the proscriptions. 
Birth of Ovid (20 March). 

War with Sext. Pompeius, and with Bmtus 
and Cassius. Battles at Philippi (Oct. — 
Nov.). Death of Brutus and Cassms. Fresh 
arrangement for dividing the care of the 
Empire between the triumvirs. Antony goes 
to Asia, and thence to Egypt with Cleopatra. 
Birth of Tiberius (16 November). 

Quarrel between Caesar and L. Antonius and 
Fulvia. Siege of Pemsia. 

Fall of Pemsia. M. Antonius and Aheno- 
barbus harass the coasts of S. Italy. Caesar 
marries Scribonia. Peace of Bmndusium 
between Caesar and Antony. Marriage of 
Antony and Octavia. Ovation. 

Peace of Misenum with Sext. Pompeius. An- 
tony goes to the East against the Parthians. 
Birth of lulia and divorce of Scribonia. 






Principal Events 







Ap. Claudius Pulcher, C. 
Norbanus Flaccus. 

IILviri reip. coftsHtuendaet 
M. Aemilius Lepidus II., 
M. Antonius II., C. lulius 
Caesar Octavianus II. 

M. Agrippa cos», L. Cani* 
nius Gallus cos. abd. T. 
Statilius Taurus. 

L. Gellius Poplicola abd.y 
M. Cocceius Nerva cd}d, 

L. Munatius Plancus II., P. 
Sulpicius Quirinus. 

L. Comificius, Sex. Pom- 

L. Scribonius Libo, M. An- 

tonius, abd. 
L. Sempronius Atratinus. 
Ex KaL luL Paul. Aemilius 

Lepidus, C. Memmius. 
Ex KaL Nov. M. Herennius 


Imp. Caesar Augustus II. 

abd.y L. Volcatius Tullus. 
P. Autronius Paetus. 
Ex Kal. Mai C. Flavius. 
Ex Kal. lul. C. Fonteius 

Capito, M\ Acilius Aviola. 
Ex Kal. Sept. L. Vinucius. 
Ex Kal. Oct. L. Laronius. 
Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus, 

C. Sosius. 
Ex Kal. Itd. L. Comelius. 
Ex Kal. Nov. N. Valerius. 

Caesar marries Livia. Birth of Drusus. Sext. 
Pompeius renews his depredations on Italy. 
Two indecisive sea-battles off (i) Cumae, 
(2) Rhegium. Disasters to Caesar^s fleet off 
the ScyUaean promontory [Dio 48, 46 — 8]. 
Victory of Ventidius over the Parthians 
[Dio 49, 19 — 26]. Sosius conquers the Jews 
and takes Jerusalem. First period of the 
Triumvirate expires (31 December). 

Caesar causes a new fleet to be built under the 
direction of Agrippa (recalled from Gaul), 
who also constmcts the portus luHus be- 
tween Misenum and Puteoli. Antony comes 
to Tarentum and agrees with Caesar for a 
5 years* renewal of the Triumvirate. 

Renewed war with Sextus Pompeius, battles off 
Mylae. Caesar*s expedition to Tauromenium : 
his danger : final defeat of Pompeius at Mylae 
and flight to Asia. Treason of Lepidus and 
hisdepositionfrom theTriumvirate. Anovatio 
voted to Caesar and Tribunician privileges 
[Dio 49, 15]. Disasters of Antony in the 
Parthian war. Statilius Taums secures Africa 
for Caesar, and Norbanus Flaccus Spain. 
A residence assigned to Caesar on the 
Palatine. O^^ation. 

Murder of Sext. Pompeius in Phrygia. Caesar 
goes on an expedition against the IUyrians 
and Pannonians, c. 20. 

Caesar conquers the Dalmatians. Messala sub- 
dues the Salassi (Val d* Aosta). Antony in- 
vades Armenia and captures king Artavas- 
des treacherously. Caesar receives a wound 
in the course of the Illyrian expedition, c. 20. 
Special honours voted to Octavia and Livia. 
Triumphs of T. Statilius Tauras ex Africa\ 
of C. Sosius ex Iudaea\ of C. Norbanus 
Flaccus ex Hispania. Death of Sallust. 

Agrippa as aedile reforms the water supply in 
Rome and restores the aqueducts. Fraitless 
expedition of Antony up to the Araxos. 
The Parthians conquer Media and Armenia. 
Antony retums to Greece kirX r^ rov KaUrapos 
vo\ifi(fi [Dio 49, 44]. Caesar and the Senate 
create new patricians. Mauretania made a 
province on death of k. Bocchus. 

Breach between Caesar and Antony becomes 
complete, c 17. Antony divorces Octavia. 
Caesar makes known the contents of An- 
tony's will. War proclaimed nominally 
against Cleopatra. Dio [50, 6] gives the two 
sides. For Caesar were Italy, Gaul, Spain, 
Roman Africa, Sardinia, Sicily and other 
islands on the coasts of these : for Antony 
the provinces and client states of Asia and 
Thrace, Greece, Macedonia, Egjrpt, Cyrene 
and islands adjoining, and nearly all kings 
and dynasts in the vicinity of these places. 














Principal Evbnts 

Imp. Caesar Augustus III., 

M. Valerius Messala Cor- 

Ex KaL Mai. M. Titius. 
Ex Kal. Oct. Cn. Pompeius. 
Imp. Caesar Augustus IV., 

M. Licinius Crassus. 
Ex Kal. lul. C. Antistius 

Ex Jd. Sept. M. TuUius 

Ex Kal. Nofv. L. Saenius. 

Imp. Caesar Augustus V., 

Sex. Appuleius. 
Ex Kal Iid. Potitus Vale- 

rius Messala. 
Ex Kal. Nffv. C. Fumius, 

C Cluvius. 
Imp. Caesar Augustus VI., 

M. Agrippa II. 

Imp. Caesar Augustus VII., 
M. Agrippa III. 

Imp. Caesar Augustus VI II ., 
T. Statilius Taurus II. 

Imp. Caesar Augustus IX., 
M. lunius Silanus. . 

Imp. Caesar Augustus X., 
C. Norbanus Flaccus. 

Imp. Caesar Augustus XI. 

aJbd.y A. Terentius Varro 

Murena mort. est. 
L. Sestius, Cn. Calpumius 


Defeat of Antony and Cleopatra at Actium, 
2nd September. Caesar becomes supreme 
in the State [Dio 51,1 rbre vpQrov 6 Kcucap 
rb Kpdros vcuf fi&¥OS iirx^l 

Defeat of Antony in Egypt. He and Cleo- 
patra commit suicide (August). Egypt be- 
comes a province with special conditions. 
Comelius Gallus appointed first praefect. 
The Senate vote to Caesar (i) Tribunicia 
potestas for life, outside as well as inside the 
pomoerium, (2) a casting vote in all iudiciay 
(3) special mention in all public prayers, and 
private libations. The Georgics of Vergil. 

Caesar^s three triumphs, ex lUyricoy ex Actiaca 
victoria^ de Cleopatra. The temple of lanus 
closed. First reform of the Senate. 

Marriage of Agrippa with Marcella, the niece 
of Caesar. The consuls hold a census and 
Caesar is entered as princeps Senatus. 
Temple of Apollo on the Palatine conse- 
cratexl. Two prcutorii put at the head of 
the treasury. Restoration of temples is 

The proposal of Caesar to restore the Republic 
rejected by the Senate, c. 28. Division of the 
provinces into Senatorial and Imperial for 
10 years [Dio 53, 11 — 13]. Caesar receives 
the title of AuGUSTUS, 13 Jan. [Ov. F. i, 
587] — ira/»d T^f povXrjs koX Trapd tov ^inxov 
[Dio 53, 16]. The Principatus. olhfa t6 tc 
ToD ir^fiov Kod t6 yepovolas KpdTos vay is Tbv 
KHyovCTov fieT^OTTi koX dr' aiVroO xal dKpi^ifs 
/ioi/apxfa icar^onj [Dio 53, 17]. Tiberius as- 
sumes the tog^a mrilis. Augustus goes to 
Gaul and Spain. 

Death of Cornelius Gallus. Augustus engaged 
in the Cantabrian war. Sext. Appuleius* 
triumphs ex Hisp. 

Expedition of Terentius Varro against the 
Salassi. Foundation of Augusta Emerita in 
Spain. Galatia made a Roman province, 
but Mauritania restored to luba. Uonstmc- 
tion of the Triumphal Arch at Turbia voted 
[Dio 53, 25; Pliny, N H. 3, § 136]. See 
under year B.c. 6. Second closing of the 
temple of lanus. 

Augustus retums from Spain. Honours voted 
to the young Marcellus. Renewed rebellion 
of the Cantabri. Expedition of Aelius Gallus 
into Arabia. 

Dangerous illness of Augustus, c. 28. Agrippa 
(made govemor of Syria) retires to Lesbos. 
Important constitutional changes. Augustus 
abdicates the consulship and receives tribu- 
nicia potestas for life, see under anno 27; 














M. Claudius Marcellus Ae- 
seminus, L. Arruntius. 


L. Munatius Plancus. 
Paul. Aemilius Lepidus. 

M. Lollius, Q. Aemilius Le- 

M. Appuleius, P. Silius 

C. Sentius Satuminus, Q. 

Lucretius Vespillo. 
Ex KaL luL M. Vinucius. 

P. Coraelius Lentulus Mar- 
celUnus, Cn. Comelius 

C. Furnius, C. lunius Sila- 

L. Domitius Ahenobarbus, 
P. Comelius Scipio. 

Ex KaL lul, L. Tarius Ru- 

M. Livius Drusus Libo, L. 

Calpumius Piso. 
M. Licinius Crassus, Cn. 

Comelius Lentulus Augur. 
Tib. Claudius Nero, P. 

Quinctilius Varus. 


zsA frocomulart imfertum^ both inside and 
outside the pomoenum, superior {maius) to 
that of any govemor in any province. From 
this year the years of his tridunicia potestas 
are henceforth reckoned, beginning v. Kal. 
lul, (27 June), Dio 53, 31. Death of the 
young Marcellus. Return of the standards 
from Parthia agreed upon. 

Conspiracy and death of Murena, c. 19. Some 
changes in the arrangement of the Imperial 
and Senatorial provinces, Cypras and Gallia 
Narbonensis become Senatorial. Outbreak 
among the Cantabri. Gaius Petronius 
repulses the Aethiopian invaders of Egypt. 
Augustus goes to Sicily on his way to 
the East. Disturbances at the consular 

Agrippa, recalled to Rome, marries lulia, 
daughter of Augustus. Augustus retums to 
Sicily and thence goes to Greece, and win- 
ters at Samos. 

The standards and prisoners are retumed from 
Parthia. Birth of Gaius Caesar, son of lulia 
and Agrippa. Augustus regulates the afiairs 
of the East [Dio 54, 9]. He again winters 
at Samos. Mission of Tiberius to Ar- 

Agrippa finally subdues the Cantabri. Au- 
gustus retums to Rome (12 Oct.). Tiberius 
granted praetorian rank. Augustus ap- 
pointed pra^fectus moribus with censonal 
powers for 5 years [Dio 54, 10]. Consular 
rank for life and the perpetual power of 
proposing laws also voted to him. Death 
of Vergil. 

Second reform of the Senate. The lex de 
maritandis ordinibus, First renewal of the 
Principatus [two periods of five years, Dio 
53» 16; 54, 12]. 

The ludi saeculares held. Birth of Lucius 
Caesar, son of Agrippa and lulia. Augustus 
adopts him and his elder brother Gaius. 

Agrippa again sent to Syria. Statilius Tauras 
made praefectus tirbi, Disturbances in the 
Alpine regions, in Pannonia, Dalmatia, 
Macedonia and Thrace. Augustus spent 
this and the next year in or near GauL 
M. Lollius defeated by the Sigambri and 
Usipetes, c. 23. 

Augustus still in Gaul. Tiberius and Drasus 
subdue the Rhaeti. 

The temple of lanus again closed. 

Augustus retums to Rome from Gaul and 
Agrippa from Asia. Drasus in Germany. 
Opening of the theatrum Marcelli, Third 
reform of the Senate. Agrippa sent in the 
winter against the Pannonians. Death of 






Principal Events 







M. Valerius Messala Barba- 
tus mort. est, P. Sulpicius 
Quirinus abd. 

C. Valgius Rufus abd.t C 
Caninius Rebilus mort. estt 
L. Volusius Saturninus. 

Q. Aelius Tubero, Paul. Fa- 
bius Maximus. 



lulus Antoninus, Q. Fabius 
Maximus Africanus. 

Nero Claudius Drusus Ger- 
manicus mort. est^ T. 
Quinctius Crispinus. 

C. Marcius Censorkius, C. 
Asinius Gallus. 

Ti. Claudius Nero II., Cn. 
Calpumius Piso. 

D. Laelius Balbus, C. An- 
tistius Vetus. 

Imp. Caesar Augustus XII., 
L. Comelius SuUa. 

C. Calvisius Sabinus, L. 

Passienus Rutus. 
L. Comelius Lentulus, M. 

Valerius Messalinus. 
Imp. Caesar Augu^us XIII. 

abd.y M. PWicius Silva- 

nus abd. 
Q. Fabricius, L. Caninius 

Cossus Comelius Lentulus, 

L. Calpumius Piso. 

C. Caesar, L. Aemilius 

P. Vincius, P. Alfenius 

Ex Kal. lul. P. Come- 

lius Lentulus Scipio, T. 

Quinctius Crispinus Vale- 


Agrippa dies in Marcb. Augustus becomes 
Pontifex Maximus (6 March); and is ap- 
pointed praefectus moribus for another 5 

Campaign of Drasus in Germany and of 
Tiberius in Dalmatia. Death ot Octavia, 
0. 61. Fourtb reform of the Senate. Closing 
of the temple of lanus prevented by the 
Daci crossing the Danube. They are de- 
feated by Tiberius in this and the next year. 

Augustus resides most of this year at Lug< 
dunum. Birth of Claudius (afterwards 
Emperor) at Lugdunum, son of Drusus and 
Antonia, niece of Augustus. 

Drusus attacks the Chatti and Suevi. He dies 
from an accident. Farther reforms in the 
Senate [Dio 55, 3]. 

Augustus retums to Rome and again takes the 
government of the provinces for 10 years 
[Dio 55, 5]. Tiberius crosses the Rhine to 
attack the rebellious Sigambri. The various 
tribes submit. Death of Horace and Mae- 
cenas. The name of the month Sextilis 
changed to August. Augustus holds a 
census. Third period of the Principatus. 

Triumph of Tibenus (i Jan.). Renewed dis- 
turbances in Germany recall him thither. 
Rome divided into 14 regiones. Tiberius 
receives the Tribunician power for 5 years. 

Gaius Caesar consul designate for the sixth 
year after this (i.e. a whole quinquennium is 
to intervene). Tiberius retires to Rhodes for 
7 years. 

Gaius Caesar takes the toga virilis, c. 26. 
Death of Tiro, the freedman of Cicero and 
editor of his letters. (?The Nativity of 

Death of Herod. 

Birth of Galba (afterwards Emperor). Alarms 

in Parthia and Germany. 
L. Caesar takes the toga Tfirilis, Augustus 

receives the title oi pater patriae^ 0. 68. lulia 

divorced by Tiberius (in B.C. 11) and ban- 

ished by her father, e. 60. 

C. Caesar sent to the East to prevent the 
Parthian invasion of Armenia. 

A dangerous rising in Germany against M. 

Tiberius retums to Rome from Rhodes. Death 
of Lucius Caesar at Massilia (August). C. 
Caesar meets Phraates on the Euphrates, at 
which meeting Velleius Paterculus was 
present [2, loi]. The house of Augustus 
on the Palatine burnt. 











L. Aelius Lamia, M. Ser< 

Ex Kal, luL P. Silius, L. 

Volusius Saturninus. 
Sext. Aelius Catus, C Sen- 

tius Satuminus. 
Ex KaL lul, C. Clodius Li- 

cinus, Cn. Sentius Satur- 


L. Valerius Messala Volesus, 

Cn. Cornelius Cinna Mag- 

Ex Kal. lul, C. Atdus Ca- 

pito, C. Vibius Postumus. 
M. Aemilius Lepidus, L. 

Aruntius alni» 
L. Nonius Asprenas. 

A. Licinius Nerva Silianus, 

Q.Caecilius Metellus Cre- 

M. Furius Camillus, Sex. 

Nonius Quinctilianus. 
Ex Kal, luL L. Apronius, 

A. Vibius Habitus. 
C. Poppaeus Sabinus, Q. 

Sulpicius Camerinus. 
Ex KcU, lul M. Papius Mu- 

tilus, Q. Poppaeus Secun- 


P. Comelius Dolabella, C. 

lunius Silanus. 
Ex KaL luL Ser. Cornelius 


M. Aemilius Lepidus, T. 

Statilius Taums. 
Ex KaL luL L. Cassius 

Germanicus Caesar, C. Fon- 

teius Capito. 
Ex Kal. luL C. Visellius 

C. Silius, L. Munatius Plan- 

Sex. Pompeius, Sex. Ap- 


Principal Events 

Fourth period oi principahts [Dio 55, 12]. 

Death of Gaius Caesar at Zim^n^a in Lycia 
(23 Feb.). Tiberius and Agrippa Postumus 
adopted by Augustus (27 June). Tiberius 
receives trib, pot, for 10 years and goes to 
Germany, the campaign lastingtill December. 
Treason of Gnaeus Comelius. 

Second campaign of Tiberius in Germany. A 
severe famine in Rome. 

Third campaign of Tiberius in Germany. Re- 
volt in Pannonia and Dalmatia. The aera- 
riunt militare established. Dedication of the 
arch at Turbia^ commemorating the pacifica- 
tion of the Alpine tribes. 

Germanicus (son of Drusus) sent to Pannonia. 
Tiberius undertakes the lUyrian war (a.d. 

The Pannonians submit, but there is still 

fighting in Dalmatia. 

Tiberius visits Rome, but has to return to 
Dalmatia, and the whole of Illyricum is 
subdued. Defeat and death of Vams, c. 23 
[Dio 56, 18 — 24; Vell. 2, 117 — 120]. Birth 
of Vespasian (aflerwards Emperor). Exile 
of Ovid and of the younger lulia. 

Tiberius goes to Germany to restore discipline 
and to make preparations for crossing the 
Rhine. Augustus makes great exertions to 
enrol fresh l^ons [Suet. Tib, 1 8 ; Dio 56, 

Tiberius and Germanicus cross the Rhine, but 

advance a very short distance and fight no 

battle. The Rhine remains the limit of the 

Roman empire. 

Tiberius celebrates a triumph ex Pannoniis 

Dalmaiisque, Birth of Caligula at Tr^ves (?) 

(31 Aug.), Suet. CaL 8. 

The principatus renewed a fifth time for 10 

Augustus with Tiberius as colleague holds a 

census, cc. 27, 97, Tib, 2 1 . Death of Augustus 

(19 August). 




Gentem Octaviam Velitris praecipuam olim fuisse,^multa 1 
declarant. Nam et vicus celeberrima parte oppidi 
lam pridem Octavius vocabatur et ostendebatur ara ^^^" 
Octavio consecrata, qui bello dux finitimo, cum 
forte Marti rem divinam faceret, nuntiata repente hostis 

1. Velitrls. It seems doubtful whe- 
ther Velitrae was originally a Latin or 
Volscian town. It long maintained in- 
dependence of Rome. Twice at least 
(b.c. 492 and 404) it was occupied by 
Roman coloni. Yet the original in- 
babitants absorbed or overcame these 
coloni and maintained the traditional 
hostility to Rome. At the end of the 
Latin War (B.c. 340 — 338) its senators 
were removed beyond the Tiber, its 
walls dismantled, and new settlers were 
sent to occupy the lands of the banished 
senators. Still it retained a form of 
municipal government [Livy 8, 14] 
and snared in the Roman civitas 
under the Lex lulia of B.c. 90. The 
members of the gms Octavia however 
who were settled there were already 
Roman citizens. 

praecipnam, 'distinguished.' Tac. 
A, 12, 40 praecipuus scieniia rei tnili- 


iaris, As applied to living persons in 
this sense it seems chiefly prae-classical 
and of the silver age. 

oeXeberrlma, *mostfrequented.' Cato 
^. ^. I § 3 recommends that there 
should be near the farm a ina bona celt- 
brisque; cp. infr. c. 44 ludi celeberrimi, 
oppldi as opposed to urbs (Rome), cp. 
Tib. 11; Otho I, though the two words 
are often interchanged. 

ara Octaylo conseorata, *an altar 
consecrated by an Octavius* ; cf. lul, 20 
campum Stellatem maioribus consecra- 
tum... divisit, Some howe ver explain it 
as dative *dedicated to/ i.e. for the 
use of Octavius and his family. The 
builder of such an altar consecrated it 
to the use of himself and his family, see 
for instance Willmanns' ExempL Inscr, 

2514 C • CLODIVS • C • L • EVPHE- 



incursione, semicruda exta rapta foco prosecuit, atque ita 
proelium ingressus victor redit. Decretum etiam publicum 
exstabat, quo cavebatur ut in posterum quoque simili modo 
exta Marti redderentur, reliquiaeque ad Octavios referrentur. 
2 Ea gens a Tarquinio Prisco rege inter minores genfts adlecta s 
in senatum, mox a Servio TulHo in patricias traducta, pro- 
cedente tempore ad plebem se contulit, ac rursus magno 


Such an altar served at once as a ren- 
dezvous of the family and a memorial 
of some great event. Thus the exsecrata 
columna [Cic. i PhU, § 5] set up by the 
pseudo-Marius where Caesar*s body was 
bumt is called by Dio Cassius a /3(i)/i6$ 
[44, 51] and an ara by Brutus [ad fam, 
1 2y 2]. Even when such memorials in the 
streets took the form of statues, incense 
was offered on them as altars. Cicero de 
Off» 3, § 80 (of Marius Gratidianus) et 
ea rest si quaeris^ ei magno honorifuit. 
Omnibus vicis statuae^ ad eas tus^ cerei. 

proseciilt is a ritual word, and was 
applied to formal cutting or slicing of 
the entrails, as inseco to the flesh, in 
preparation for the altar. Cato R. R. 
134 uH exta prosecta erunt^ lano struem 
ommoveto mctctatoque item uti prius 
obmoveris. Varro L. L. 1 10 insicia ab 
eo quod insecta caro^ ut in carmine Sali- 
orum est^ quod in extis dicitur nunc 
prosectum. Livy 5, 21 vocem haruspicis 
dicentis * qui eius hostiae exta prosecuisset 
ei victoriam darV exauditam. See also 
Lucan 6, 709 ; Ovid F. 6, 163. 

redderentur is also a ritual word 
applied to the action of placing the exta 
on the altar. Carmen Arv. C. I, L. 28 
deinde reversus ad aram extas reddidit. 
Vergil G. 2, 194 lancibus et pandis 
fumantia reddimus exta. Stat. Theb. 4, 
466 semineces fibras et cuihuc spirantia 
reddit viscera. This was also expressed 
by exta porricere. 

rellqTilae...referrentTir, that is, the 
parts not bumt were to be taken to the 
nouse 6f the Octavii. Cp. Plaut. Poen. 
2, 43 age eamus intro, dum exta refe- 
runtur. Ovid Met. 12, 153 cuius ut 
imposuit prosecta calentibus aris...sacra 
tulere suam^ pars est data cetera mensis. 

2. eag:en8...8enatiim. The addition 
of 100 to the Senate by Tarquinius Pris- 
cus is recorded by Livy i, 35 ; Diony- 
sius 3, 67. Cicero \de Re P. 2, 20] 

says that he doubled the number. The 
gentes from whom they were taken were 
called gentes mingres. The process was 
called adlectio [Suet. lul. 80, irpoaKaTa- 
X^civ Plut. Rom. 20], or sublectio [Livy 
ep. 70; Tac. Ann. 11, 25]. But neither 
of this nor of the subsequent traductio by 
Servius Tullius have we any knowledge. 
It seems to have been a later invention. 
The Octavii known to us in Livy [28, 36 ; 
«9» 13. 36; .SO, 2, 24, 36; 31, 3, 11; 
34. 451 35. «5; 36» 16] are a Plebeian 
gens, of which the first to hold curule 
office was Cn. Octavius, praetor in 205. 
For the term traductio see Cicero pro 
Sest. § 15 traductio ad piebemfuribundi 
hominis; ad Att. 2t g hic Hierosoly- 
marius traductor adplebem. 

per Divum luUimi. . .redlt. The ele- 
vation of Octavius to the patriciate seems 
to have taken place soon after the battle 
of Pharsalus (August B.C. 48). On the 
i8th of October following [C. /. L. 10, 
8375] Octavius took the toga virilis^ and 
in describing the ceremony Dio [45, 2] 
says ^^ oJJj' ro^(av 6 l^aurap fiAyaXa iir^ 
a&r^iireXvUras (stc roifs e^arpldasaMp 
iffijyaye koI hrl t^ i-pxh^ ^ffKCi. At the 
same time he was elected into the college 
of Pontifices in the place of Ahenobar- 
bus, who had fallen in the battle [Nicolas 
Dam. 4]. But as Caesar did not retum 
to Rome till the autumn of 47, the actual 
traductio may not have taken place till 
later; perhaps in 46 or 45, when in 
virtue of a lex Cassia [Tac. Ann. 1 1, 25] 
Caesar endeavoured to recruit the di- 
minishing patrician gentes, which had 
sunk to fourteen or fifteen, by new 
creations, Dio 43, 47 iroXXods bh Koi 
is Toi>s e^arpldas robs re {nraTCVK&ras 
7J Kal &PXW "*'« Ap^opras lyKar^e^cv. 
For this new class of nobility see 
Mommsen R. H. 4 p. 475. Augustus 
continued the practice,— /a/nrtV>r»»i 
numerum auxi consul quintum (b.c. 29) 
iussu populi et senatus^ M. A. i, 8, cp. 
Dio 52, 42; Tacitus l.c. Subsequent 
emperors did it on their own authority. 





intervallo per Divum lulium in patriciatum redit. Primus 
ex hac magistratum populi suffragio cepit C Rufus. Is 
quaestorius CN. et C. procreavit, a quibus duplex Octaviorum 
familia defluxit conditione diversa. Siquidem Gnaeus et 
5 deinceps ab eo reliqui omnes functi sunt honoribus summis. 
At Gaius eiusque posteri, seu fortuna seu voluntate, in 
equestri ordine constiterunt usque ad Augusti patrem. Pro- 
avus Augusti secundo Punico bello stipendia in Sicilia tribunns 
militum fecit Aemilio Papo imperatore. Avus municipalibus 

prlmiui «X bac. Thestemmareferredtoisasfollows: 

C. Octavius Rufiis 
Quaestor B.c. 230 

Cn. Octavius 
Praetor B.c. 205 

Cn. Octavius 
Cos. B.c. 165 

Cn. Octavius 
Cos. B.c. 126 

M. Octavius 
Tr. Pl. 133 

Cn. Octavius 
Cos, B.c. 87 

L. Octavius 
Cos. B.c. 75 

M. Octavius 
Tr. Pl. (after B.c. 120) 
Cn. Octavius 

Cos. B.c. 76 

M. Octavius 
Aedile b.c. 50 

C. Octavius 

C. Octavius 
Trib. Mil. 205 

C. Octavius 

Atia= C. Octavius = i Ancharia 
Praetor b.c. 61 | 

Octavia the elder 

ob. B.C. II 

C. Octavius 
ob. A.D. 14 

stlpendla in SloUia. L. Aemilius 
Papus was Praetor in 205, and had 
Sicily allotted to him [Liv. 28, 38], 
where there were at the time two le- 
gions made up of the soldiers disgraced 
at Cannae and Herdonia. But it is not 
true, as the writer in Smith's Bio- 
graphical Dictionary states, that C. Oc- 
tavius was at Cannae. He quotes Fron- 
tinus Strateg, 4, 5, 7, where however it 
is Cn. Octavius who is mentioned. 

aynBinimleipalllrasiiiaglstexlls, * mu- 
nicipal offices.* Magisterium properly 
the office bf a magister^ as Cicero prov* 
cons, § 46 describes the office of censor 
as magisterium morum. C^,magisterium 
equitum Tib. 3; magisteria sacerdotii 
Cal, 22; magisteriumco/l^i[MmeTyBj6] 
Dom. 4 ; and the later office of pedestre 
magisterium, Aurel. Vict. Caesares 42. 
It is not classical as a technical word 
for the office of a magistratus, and Sue- 
tonius here uses it as opposed to the im- 
perial magistratus. Tne offices in a 

municipium varied in different towns. 
The prevailing ones were those of Senate 
or Council (decuriones^ centumznri, CU' 
riales or curia) ; officers yearly elected, 
— and popular election went on in these 
towns more than 100 years after it 
ceased in Rome, — as two duumviri iuri 
dicundo, consules, two quaestores, two ae- 
dUes. In some — called praefecturae — a 
praefectus iuri dicundo was yearly ap- 
pointed by the Praetor at Rome. In 
others — coloniae — there were quattuor- 
viri, censores, and curatores. Though 
after the Social War and the lex lulia 
(B.c. 90) the civil status of these towns 
was asstmilated, the interior constitu- 
tion varied as before. As regarded 
Rome they were all municipia and 
possessed the franchise, but with respect 
to their intemal administration they 
were still to be classed as municipia, 
colonuie, praefecturae, conciliadula. See 
W. T. Amold, Roman Provincial Ad- 
ministration, p. 225. 

I — 2 



magisteriis contentus abundante patrimonio tranquillissime 

Sed haec alii ; ipse Augustus nihil amplius quam equestri 
Augustus familia ortum se scribit vetere ac locuplete, et in 
o^.y qua primus senator pater suus fuerit. M. Antonius s 

equestrian Hbertinum ei proavum exprobrat, restionem e pago 
^^' Thurino, avum argentarium. Nec quicquam ultra 
dtf patemis Augusti maioribus repperi. 
3 C. Octavius pater a principio aetatis et re et existimatione 
, magna fuit, ut equidem mirer hunc quoque a non- lo 

father of nullis argentarium atque etiam inter divisores oper- 
Augustus, j^gqyg campestris proditum; amplis enim innutritus 

8ed liaee alil. No doubt many flat- 
terers or enemies were found to search 
the annals of the Octavii. Suetonius 
quotes as writers on the life of Augus- 
tus, lulius Marathus (cc. 7p, 94); C. 
Drusus (c. 94) ; lulius Satummus (c. 27) ; 
Aquilius Niger (c. 11); M. Valerius 
Messala Corvinus (c. 74). C. Asinius 
Pollio, who wrote on the Civil War 
[/«/. c. 55 — 6], does not seem to have 
brought his history down to the reign of 
Augustus. The only considerable frag- 
ment of such a work which we possess 
is that of Nicolas of Damascus, friend 
and secretary of Herod, and in high 
favour with Augustus himself. On this 
point however he merely says that his 
father was a Senator {jG>v ^k t^s (nry/cXi}- 
TOv)i and his ancestors /card re ir\ovTov 
KoX iTTieiKelav dvofuiTdyraTOi. 

ipse AagustUB. Besides the Res 
gestae left by Augustus to be inscribed 
in various parts of the empire and pre- 
served for us in the Monumentum An- 
cyranum, he wrote a history of his own 
life and times. See cc. 25, 27, 42, 74, 
85 — 6, Claud, I ; de Gramm. 16. This 
work was used by Plutarch in the lives 
of Cicero (45), Brutus (27), Antony (22, 
68) ; and by Appian \B, civl 42], Dio 
Cassius [48, 44], and by other later 
writers. Augustusalsocausedthehonours 
of his grandfather and father to be in- 
scribed on marble slabs adoming some 
chapel in his palace. That of his grand- 
father (if it is his) is too much broken to 
be of use. That of his father is entire. 
[C. /. L. Vol. I, p. 278.] 

C • OcTAVius . C . F . C • N . C . 

PRON • PaTER . AUGUSTI . Tr • MlL . 

Bis . Q • Aed • Pl . CUM • C • ToRA- 


Pro . Cos • Imperator . Apellatus • 
EX • Provincia . Macedonia. 

M. AntonlOB. The slanders of An- 
tony were apparently conveyed in 
letters principally written in the two or 
three years previous to the battle of 
Actium, which his friends or his ene' 
mies published. 

e pa£:o Thurino. The term pagus as 
applied to tlie municipia properly indi- 
cates a village or other unit of inhabit- 
ants in the country as opposed to the 
vicus in the town ; but Suetonius seems 
to be using it loosely for ager Thurinus 
(c. 3) or regio Thurina (c. 7). In B.C. 
193 a 'Latin' colony was settled at 
Thurii — consisting of 3000 veterans of 
the infantry and 300 from the cavalry ; 
but its territory was so large that these 
were not considered sufficient, and a 
third of the land was retained for fiiture 
allotments [Livy 35, 9 numerus exiguus 
pro copia agrt]. The name was changed 
to Copia, but this seems not to have 
lasted, and the old appellation prevailed. 
argentaxliiB, ' money-changer ' or ' bank- 
^Xy Nerof^. CiceroCa^rf».§i6. Whether 
the Octavii did possess a ropewalk at 
Thurii and a bank at Thurii or Velitrae 
is quite unknown. They were certainly 

S. diYlBores operasaae campes- 
trls. Cicero \_Harus. resp. § 42] 
speaks of the quaestus campestris as 
being of the most profitable kind {maxi- 
me /ecundus). It was of various sorts. 
Friendly supporters {suffragaiores) dis- 
tributed passes for theatres and festivals 
[Cic. Mur. § 7«]; election agents (se- 
questres) held sums of money which the 
divisores distributed ; and the heads of 
political clubs or sodalitates brought 




opibus, honores et adeptus est facile et egregie administravit. 
Ex praetura Macedoniam sortitus, fugitivos, residuam Spartaci 
et Catilinae manum, Thurinum agrum tenentis, in itinere 
delevit, negotio sibi in senatu extra ordinem dato. Provinciae 
5 praefuit non minore iustitia quam fortitudine ; namque Bessis 
ac Thracibus magno proelio fusis, ita socios tractavit, ut 

bands of artizans {operae) to encourage 
or overawe the voters (see on c 32). 
But though such things were forbidden 
by many laws, it seems that a certain 
amount of money distributed at least 
among a man*s own tribe was looked 
upon as almost a matter of course. See 
inf. c. 40 and lul, 19. Cic. ad Att, i, 
18 est autem C. Herennius quidam Tr, 
Pl. , quem fortasse ne nosti quidem^ — tam- 
etsi potes nosse: tribulis enim tuus est, 
et Sextus pater eius numos vobis dividere 
solebat. For the discreditable nature of 
the employment see Cicero Verres 3, 
§ 161 non in hominis luxuriosi sed tan- 
tum in furis atque divisoris disciplina 

ex praetura lCacedonlain sortltus, 
'after his praetorship the chance of the 
lot gave him Macedonia.' His praetor- 
ship was in 61. In 60 (March) he went 
as propraetor to Macedonia, succeeding 
the extortionate and unsuccessful Gaius 
Antonius, the coUeague of Cicero in his 
consulship (63). He distinguished him- 
self in his province not only in war 
against encroaching barbarians, in the 
course of which he was acclaimed by 
his soldiers *imperator' [Vell. 2, 69], 
but also by his conciliatory manners, 
strict integrity, and justice [Cic. ad 
Q. Fr. I, I § 21]. Macedonia was 
looked upon as a profitable province 
and had suffered much at the hands of 
various govemors. It was generally 
govemed by a praetorius^ not a consu- 
lariSf but the practice varied according 
to the military necessities. The Senate 
decided from year to year which pro- 
vinces were to be praetorian which 
consular; but some, as Sicily and 
Sardinia, seem always to have been 
praetorian. See Amold, p. 44. 

reslduam Spartad. In b.c. 72 
Spartacus, the leader of the revolted 
gladiators, seized Thurii and held it as 
base of operations for plundering ex- 
peditions. It shows how difficult an 
effective police in S. Italy was to main- 
tain, that twelve years after this there 
should still be remains of his followers 
who held out in the mountains near 

Thurii. For the war of Spartacus B.c. 
73 — 71 see Livy ep. 95 — 7; Appian B. 
civ, 1, 116 — 120; Plutarch Crass.S — 11. 
Catiline was conquered in Etruria near 
Pistoria (Pistoia), but some of his men 
doubtless escaped and made their way 
south. Or they may be some of the 
slaves dismissed from the camp at Fae- 
sulae, who had taken refuge, as a last 
resource, with the surviving gladiators 
at Thurii. 

tenentlB in app. to mannm, cp. Liv. 
^6, 35 ingens turba circumfusifremebant. 

extra ordlnem, *beyond his regular 
sphere of duty,* which was in Mace- 

BesBlB ac Thradbas, 'with the Bessi 
and other Thracians.* The Bessi were 
a large mountain tribe extending at 
various periods from the R. Nestus and 
the Rhodope Mt. {Despoti Dagh) to the 
Strymon or at times to the Axius. They 
were the most constant source of trouble 
to a govemor of Macedonia, whose 
object was to keep them on the other 
side of Rhodope and make his N.W. 
frontier secure. Even before the Roman 
occupation the Macedonian kings had 
had to fight them [Polyb. 23, 8; Livy 
39» 53]* The victory of Octavius seems 
to have dismayed them for a time, for we 
find them offering Piso, proconsul in 
Maced. B.c. 57 — 50, reinforcements [Cic. 
in Pis. § 84]. But Piso alienated them 
again by his treatment of their agent ; 
and in 43 Brutus had to go on an expe- 
dition against them [Dio 47, 25]. They 
are mentioned by Herodotus [7, 111] 
as a branch of the Satrae, the one 
Thracian tribe that had never been 
conquered, and as having charge of an 
oracie of Dionysus, whence probably 
the term Bassareus used by Horace 
\pd. 1, 18, 11] for the Thracian Bacchus, 
though this is derived by others from 
Paoodpa, *a fox skin,' Her. 4, 192. 
They were infamous even among other 
predatory tribes for their robberies. 
Strabo 7, 5, 12 B^<r<rot 8i cXirep t6 irXiov 
rov opovs v4fiovTat, toO AtfjLov, Kal inrb 
rCov XjiirrCjv Xj^ral vpocayope^ovraif cp. 
id. 7, fr. 47. 



epistolae M. Ciceronis exstent quibus Quintum fratrem, eodem 

tempore parum secunda fama proconsulatum Asiae admini- 

strantem, hortatur et monet, imitetur in promerendis sociis 

4vicinum suum Octavium.\ Decedens Macedonia, prius quam 

profiteri se candidatum consulatus posset, mortem s 
^ddSe^i? obiit repentinam, superstitibus liberis Octavia ma- 

iore, quam ex Ancharia, et Octavia minore item 

proooiunilatiun Asiae. Quintus Tul- 

lius Cicero was Praetor in B.c. 62 and 

govemor of Asia from 61 to 58. That 

Suetonius should indicate the govem- 

ment of a praetorius by the term pro- 

consulatus may be the result of the later 

division of the provinces into Imperial 

and Senatorial, the former being govem- 

ed by a legatus^ the latter by a proconsul^ 

titles which the govemors held without 

regard to the magistracies they had 

previously administered. Asia had al- 

ways since its estabiishment (b.c. 129) 

been govemed by a praetorius^ who 

however even in republican times was 

sometimes called pro-consuL The pro- 

vince started with the dominions of 

Attalus of Pergamus bequeathed to 

Rome in b.c. 133 ; and in Cicero^s time 

included Phrygia, Mysia, Caria, and 

Lydia [pro Flcuc, c. 27]. The ad- 

ministration of Quintus seems to have 

been marred by ill temper (ad Q, Fr, 

I, I adiungenda enim fcuilitas est in 

audiendot in scUisfacienao ac disputando 

diligentia. His rebus nuper C Octavius 

iucundissimus fuit) and a too credulous 

confidence in his freedman Statius \ib, 

I, a]. Asia was a province however in 

which an honest govemor was pretty 

sure to give offence; for it was the 

chosen hunting ground of the publicani, 

until Caesar abolished the system in 48 

[App. B, civ, 5, 4 ; Dio Cass. 42, 6]. 

4. deoedenB Maoedonia, *on quit- 
ting his province of Macedonia.' The 
technical word for a govemor giving 
up hJs ^rovince: lul, iS ad trium- 
pkum simul consulcUumque decessiti 
generally however with ex [more rarely 
with fl]; but in Cic. pr, Lig, i, 2 
decedens provincia; ana absolutely in 
Cic. /am, 3, 6 te ante quam tibi succes- 
sum esset decessurum esse, Sall. y. 36 
Albinus Romam decessit, 

proflterl se candidatiun. The pro- 

fessio would have to be made at Rome at 

least 1 7 days [irinum nundinum^ Cicero 

adfam, 16, 1 2]before the date of dection. 

When the regulation requiring a per- 

sonal professio was made is not known. 
Cicero, speaking in 63, says that it was 
not required by any lex [contr, Rull, 
2 § 24]. It may nevertheless have been 
a custom which could not be neglected. 
In B.c. 66 Catiline was prevented by 
an accusation of repetundae from stand- 
ing for the consulship, — quod intra 
legitimas dies profUeri neguivit [Sall. 
Cat. 18]. In B.c. 60 Caesar had to 
choose between giving up his triumph 
and entering Rome to make his prch 
fessio^ K<Itwi'oj hk dm\4yovTos airr^i 
Kal T^v ^tUpav T€\€VTaia.v o^<rav tG>v 
irapayy€\iC»v &va\ovvTos iirl To?r X^otr, 
Mdpafuv 6 Kcu(ra/> ^irepidCav tov Bptdfi- 
pov Kol irapayyeLKas is t^v dpxh^ dvifuve 
Tijv xtt/><>^or^<'^» Appian B. civ. 2, 8. 
Instances of election without such per- 
sonalprofessio are not uncommon earlier, 
Marius for instance having been more 
than once elected in his absence ; and 
in B.c. 160 Q. Fulvius Flaccus, in cir- 
cumstances very like Caesar's, for he was 
waiting outside the walls for a triumph 
from Spain, was elected consul [Livy 
40, 43]. Still the law of Pompey in 
55 or 52, which is the first we know 
of as actually legalising the regulation, 
must have been only an enforcement 
of a custom generally observed, though 
perhaps liable to evasion [lul. 28]. 

Octayla maiore, quam ex Incharia. 
According to Plutarch [Anton. 31] there 
was only one Octavia, daughter of 
Ancharia and half sister to Augustus ; 
and we certainly hear nowhere else of 
an elder Octavia. But that Octavia 
was connected with the Julian gens is 
shown by her body being laid out in 
the Heroum lulium [Dio 54, 35]. Her 
character is conspicuous for magna- 
nimity and purity, in spite of the way 
in which both her uncle and brother 
(who was devotedly attached to her) 
used her hand to secure political objects. 
She was married to C. Claudius Mar- 
cellus (consul in b.c. 50), yet luiius 
offered to transfer her to Pompey 
in 53, on the death of lulia [Suet. 



Augusto, quos ex Atia tulerat Atia M. Atio Balbo et lulia, 
sorore C. Caesaris, genita est. Balbus, paterna stirpe Aricinus, 
multis in familia senatoriis imaginibus, a matre Magnum 
Pompeium artissimo coritingebat gradu functusque honore 
s praeturae inter vigintiviros agrum Campanum plebi lulia lege 

Caes, 37]; and when she was left 
a widow at the end of 41, though 
pregnant by her former husband, she 
consented to be married to Antony in 
order to cement a reconciliation between 
him and her brother, the Senate sus- 
pending the law which required a ten 
months widowhood [App. B. dv, 5, 
64; Plut. Ant, 31; Dio 48, 31]. For 
two or three years she resided with 
Antony at Athens, where she was much 
beloved, and succeeded in retaining his 
affection and intervening more than 
once to prevent a quarrel between her 
husband and brother [ App. B. civ. 5, 93 ; 
Plut. Ant. 33, 35 ; Dio 48, 54]. But in 
B.c. 37 — when the last reconciliation 
took place — she was left behind at Rome 
and Antony again fell under the influence 
of Cleopatra. When she went in B.c. 35 
to Greece to take troops and money 
to Antony in Egypt, he forbade her to 
come nearer to him than Athens, though 
he accepted the presents [App. 5, 138; 
Dio 49, 33]. But though she returned 
to Rome in B.C. 34 she refused to obey 
her brother when he ordered her to quit 
Antony's house. She lived there as 
his wife, carefully bringing up both the 
three children which she had bome him 
and his own children by Fulvia [Plut. 
54; Dio 51, 15]; and though Antony 
divorced her in B.c. 32 [Dio 50, 3; 
Plut. 57] she adopted and brought up 
his children by Cleopatra [Plut. 87]. 
The death of her son Marcellus in B.c. 
2 3 was a severe blow to her, and she 
seems to have lived in retirement after 
that till her death in B.c. 11, when her 
laudaHo was dehvered by Augustus and 
her son-in-law Drusus [Dio 5, 35]. 
Augustus was glad to accept honours 
voted to her by the Senate in B.c. 35, 
and dedicated many of his public build- 
ings to her. The opera Octaviae included 
a porticus (with a school), a curia^ and 
a library [Pliny N. H. 34, 31» 35» "45 
36, 32, 24, 34 — 5, 43—3]. 

Iulla, see infr. c. 9. 

AiidnuB. Aricia \la Riccid\ was the 
first halting on the via Appia [Horace 
ScU. I, 5, i], 16 miles from Rome. It 
obtained the most favourable terms at 

the end bf the Great Latin War (b.c. 
338) and practically enjoyed the rights 
of citizenship ever since [Livy 8, 14]. 
Cicero [3 Phil. § 15] speaks of it as a 
municipium . . . vetustate antiquissimumt 
iure foedercUum^ propinquitate paene 
finitimum^ splendore municipum hones- 

Benatorils ImaglnllmB. The jus 
imaginum belonged not to Senators, 
as such, but to Curule Magistrates. 
See Cicero 2 Verres 5 § 36 nunc sum 
designatus aedilis. . .ob earum rerum labo- 
rem et sollicitudinem fructus illos datos, 
antiquiorem in senatu sententiae dicendae 
locum, togam praetextamy sellam curu- 
leni^ ius imaginis ad memoriam posteri- 
tatemque prodendam. But as the curule 
magistracies gave a seat in the Senate, 
they are loosely spoken of as sencUoriae: 
though since the time of SuUa the 
Quaestorship gave the entree to the 
Senate, and therefore there would be 
Senators who had not the ius imaginum^ 
as in fact had always been the case with 
those Senators who had been from time 
to time put on the roll by the Censors 
without having held curule offices. Pliny 
\N. H. 35, §§ 4 — 8] complains that 
the old waxen portraits had in his time 
been superseded by bronze shields with 
conventional figures, or statues on 
which often different heads were substi- 
tuted. The old fashion was to keep 
expressi cera vultus (real portraits) in 
their several shelves or niches, so that 
likenesses of all the known members of 
a family were sometimes carried at a 
man's funeral. They were joined by 
long scrolls (stemmcUa) ; and near them 
were cases of family records (tabulina) 
relating the events in the years of ofHce 
held by them. The earliest mention of 
these imagines at fiinerals is in Polybius 
[6, 51] who thought it a custom admir- 
ably calculated to inspire emulation in 

a matre, *on his mother's side. Cp. 
/u/. 65 militem neque a moribus neque 
aforma probabat^ sed tantum a viribus. 
So ab omni parte [Hor. Od. 2, 16, 37], 
insignis ab arte [Ov. Tr. 4, 10, 16]. 

praeturae. M. Atius Balbus was 




divisit Verum idem Antonius, despiciens etiam matemam 
Augusti originem, proavum eius Afri generis fuisse et modo 
unguentariam tabernam modo pistrinum Ariciae exercuisse 
obicit Cassius quidem Farmensis quadam epistola non 

Sraetor in B.c. 6a and served in Sar- 
inia. He was one of the xxznri for 
dividing the Campanian land, as was 
Pompey, whom Cicero therefore calls 
AtHt collegam [cui Att. i, lo]. 

lulla lege. The law passed in his 
first consulship (b.c^ 50) for the division 
of the Campanian lands and the Stella- 
tian plain among ao,ooo citizens. The 
lands immediately round Capua were 
reserved, as the best, for the fathers 
of three children, and dispossessed 
owners were compensated by means of 
the funds brought by Pompey from 
the East. It was vehemently resisted 
by the Optimates headed by Bibulus, 
and was only carried by the forcible 
expulsion of Bibulus from the Forum. 
luL 20 Uge autem agraria promul- 
gata obnuntiantem collegam armis foro 
expulit, The opposition to it in the 
Senate caused Caesar to neglect 
that body and hardly ever summon 
it during the rest of his year [Ap- 
pian B, civ, 2, 10; Dio 38, i — 3]. 
Cicero seems to have hesitated as to 
what position to take up, ad Att, 2, 3 
est res sane magni consilii, Namfortasse 
resistendum Ugi agrariae; in quo est 
quaedam dimiccUio, sed plena laudis: 
aut quiescendum, He afterwards speaks 
with disapproval of it as depriving the 
state of a large revenue [2 Phil, § loi, 
cp. ad Att, 2, 16], and refused to serve 
on the commission \ad Att, 2, 19, 3]. 
Candidates for office for the next year 
had to take an oath not to disturb ar- 
rangements made under it, ad Att, 2, 18 
habet etiam Campana lex exsecrationem 
candidatorum^ in contione si mentionem 
fecerint quo a/iter ager possideatur atque 
ut ex luliis legibus, For three chapters 
of the law preserved in Scriptores Gno- 
mcUicii see Bruns Fontes luris R, p. 94. 

despicieiui, *by way of lowering»' the 
feeling of contempt is put for the ex- 
pression of it. Cicero [3 Phil, § 15] 
answering an edict of Antony*s in which 
these attacks on the birth of Augustus 
were continued, says, videto quam despi- 
damur omnes qui sumus e municipiis, 
idest^ omnes plane, 

exerouisfle, *carried on,' so Vitell. 2 
Antiochi cuiusdam fumariam exercen- 

tis, de Gramm, 23 cum et officinas pro- 
mercalium vestium exerceret, Vesp, 16 
negotiationes quoque ifel privaio puden- 
das propalam exercuit, 

Caasiiui ParmensiB. The identity of 
this Cassius of Parma has been a sub- 
ject of much dispute. The earliest trace 
of him is a letter to Cicero [adfam, 12, 
13] in the year 43, dated firom Cyprus 
on the i3th of June. If this is really 
the man, it appears that he was in com- 
mand of a fieet on the coast of Asia, 
and, in conjunction with his namesake 
C. Cassius Longinus, was attacking 
Dolabella when endeavouring to take 
possession of the provin^e of Syria. He 
probably was then Quaestor or pro-quaes- 
tor. But Porphyrio on Horace [Ep, i, 
4, 3] says that he was tribunus militum 
with Horace. He had been one of the 
assassins of Caesar, and after the 
failure and death of Brutus and Cassius 
at Philippi (Nov. B.c. 42) he made his 
way from Asia, where they had left 
him, to the lonian Sea with more than 
30 ships and joined first Domitius Ahe- 
nobarbus and then Sextus Pompeius in 
Sicily. After the death of the latter 
he attached himself to Antony. And 
it was while with him at Alexandria 
(b.c. 35 — 31), between the death of 
Sextus and the battle of Actium, that 
this letter would be written. After 
Actium Cassius fled to Athens, and 
was executed by order of Octavian, the 
last of the assassins to perish [App. B. 
civ, 5, 2: Vell. Pat. 2, 87: Valer. Max.- 
I, 7, 7]. Porphyrio on the passage of 
Horace already cited says that he wrote 
muttas tragoeaias, And another gram- 
marian Acro says : Epicureusfuit poeta^ 
,,.satiras scripsit...atiquot generibus sti- 
lum exercuit: inter qucu opera elegia 
et epigrammata ejus taudantur, Ano- 
ther Cassius, an inferior poet called 
Cassius Etruscus, is mentioned by 
Horace [Sat, i, 10, 59 sq.] and has 
been by some confounded with Cas- 
sius of Parma. Two lines of Cassius 
are quoted by Quint. 5, 11, 24; and 
Varro L. Z. 6, 7 ; 7, 72. A poem on 
Orpheus was attributed to him, which 
however has been shown to have been 
composed in the i6th century a.d. 



tantum ut pistoris, sed etiam ut nummulari n^potem sic taxat 
Augustum : Matema tibi farinast ex crudissimo Ariciae 
pistrino : hanc finxit manibus collybo decoloratis Nerulonensis 
s Natus est Augustus M. TulHo Cicerone C. Antonio conss. 5 
VI III. Kal. Octob., paulo ante solis exortum, regione 3^^^ of 
Palati, ad Capita bubula, ubi nunc sacrarium habet, Augustus 
aliquanto post quam excessit constitutum. Nam ut tember 
senatus actis continetur, cum C. Laetorius, adulescens ^'^* ^3- 

nnxnmiilarl. The nummularius was 
a 'money changer,' his office or counter 
was a mensa (hence mensarius), Mart. 

". 57. 8 

ffinc oHosus sordidam quatit mensam 
Neroniana nummularius massa. 
Galb, 9 nummulario non ex fide ver- 
sanii pecunias manus amputavii men- 
satque eius adjixit, 

taxat [a frequentative form of tango\ 
' attacks, ' * in veighs against. ' It means 
(i) *to take cognisance of,' 'to estimate,' 
(2) in a bad sense, as here, *to stigma- 
tize.' Cp. Domit, lo Occidit d Helvi- 
dium Jilium^ qucui scaenico exordio sub 
persona Pariais et Oenones divortium 
suum cum uxore taxasset. So retcucare^ 
cf. Vesp. 1$ Licinium Jlfucianum...nun' 
quam nisi clam et hactenus retaxare 
sustinuit, ut apud communem cdiquem 
amicum querens adderet clausulam: 
*Ego tamen vir sum.* 

flnxit, 'kneaded into various shapes.' 
Varro Z. Z. 6, ^fictores dicti a fingen- 
dis libris, 

NenilonenBls, 'of Nerulum,' a town 
of Lucania [Livy 9, 20] on the road 
from Capua to Rhegium. 

oOIiybo, *exchange,' *agio.' Cic. ad 
Att. la, 6 sed certe in collubo est detri- 
menti scUis^ cp. a Verr. 3, § 181. Hence 
the word familiar to us in the N. T. 
[Matt. xii. 31 etc.] icoXXvjSio-n^s, cp. 
Arist. PcM 1196 ovd^ koKkA^om 'a small 
coin' [Pollux 9, 72 cfi; d' ay koU icoXXv- 
/3ov XerTOv rt voyju(r\iA,TUiv\ But koX- 
Xv/Sot=aXXa7i; [Pollux 7, 170]. The 
word is not Latin or Greek, but of 
Semitic or Phoenician origin. Hebrew 

Cl^rj and Rabbinic 113^^?. 

5. Vnn. Eal. Oct., i.e. 23 September 
[C /. Z. I, p. 326]. A birthday was 
reckoned from midnight to midnight 
[Varro ap. Macrob. Sat. 3, 2]. It is 
a question whether the date is by the 
reformed Julian calendar, which came 

into operation on i January 45, or by 
the old calendar which would make the ' 
date 31 August. But even if we admit \ 
that tne old calendar is that referred to, it | 
is still extremely doubtful how far any 
one particular year was wrong. It was 
the custom about this time to intercalate 
27 days at the end of Februaiy every 
other year in order to bring the civU 
year into harmony with the solar year. 
But this was whoUy in the hands of the 
Pontifis, and they seem to have been 
often influenced by political motives 
(such as wishing to prolong or curtail 
a tenure of some magistrate's office) 
and therefore it is not certain in any 
particular year what the true state of 
things was. In the year 63 however, 
Cicero speaking on the VI Id. Novem- 
bres [2 Cat. 23] says — Quem ad modum 
illis {tnulierculis) carere poterunt, his 
prcesertim iam noctibus? quo autempacto 
illi Apenninum atque ilUs pruinas ac 
nives perferent? This suits the time 
of year, and looks as if the civil calendar 
was not far wrong in 63. In c. 94 the 
father of Augustus is said to have come 
late to a meeting of the Senate when 
a discussion on Catiline was to take 
placcy owing to the birth of his son. 
And though we do not know elsewhere 
of such a debate as early as 23 Sep- 
tember : yet Catiline's proceedings had 
been causing much trouble for some 
months. The Comitia had been twice 
postponed ; and it is not surprising that 
ne should have formed a subject of 
debate on that day. Dio [48, 1] relates 
the lateness of Octavius at the Senate, 
but does not mention the subject of 
debate. Augustus himself in b.c. 8 
selected Sextilis as the month to be 
called by his name, as that in which he 
had first been consul and had won 
certain victories, though many friends 
suggested September as his birth month^ 
I^io 55» 6. The large error in 46 is 




patricii generis, in deprecanda graviore adulterii poena^praeter 
aetatem atque natales^ihoc quoque patribus conscriptis alle- 
garety esse possessorem ac velut aedituum soli, quod primum 

partly accounted for by the suspension 
of the usual biennial intercalation bwing 
to the absence of Caesar (Pont. Max.) 
and many of the pontiffs from the 
beginning of 49. 

reglone Palatl. Of the original four 
'regions' of Rome (the Suburan, the 
Esquiline, the Viminal or Colline, and 
the Palatine) the regio Palaiina included 
the Palatine hill, the Germalus and the 
Velia. Varro L. L. 5, §§41 — 54. There 
a lane leading from the valley in which 
the Colosseum now stands up the slope 
of the Palatine was called ad caplta 
babula ; it led to the spot now occupied 
by the Church and Convent of .S". Bofta- 
veniura, Lanciani's Rome p. 106. In 
the late division of Augustus it would 
fall into the loth region. Others ex- 
plain it as the name of the house, com- 
paring Dom. i natt4s est ad Malum Pu- 
nicum. But the expression is more 
usually descnptive of a district or street : 
so a spot in the Tyrol was called ad 
Pirum, Mart. i, 117, 6. 

Bacrajrlum. A chapel or shrine, 
which in the larger houses of Rome 
not only included the Lararium^ but 
served also as the repository of objects 
of reverence or heirlooms of the family, 
and works of art. From Cicero [ad 
fam. 13, 2] it would sometimes seem to 
have been used as a studio for sculptor 
or artist, — Aviano Evandro^ qui habitat 
in tuo sacrario, multum utor. The 
obligation to maintain such a shrine 
would pass in many cases with the 
ownership of the house, like the trophies 
and triumphal omaments [Pliny N. H. 
35 § 6]* For its place in the house, 
see Becker's GaHus^ p. 262. Ulpian 
dig. I, 8, 9 § 2 sacer locus est locus con- 
secratus: sacrarium est locus in quo 
sacra reponuntur: quodetiam inprivato 
aedificio esse potest. 

BenatOB actis. lulius Caesar in his 
first consulship, B.c. 59, caused these 
acta to be kept and published as well 
as the acta diuma [see Suet. Itil. 20 
inito honore primus omnium instituit 
ut tam setuitus quam pop^li diuma acta 
confierent et publicarenturl ; and they 
were included in a commentarium re- 
rum urbanarum sent to the provinces. 
Thus Caelius says to Cicero then in 
Cilicia \ad fam. 8, 11] in B.c. 51, — 
quam quisque sententiam dixerit in 

commentariis est rerum urbanart/m, ex 
quo tu quae digna sunt selige; mttlta 
transi; cp. ib, 12, 23. Augustus stopped 
the publication of the acta senaius 
(c. 73). But Tiberius seems to have 
allowed them to be published, Ttb. 73. 
Dio 57, 23 says that in causing the con- 
demnation of his libellers in the Senate 
he really published them...^d^/x<Kri6ueF 
cScrre iccU ^s rh. Kw»b. inroiuH\yja.Ta. iffypd- 
<fi€(T0aL. He complains that the suppres- 
sion of the cuta not only made the writing 
of history difficult, but caused endless 
false and groundless rumours [53, 19]. 

C. LaetoriUB. The Laetorii known 
to us are plebeians. l^his man's family 
must have been one of those raised by 

graYlore poena. The punishment of 
adultery by the lex lulia (b.c. 17) was 
for the man a fine of half his goods and 
relegatioy for the woman the loss of 
half of her dos and a third of her whole 
estate and relegatio. The law did 
not inflict death, though it allowed 
the father or the injured husband to 
inflict it in certain cases and with 
certain restrictions. Tacitus \Ann. 3, 
24] remarks that in punishing the 
paramours of his daughter and grand- 
daughter with death Augustus clemen- 
tiam maiorum suasque ipse leges egredie- 
batur. His action in this case was 
grounded on the principle that these 
men were guilty of maiestas also : cp. 
the case of Appuleia Varilla [Tac. Ann. 
2» 50] -where Tiberius, when she had 
been acquitted of maiestas^...adulterii 
graviorem poenam deprecatus^ ut ex- 
emplo maiorum propinquis suis ultra 
ducentesimum lapidem removeretur sua- 
sit. In B.c. 25 however Tiberius inflicted 
exilium on Aquilia and her paramour, 
instead of the relegcUio of the lex lulia 
[Tac. Ann. 4, 42]. 

natales, *nobIebirth, — onlyin Silver 
Latin. Cp. Pliny Ep. 3, 20, 6, non 
nunquam candidatus aut natales com- 
petitoris aut annos, aut etiam mores 
arguebat. id. 8, 18, 8 mulier natalibtu 
clara. Tacitus Agr. 6; Hist. 4, 19; 
Ann. II, 21. 

aedltuiuu, *temple-guardian.' There 
were two classes of aeditui : the aedituus 
magister had the general superintend- 
ence of a temple, though he did not 
live in it Thus Domitian, when the 




Divus Augustus nascens attigisset, peteretque donari quasi 
proprio suo ac peculiari deo, decretum est ut ea pars domus 
consecraretur. / Nutrimentorum eius ostenditur adhuc locus in 6 
avito suburbano iuxta Velitras permodicus et cellae 

5 penuariae instar, tenetque vicinitatem opinio tam- t^byhood 
quam et natus ibi sit. Huc introire nisi necessario 
et caste religio est, concepta opinione veteri, quasi temere 
adeuntibus horror quidam et metus obiciatur, sed et mox 
confirmata. Nam cum possessor villae novus seu forte seu 

lotemptandi causa cubitum se eo contulisset, evenit ut post 
paucissimas noctis horas exturbatus inde subita vi et incerta 
paene semianimis cum strato simul ante fores inveniretur. / 
Infanti cognomen Thurino inditum est, in memoriam 7 

temple on the Capitol was set on fire, 
apud aedituum clam pemoctavit [Dom. 
i] : the actual care of the temple was 
in the hands of an aedituus minister^ 
or aedituus a sacrario [Marquaidt ii, 

P- «59]- 
attiglBflet. For a new bom child 

was piaced on the ground — partly that 

the auspices might be taken, partly 

that the father might decide whether 

he would rear it. Ov. Ib. 2, 221 Qui 

simul impurae matris prolapsus ab 

cUvo I Cinyphiam foedo corpore pressit 

kumum. Macrob. ScU. i, 12 quod in- 

fantes partu editi nonprius vocem edant 

quam attigerint humitm. 

donazl, *to be pardoned as a con- 
cession to.' So Sulla according to 
Florus [3, 5, 10] spared the Athenians 
, honorem mortuorum sacris suis 
famaeque donavit. Seneca de ira 2, 21 
causae suae et prioribus factis et bonis 
in futurum promissis donetur, Cicero 
uses condonare in this sense \ad fam. 
13, 73] peto ut eius filios qui in tua 
potestcUe sunt, mihi potissimum con- 
dones. Livy also darCf 7, 20 Caere... 
hospitio vestcUium cultisque diis darent, 

6. aylto Balrarbano : cp. c. 94. 

cellae penuarlae, a later form of 
penariae. The cella penaria is the 
'store-room ' for provisions of all kinds, 
penus multiplex [Nero, c. 11]. Cp. 
Varro Z. Z. 5 § 162 a ceiando cellam 
appeUarunt: penariam ubi penus, 
Cicero de Sen. § 56 semper enim boni 
assiduique domini referta cella vinaria^ 
oiearia, etiam penaria est. 

tamqnam et natns ibi slt» Hhat he 
was bom as well as nursed there.' The 

use of tamquam with opinio tenet is 
like that after words of accusing and 
suspecting: Juv. 3, 22 et merito iam 
suspectus tamqtiam ipse suas incenderit 
aedes. Tac. A. 11, 4 species cUteri ob- 
iecta tamquam vidisset Claudium spicea 
corona evinctum. Plin. Ep. 3, 9, 29 
reum postulavit tamquam in causa 
Castae praevaricaretur, where Mayor 
says that in Silver Latin tamquam is 
used like un without expressing any 
doubt. See infra c. 94 prohibitum 
monitu dei tamquam is ad ttUelam rei 
publicae educarttur. 

caste, after ceremonial purification. 
Cic. de legg. i, S ad deos adeunto caste. 
Gell. 4, 9 templa..,religiosa sunt quae 
non Tfulgo et temere, sed cum castitate 
ceremoniaque adeunda. 

religio ^'iX—non audent, Liv. 2, 62. 

sed et, 'and wbat is more,* *and 
that too,' KoX rain-a. In Silver Latin 
sed is often not disjunctive but cumu- 
lative, lul. c. 9 idem Curio sed et 
M. Actorius auctores sunt. Mart. i, 
117, ^ et sccUis hcUfito tribus sed cUtis. 
id. 2, 6, 5 hc^c sunt quae relegente me 
solebcu I rapta exscribere sed ViteUianis, 
id. 7, 71, 4 ulcere rigidus 
fossor sed nec arator eget. 

incerta, 'mysterious,* of which no 
account could be given. 

strato, *bedding.* CcU. ^i proripere 
se e strato sub lectumque condere solebcU, 
Lucret. 4, 849 moUia strata lecti. 

7. Thnrlno. Suetonius apparently 
means that this name was given to the 
boy by his parents in commemoration 
of the affair at Thurii, see c. 3. It 
took place in b.g. 60 when he was two 




maiorum originis, vel quod regione Thurina recens eo nato pa- 
Why ter Octavius adversus fugitivos rem prospere gesse- 

Sl^^ed rat Thurinum cognominatum satis certa probatione 

Thurinus. ^ ,., . ^ -i • i • 

tradidenm, nactus puenlem imagunculam eius aeream 
veterem, ferreis et paene lam exolescentibus litteris hoc nomine s 
inscriptam, quae dono a me principi data inter cubiculi Lares 
colitur. Sed et a M. Antonio in epistolis per contumeliam 
saepe Thurinus appellatur, et ipse nihil amplius quam mirari 
se rescribit, pro obprobrio sibi prius nomen obici. Postea 

and a half years oldf and his father may 
have thought the achievement suffi- 
ciently important to commemorate in 
this way, as Drusus afterwards called 
his son Germanicus. Another name 
given him by Dio [45, i], — Caepias, is 
less expiicable, and has been thought 
to be a corruption of Caesar, It is 
not mentioned by anyone else except 
2^naras [10, 13] who copies Dio. 

ferrelB Utterls. Iron letters let into 
bronze by a process called 'empaestic ' 

{ilJLiraumK^ Tix^v)' J^io 44» 7 ''"^ ^^7" 
fJMTa rd irepi Toinav yiyvbfuva it nh 
frHiKas dpyvpaf xpvcr^o^s ypdfJLfuuriy ip4- 
ypayf/aif, Seneca £p, i, 5, 3 non 
habeamus argentum in quod solidi auri 
caelatura descenderit, Petron. Sat, 31 
habebat etiam in minimo digito sinistrcte 
manus anulum grandem subaurcUum, 
extremo vero articulo sequentis minorem, 
ut mihi tndebatury totum aureum sed 
plane ferreis veluti stellis ferrumina- 
tum, These letters or omaments of a 
different metal seem to have been let 
in, not fastened on. So that even 
if some of the iron letters had come 
out, Suetonius would be able to make 
out the inscription by the matrices of 
the original letters. For similar com- 
binations of two metals Casaubon quotes 
Athenaeus 11, 488 B (l^<a$€v Setv ifiTci- 
peffBax Toifi xp^^^^^ ^Xous T<p &pyvp<p 
iKTdfMTi KaTa t6v r^f ifiiraMmKrfi Tixvffi 
Tp&irov, See Eustath. on Hom. //. 11, 
633 diiras...xpv(r€loLS rjXoiffi wevapfUyov, 

princlplf 'to the Emperor Hadrian.' 
Suetonius was one of his secretaries. 

Inter cabloull Lares. The 'Lares of 
the bed-chamber' were a marked fea- 
ture of the Palace, cp. Dom, 17 putr 
qui arcu Larum cubiculi ex consuetudine 
assistens interfuit caedi. Family busts 
particularly valued were frequently 
placed among the images. In CcU, 7 
we hear of an infant of Germanicus 
cuius effigieni^.,,in cubiculo suo positam 

[dedicavit] quotiensque introiret exoscU' 
labatur. Nero (c. 25) also seems to have 
put there his artistic crowns, — sacras 
coronas in cubicu/is circum lectos posuit, 
Antiques were placed there, Mart. 9, 
44, 1 1 of a statue of Hercules offensus 
variae tumidis terroribus aulacj PrivcUos 
gaudet nunc habitare Lares. Lamp- 
rid. Alex, Sev, 29 matutinis horis in 
larario suo, in quo et divos principes sed 
optimos electos et animas sanctiores, in 
quis Apollonium dicit^ Christum Abra- 
ham et Orfeum et huiuscemodi ceteros 
habebat ac maiorum effigieSy rem divinam 
faciebcU, It was therefore a chapel 
attached to the cubiculum, Marcus 
Antoninus placed there the statues of his 
teachers, lul. Capit. 3 tantum autem 
honoris magistris suis detulit ut imagines 
eorum aureas in tarario haberet, 

postea Qai OaesarlB et delxide Au- 
ffiisti. The name Gaius Caesar was 
taken in consequence of his great- 
uncle*s will. Immediately on his retum 
to Italy after the assassination of lulius 
he took the name of Caesar, but at first 
his mother and stepfather were strongly 
opposed to his accepting the dangerous 
inheritance. On the 20th of April B.C. 
44 Cicero entertained him at dinner in 
his villa at Puteoli (before he had gone 
to Rome) and noticing that his step- 
father Philippus avoided calling him 
Caesar, though his other friends did 
so, Cicero himself did not address him 
by that name \ad Att. 14, 12]. He 
acted however immediately as his 
uncle's heir, — ^he was ex dodrante 
(fths) and in ima cera Gaium Octa- 
vium etiam in familiam nomenque 
adoptavUy lul, 83. — But though a will 
could give a man a right to bear the 
testator^s name, it was necessary for a 
legal transfer to ih<tgens sjidifamilia of 
one who was suo iure to have a lex 
curiata passed. This was not done 
until after the victory of Mutina and his 




Gai Caesaris et deinde Augusti cog^omen assumpsit, 
alterum testamento maioris avunculi, alterum Munati ., 

Pv&IX16S Ol 

Planci sententia, cum, quibusdam censentibus Romu- adoptlon 
lum appellari oportere quasi et ipsum conditorem "*^ 
s urbis, praevaluisset, ut Augustus potius vocaretur, 

election to the Consulship in August, 
B.c. 43. See Dio 46, 47 koX is ro rov 
Kataapos y4vos Kard ra voiu^btieva iae- 

VOiTldTl KOX 5td TOVTO Kal T^P MKXriffW 

fieridero' (av6fui}^€ fiiv ydp koX irp&T€pov 
avrds iairrixvj m yi rurt doKei, Kaicapa 
i^ ov t6 ovofM avTtp tovto fJXTa KXijpov 
KaTcXetipBi^' oit fUvTOi oHt' aKpipij Tyv 
irpoffTiyoplav o£fr* iirl irdvTas elx^» Tplv j^ 
Kol iK TiSv raTfduv avr-ifv totc iPepaiU' 
<raTO, Kal ovTon i^ iKeivov Tdios 'lovXtos 
Kato-ap 'Oicraovtai^ds ^reicXij^ij. This 
had been postponed in the' previous 
year by the intrigues of Antony tov 
vofuov Tov (PpaTpiaKov i<r<t>€p6fi€vov Kaff 
ov riiv iaToli^ffiv avTov rijv is Td tov 
Kalaapos ycviaOai ideiy avTos fiiv iaTov- 
8afe S^dev iaeviyKeiv, dtd di Htifjudpx^^v 
TivCav dvepdXKeTo dwtas, d)s fMfdiTu toxs 
avTov iK Tuv v6fuav &Vj fi^^TC rt Trfs ovatas 
ToXvTpayfJLovolTi Kal Tpds r<£XXa dadeviff- 
Tcpos dti [Dio 45, 5]. Augustus sub- 
mitted for the time; but the assumption 
of the name is always admitted by 
Cicero in his public and formal utter- 
ances. Thus in the Philippics he speaks 
of him as *Gaius Caesar* or *Caesar' 
[4 Phil. § 4; 5 § 4«, 80—3; 10 § 15, 
21 ; 13 § 19 ; 14 § 37]. And in his letters 
between June and November B.c. 44 he 
calls him Octavianus or Caesar Octavi- 
anus, — ^thus acknowledging his adoption 
from the Octavii \ad Att, 15, 12; 16, 
8, II ; adfam, 12, 23], though he once 
also calls him Octavius [ad Att. 16, 9]. 
Matius, his friend and the procurator of 
his games, at the end of May B.c. 44 
speaks of him as *Caesar' and *Caesar 
adolescens' \ad fam* 11, 28]. Pollio 
writing in May B.C. 43 calls him Octavi- 
anus [ad/am, lOi 33]. Decimus Brutus, 
writing in May and Plancus in June B.C. 
43speak of him as Caesar[a^y^f/f. 11, 10« 
14 ; lOi 23]. The change of name was 
therefore generally recognised before the 
formal adoption by the lex curiata, 

AvgiiBti. The day on which this 
title was formally given was the 16 
January B.c. 27 [xviii. Kal. Feb.]. See 
C. /. L. ij p. 384 where Mommsen 
quotes Censorinus 21, 8, a, d, xvi, [? 
jTz^fV •] K. Febr, imp. Caesar divi f* 
fcntentia L* Munati Planci^ a senatu 

caeterisque civibus Augustus appellatus 
esty se vii, et M, Agrippa cos, It was 
immediately after the reconstitution of 
the state, the restitution of standards 
by the Bastamae and Dalmatians, and 
the division of the provinces between 
himself and the Senate [Liv. ep, 134]. 
Hence Ovid (who however dates it on 
the Ides) says \F, i, 589] 
Redditaque est omnis populo provincia 
et tuus Augusto nomine dictus avus, 
See Mon. Anc. c. 34 In consulatu 
sexto etseptimo (B.C. 28 and 27) bdla ubi 
civilia exstinxeram per consensum uni- 
versorum potitus rerum omnium^ rem 
publicam ex mea potestate in sena- 
tus populique Romani arbitrium trans- 
tuit, Quo pro merito meo Senatus con- 
sulto Augustus appeUaius sum, Dio 53, 
16 hrei Si koI T<p ipytp atrrd iTCTikeffev, 

OVTta dl} KOl TO A.VyoiHTTOV OVOfJM Kol Tapd 

TT)S povX^s Kal Tapd tov S^^fjLov iTiBero, 
Orosius [6, 20] puts it in B.c. 29. 

maioriB ayimculi for magni a, 'a 
grandmother's brother,* cp. Claud, 3. 

RomiQam. The reason which Dio 
(/. c.) gives for his abandonment of his 
strong desire for the title of Romulus is 
that it was regarded as implying too 
pronounced a claim to kingly powers, 
not as being inferior to that of Augustus. 
Florus [4, 12, ^6\ on the other hand 
says Tractatum etiam in Senatu^ an, 
quia condidisset imperium, Romulus 
vocaretur ; sed sanctius et reverentius 
visum est nomen Augusti, ut scilicet iam 
tum^ dum colit terras, ipso nomine et 
titulo consecraretur, The derivation of 
the word is not certain. The general 
opinion now seems in favour of connect- 
ing it with augeo rather than with avis, 
It is, in any case, a ritual word and sug- 
gested to the Romans both ideas, — 
that of augury, and that of divine bless- 
ing and increase; Ovid F, i, 609 
Sancta vocant augusta patres: augusta 

templa sacerdotum rite dicata manu. 
huius et AVGVRIVM dependet origine 

et quodcumque sua lupiter AVGET 




non tantum novo sed etiam ampliore cognomine, quod loca 
quoque religiosa et in quibus kugurato^quid consecratur au- 
gusta dicantur, ab auctu vel ab avium gestu gustuve, sicut 
etiam Ennius docet scribens : 

Augusto augurio postquam inclita condita Roma est. 5 

8 Quadrimus patrem amisit. Duodecimum annum agens 
aviam luliam defunctam pro_contione laudavit. 
Quadriennio post virili toga sumpta, militaribus donis 
triumpho Caesaris Africano donatus est, quanquam 
expers belli propter aetatem. Profectum mox avun- xo 
culum in Hispanias adversus CN. Pompei liberos, 

B.C. 58. 
B.C. 51. 
B.C. 49 — 


B.c. 45 in 

geata giutaYe refening to the mo- 
tions and feeding of the sacred chickens. 
But the last part of the word, whatever 
be the iirst syllable, is doubtless an 
adjectival termination, cp. ang-ustus, 
Festus, augustus locus sanctus^ ab 
avium gestu, id est, quia ab avibus 
significaius est^ sic dictus : sive ab avium 
gustatUf quia avespastae idraiumfecere, 
The passage of Ennius is quoted by 
Varro R, R, 3, i, i 
Septingenti sunt paulo plus aut minus 

Augusto augurio postquam inclita con- 

dita Roma est, 
'^ 8. qaadximiui. The father of Au- 
gustus died on his way home from 
Macedonia in B.c. 50 to make his 
professio for the consulship. In ordi- 
nary years the comitia were in July, in 
which case he must have died before 
his son's fourth birthday. But in B.c. 
59 the comitia were put off by Bibulus 
till the middle of October [Cicero ad 
Att. 2, 20 and ii\ and therefore Octa- 
vius may have died after September 23. 

diiodecimii]n...a^eii8, *in his twelfth 
year,' i.e. before 23 September B.c. 51. 
Quintilian however [12, 6, 1] makes 
him twelve; — Caesar Augustus duo- 
dedm natus annos ccviam pro rostris 
laudavit, Nicolas (c. 3) seems to put 
it still earlier, if he is referring to this, 
— 5rt Koiirap irepl 4vWa ^ /MlX«rTa 
76701^(1)1 daviM T€ od fUKpbv Trapiax^ 
*'PtafuUois ipj&aeijs dKpdTTjra dii\(i>ffas iv 
ToiqSe ijXiKlq,. The custom of fiineral 
laudationes was of great antiquity, 
[Polyb. 6, 53], and as they dealt with 
the achievements of the whole family 
they not only gave rise to imaginary 
pedigrees (see lul, 6, where Caesiar in a 

letudatio of his aunt traces his family up 
to Ancus Marcius and Venus), but to 
serious falsifications of history: see 
Cicero Brut. 16 his laudationibus hisUh 
ria rerum nostrarum estfacta mendosior. 
Originally the honour was confined to 
men. Cicero [de orcU, 1 § 44] says that 
the first woman so honoured was Popillia 
the mother of Catulus (about B.C. lao); 
yet Livy [5, 50] asserts that the privilege 
was granted Roman women owing to 
their liberality in contributing to ransom 
paid to the Gauls in B.C. 389, — Matronis 
gratiae actae honosque additus ut earum 
sicut virorum post mortem solennis 
laudcUio esset. For instances of these 
laudationes in Suetonius, see lul. 7, 
84; 'Hb. 6; Calig. 10, 15; Claud. i; 
Ner. 9. 

pro oontione, Mn public meeting,' 
equivalent to the pro rostris of lul. 7. 

qaadriemilo poet. It was in the fourth 
year after this: since, as we have seen 
(p. a), he took the toga virilis in Octo- 
ber B.c. 48, and was at the same time 
elected into the college of Pontifices in 
the place of L. Domitius Ahenobarbus 
killed at Pharsalus in August, Nicolas 
§ 4 KoX heypdt/yi^ els t^v Upoai^riv els Tbv 
AcvkIov AofurLov Tdnrov TeTeXevTi^K&ros... 
KoX 6 fiiv ofJM rf fieToKKayS ttjs iaS^Tos 
Kol Ty KaXKtoTjji Tifi^S KOfffii^dels idve. Vel- 
leius Pat. 2, 59 pontifcatus sacerdotio 
puerum honoravit. Accordingly Cicero 
in 43 speaks of him ^&pontifex^ 5 Phil. 
§ 47. The African triumph was in Sep- 
tember b.c. 46, the battle of Thapsus 
having been fought in the previous 
April. Suetonius therefore cannot mean 
to place the assumption of the toga 
virilis and the triumph together; we 
must take theclause qnartrlenTilo... 




vixdum firmus a gravi valitudjne, per infestas hostibus vias 
paucissimis comitibus naufragio etiam facto subsecutus, mag- 
nopere demeruit, approbata cito etiam morum indolesuper 
itineris industriam. 
5 Caesare post receptas Hispanias expeditionem in Dacos 
et inde in Parthos destinante, praemissus Apolloniam 
studiis vacavit. Utque primum occisum eum here- 44 at 
demque se comperit, diu cunctatus an proximas P®^°"**- 

snmpta, 'having taken the toga virilis 
four years after (the latidaHo of his 

mllltarlbiui donis. See c. 25; Tib, 
33. The young Octavius was allowed 
to join his uncle*s triumphal procession 
as though he had been on the campaign, 
though, owing to his weak health, and 
his mother's anxiety, he had given up 
his ardent wish to do so [Nicolas 6j. 
The militaria dona seem to have been 
the dress and omaments of a commander 
[Nic. 8].../icai rhv v4op KeUcapa, vlhv iflh^ 
veirotrifAivoSi 6vTa di Tp&wov rcyd koX 
</f6ff€i &d rb dyxoTdna rw y4vovi e&oc, 
iKOiewre r^ iavrov ApfiaTi iw&r$ai, Kbff' 
fxois aCTbv aTpaTT^yiKoTs d<rin^af, 
djs av a^ov <r6<rKfivov iv To\4fJup ye- 

proflMStiim mox. lulius started for 
Spain in December B.c. 46 and retumed 
in the foUowing September. The battle 
of Munda was fought on the Liberalia 
' (17 March), Gnaeus Pompeius was 
killed on the iith of April [Caesar 
B, ffisp. 38], and about the same time 
Octavius seems to have joined his uncle 
at Carteia [B. Hisp. 37]. 

vlxdiun flnniui a gravl Talitadlne. 
This was the first of the many serious 
illnesses of Augustus, in consequence 
of which his life was more than once 
despaired of. They seem to have arisen 
from a feeble liver and a tendency to 
high fever. The present attack had 
been brought on by assiduous attention 
during the summer heats to the adminis- 
tration of the 'Greek' theatre, which 
his uncle had put under his charge. 
The anxiety of Julius for his restoration 
is graphically related by Nicolas c. 9 : 
Knk Tcvrt dfiTTvovvTi ijyyeiXi tis dts ixKv- 
Tos ^Tf KoX x^^^^ ^o* * ^ ^' iKTrrfdT^as 
dvvTrddTfros ^K€v hOa ivoa^XetDerOf koI 
Twv laTpuv ideiTO ifjoraBiffTara fUBffTbs <Sv 
dywvtas Kal a^ds TrapeKddifTO' dvajCTrf- 
ffdfJLCvos 8* a^bv eHdvftos iyivero. 

pauolBSlmlB oomltilras. Nicolas (10) 

represents him as rejecting the request 
of a large number of young men who 
were anxious to accompany him, owing 
to his splendid future prospects. Even 
his mother wished to go with him. 
But he refiised all company except that 
of some of his swiftest and most active 
slaves {rods <bKVTdTovs TtSv oUtrw koX 
ippufuvtffrdTovs iKXe^dfievos), 

approlMita Indtde. Cp. Nicolas 11 
iinfA€\is 8* cVotelro vpbs ixbTbv 8iaKey(h 
fjkcvov {firip roKXwv dvaKplveuf dirowet/Hb- 
ptevos odTov TTJs 8iav<das' bpwv di etkrroxov 
Kal €d<rbv€TQ9 K<d Ppax^Xoyov abrd re 
diroKpLvbfJLevov rd icai^u6rara iffrepye K<d 

snper itinerls indUBtrlam, *over and 
above the enei^ displayed in his 
journey*; cf. Nlero 31 super fiduciam 
imperii etiam spe quadam repentina 
immensarum et reconditarum opum im- 
ptdsus est. Otho 5 instigante super 
animi do/orem etiam magnitudine aeris 

Cae8are...destinante. BeforeCaesar 
returned from Spain (b.c. 45) it was 
known that he meditated crowning his 
work by one more great military expedi- 
tion. It was to secure peace at almost the 
only point of the eropire at which there 
was serious trouble, the Eastern frontier, 
which was subject to constant alanns 
and attacks from the Parthians. The 
loss of the army and its standards under 
Crassns in 53, though partially avenged 
by the victory of C Cassius in 51, had 
long been a terror to the popular imagi- 
nation. Rumours now were ailoat that 
the Sibylline verses declared that the 
Parthians could only be subdued by a 
king, and one of the Quindecemviri, 
L. Aurelius Cotta, proposed (or de- 
clared that he would propose) that 
Caesar should have the title of Dictator 
at Rome, but of king in the provinces (cp. 
Empress of India). See Plnt. Caes. do 
dn ix ypafifi&T<av ^pvWtltav d\<&ffifM 
rd Ildp6<av ^kUvoito *'P<afjudois ffi>v /3a.- 




legjones imploraret, id quidem consilium ut praeceps inma- 
turumque omisit, ceterum urbe repetita hereditatem adiit, 

vCktX CTpaT€VOfA^yois iw* adrodt 
dXXwt d»4^iKTa Srra, Cic. dg div. i, x lo 
SibylUu versus, quorum interpres nuper 
falsa quadam hominum fama diciurus 
in senatu putabatur; eum quem re vera 
regem habebamus, appellandum quoque 
esse regem^ si sahn esse vellemus, Cp. 
luL 79 ; Appian B. civ. 2, iia Cicero 
did not hear the speech but asks to 
have it sent him [ad Att. 13,44]; h^ 
had however felt obliged to join in the 
general adulation and had written to 
Caesar in the sense which he knew 
would be agreeable, i.e. urging him to 
undertake the Parthian war [ad Att. 
13, 17]. But Caesar did not mean to 
go straight to Parthia. The whole expe- 
dition was calculated to be likely to 
last 3 years, in the first of which he was 
to subdue the Dacians or Getae as they 
were sometimes called [Appian B, civ. 
2, iio]. These tribes being conquered 
he would cross to Asia Minor, or sail 
down the A^ean. Hence troops were 
sent towards the end of 45 across to 
ApoUonia to encamp on the via Egnatia, 
along which they would march either 
on their Dacian expedition or to take 
ship at Thessalonica for the East. 
Octavius was to be one of the Dictator's 
two Magistri Equitum [Dio 43, 51]. 
He was accompanied by a suite of 
young men, among whom were his 
fiiture ministers and friends M. Vip- 
sanius Agrippa and L. Cikiius Maecenas 
[Nicolas 31]. 

praemiS8iui...yacavlt, 'being sent in 
advance to ApoUonia he devoted him- 
self to study.' Appian B. civ. 3, 9 
•KmZeb^aBoi re Kal doKeurdai rd 7ro\i/ua 
iiri/iireTo ifa-b tov Kaiffapos (us is Tobs 
TToXc/dovs i\l/6/Jkevos aAT<} koI abrbv iv t^ 
*Airo\\(i)»l^ iiriritav XKai, irapaXXd^ iK 
MaicedoWas iinovffat, ffweyOfA»a^ov. Kal 
tQv iiyejxbyw tov (rrpaTov Tivis ti;j <rvy- 
feyel KaLffapos Oafuvb, ivi<f>olT(av. Vell. 
Paterc. 2, 59 ^i^ erudiendum liberalibus 
disciplinis singularis indolem iirvenis 
Apolloniam eum in studia miserat, mox 
belli Getici ac deinde Parthici habiturus 
commilitonem. Thus it was quite as 
much for training in military matters 
as in general culture that Octavius was 
sent to Apollonia; nor is there any 
other evidence that ApoUonia was spe- 
cially a place of education ; though it 
might doubtless be selected as the 
nearest place to Italy where Greek 

professors could conveniently come. 
Octavius seems to have brought his 
teachers with him, see c. 89 and notes. 
ApoUonia was a joint colony of Corinth 
and Corcyra founded during the tyranny 
of Periander (b.c. 665 — 585), and does 
not seem to have been important till 
the Roman occupation, when it be- 
came the starting point of the via 
Egnatia [Herod. 9, 91 — 4; liucyd. 
I, 26; Strabo 7, 5, 8; Plutarch Ser, 
Num. Vin. c. 7]. According to Nicolas 
(16) at Apollonia Octavius was ^Xo<}- 
/txvois /ikv incb Ttav iiKtKtav koX 0^(uy, 
6av^ai;6fuvos di irb tuv iv rj T6\ei 
rayTOfv, iwaafo^p.evos 9' {>xb tQv rai- 

BtniUlB Taoavit. Cp. c. 45 quod 
inter spectandum libellis legendis rescri- 
bendisque vacaret. Vesp. c. ai gestationi 
et inde quieti vacabat. The phrase does 
not exactly occur in Cicero, but a usage 
very near it is in de div. i, 1 1 ego vero 
inquam philosophicuy Quinte, semper 

ntqneprimiiin...oomperlt. Octavius 
leamt the murder of lulius by a letter 
from his mother. But the bearer 
could tell him nothing more, as he had 
been despatched in haste immediately 
afterwards. After a long deliberation 
he decided not to appeal for the present 
to the l^ons in Macedonia, though 
several of the officers proffered their 
assistance, but to go at dnce to Italy. 
It was not till he landed in Calabria 
that he heard of Caesar^s will and his 
adoption [Nicolas 16, 17]. 

oeterum . . . dissnadente. Octavius 
landed considerably south of Brun- 
disium, near Lupiae {Lecce), where he 
met with some who had been at Caesar's 
fiineral and had heard the will and 
could tell him that he was heir to three- 
fourths of his uncle's property — ex do- 
drante [see Itdius c. 83; though Livy 
ep, 116, says to one-half ex dimidia 
parte]. He then went to Brundisium 
where he found letters from his mother 
and stepfather. Atia begged him to 
come at once to her protection, Philip- 
pus uiged him to renounce the inherit- 
ance, — 6 8i Kai&ap fdei fiiv 6ir' e^vdas 
TavTa TapaivovvTa iyiyvwffKe di tH- 
vavTla, Nicolas c. 18. Philippus had 
taken neither side in the civil war, and 
wished his stepson to abstain from the 
party struggles. 





dubitante matre, vitrico vero Marcio Philippo consulari 
multum dissuadente. Atque ab eo tempore exer- 
citibus comparatis primum cum M. Antonio M. que o^s^JJ^his 
Lepido deinde tantum cum Antonio per duodecim powerB.c. 
5 fere annos, novissime per quattuor et quadraginta \^. 
solus rem publicam tenuit. 


proxlmas leglones. Those encamped 
in Macedonia ready for the Parthian 

▼Itrloo. There seems no reason to 
doubt that L. Marcius Philippus was 
stepfather to Augustus. Yet Dio [45, 1] 
calls him his mother*s brother, irpatfyri 
liiv Tapa re rj fJt-rfrpl Kal Tapdi rtfi 
ddeX^ ai^TTJt AovKlip ^iXlirinfi. And 
Ovid F. 6, 809 says that he married 
Octavian's 2caiiij...nupta Juii quondam 
maiertera Caesaris illi. It seems im- 
possible that the courtier Ovid should 
have made a mistake on such a subject; 
and the only explanation possible seems 
to be that he married the two sisters in 
succession. Velleius [2, 59 and 60] 
calls him vitricus\ Appian B. civ. 3, 
10 ii i^ /i^J^p Kol ^CXiiriros os eXxcv 
oMpf. Plutarch Cicero 45 €>£X«nros 6 
r^v tiTp-ipa rov veoO KcUffapos ^uv. 
Cicero 3 Phi/. § 17 Z. Philippus qui 
habet Aricinam uxorem^ C. Marcellus^ 
qui Aricinae filiam, Cp. ad Att. xiv. 
la. See infr, c. 19. He was consul 
in B.c. 56. 

atqne ab eo tempore ezercitibiis 
oomparatlB. . .teniiit. This exceedingly 
brief summary of Augustus' career in- 
cludes I. the levying of an army against 
Antony at Mutina in the autumn of 44. 
M. A. I annos undeviginti natus exer- 
citum privato consilio etprivata impensa 
comparavi. Cic, ad Att. 16, 8 (Nov. 44) 
Kal. vesperi literae mihi ab Octaviano. 
Magna molitur. Veteranos qui sunt 
Casilini et Calatiae perduxit ad suam 
sententiam. Nec mirum : quingenos de- 
narios dat: cogitat reliquas colonias 
obire. Plane hoc spectctt ut se duce bel- 
lum cum Antonio geratur. Cicero hesi- 
tated to trust him, ego quidem ffK-fyirro- 
fuu. non confido aetati. Ignoro quo 
animo^ ib. 9. He however is soon con- 
vinced that Octavius is important, is 
tamen egit sane strenue et agit. Romam 
veniet cum manu magna, sed est plane 
puer, Putat senatum statim. Quis ve- 
niet? si venerit, quis incertis rebus 
offendet Antonium ? Kal, lan. erit /or- 
tasse praesidio, aut quidem ante depug- 
nabitur. Puero municipia mire/avent.... 



ad Att. 16, II. To the troops thus 
raised from the veterans were added the 
legio Martia and quarta, which broke 
off on the march from Brundisium and 
came to Alba Fucentia, and put them- 
selves at the disposal of Octavius 
(November), Cicero 3 Phit. § 39; 13 
§ 19. II. the first tenure of the Tri- 
umvirate. It was established by a 
/ex passed on 27 of November 43 in 
consequence of an agreement come to 
between Antony, Lepidus and Au- 
gustus at their meeting earlier in the 
month. They were to form a board to 
settle the constitution rei publicae con- 
stituendacy with fuU powers as to the 
* designating * magistrates and carrying 
on govemment for 5 years, from the 
following ist January to 31 December / 
38. It was also arranged that there 
should be three great provinces, Caesar 
was to take both the Africas, Sicily 
and Sardinia; Lepidus the Spains and 
Gallia Narbonensis ; Antony the rest of 
Gaul, with legions and legates. Lepi- 
dus was to be consul for 42 and take 
charge of Italy while Caesar and Antony 
went to attack Brutus and Cassius [Dio 
46, 54]. After the battle of Philippi 
these arrangements were modified. 
The triumviral imperium remained un- 
changed : but Antony was to take 
general charge of all east of the Adri- 
atic, Caesar of all west of it; and 
Lepidus was to be allowed to hold 
Africa as his province, — Italy was to 
be common to all [Dio 48, i]. The 
triumvirate was renewed for another 
5 years from i January 37 to 31 Dec. 
33 ; but in B.c. 36 Lepidus was deprived 
of his share of the provinces and forced 
to abdicate his imperium as triumvir. 
III. Neither Caesar nor Antony re- 
signed his imperium at the end of 33; 
but the battle of Actium (31) followed 
by the death of Antony (30) left Caesar 
with the sole imperium. This completes 
the tw^elve years of .Suetonius* three first 
periods. IV. The ^th period of 44 years 
is that which may be properly called 
Caesar's reign from B.c. 30 to A.D. 14, 
— from the death of Antony to his own. 

J ■!, 

7irt. f»/ 






9 Proposita vitae eius velut summa, partes singillatim neque 
per tempora sed per species exsequar, quo distinctius demon- 
strari cognoscique possint. 

Bella civilia quinque gessit : Mutinense, Philippense, 

Perusinum, Siculum, Actiacum ; e quibus primum 5 

dviiwus ^^ novissimum adversus M. Antonium, secundum 

B.c. 44— adversus Brutum et Cassium, tertium adversus L. 

Antonium triumviri fratrem, quartum adversus Sex- 


9. neqne per tempora sed per 
■pedes, 'not however foUowing the 
chronological order, but taking each 
subject by itself.* Suetonius generally 
follows this plan more or less, giving 
separate accounts of an £mperor*s 
wars, legislation, friendships, methods 
of govemment».^enOurs enjoyed, plea- 
le like. But in most of the 
lives the chronological sketch is more 
rprominent than in that of Augustus. 
He divides his subject in the present in- 
stance thus: (I) Civil wars, 9 — 19. (II) 
Foreign wars, 20 — 21. (III) Triumphs 
celebrated, 22 — 24. (IV) Military dis- 
cipline, 24 — 25. (V) Offices, 26 — 27. 

(VI) General policy and administration, 
public buildings, etc, social reforms, 
administration of justice, legislation, 
28 — 34. His dealing with the Senate, 
the magistrates, the Equites, and the 
citizenship, 34 — 40. His financial 
measures, 41 — 42. His arrangement 
of the games and theatres, 43 — 46. 

(VII) His administration of the pro- 
vinces and foreign affairs, 48 — 50. 

(VIII) Miscellaneous characteristics 
andanecdotes, 51 — 60. (IX) Hisfamily 
life, wives, children and adopted sons, 
friendships, servants, personal morality 
and amusements, appearanceand health, 
61 — 82. (X) His literary accomplish- 
ments, 84 — 86. His peculiar expressions 
and tricks of writing, his instructors, 
and Greek studies, and patronage of 
leaming, 87 — 89. (XI) His views 
and practices as to religion, 90 — 93. 
(XII) The various omens and other 
divine indications accompanying his 
birth, and the great crises of his life, 
94--^. (XIII) His last days, his death, 
and will, 97 — loi. 

Iiella dTilla. I. Mntlnense : Octa- 
vius started for Mutina before i Januaiy 
43. The decisive engagements which 
compelled Antony to withdraw from 
Mutma took place on the isth of April 
[Cic, ad fam, 10, 30—33; 14 PhiL\ 

I^io 46, 37] on the via Aemilia, 
and the next day or next day but one 
close to Antony's camp at Mutina [App. 
B, C 3, 71 — 2]. II. FMUppenBe: 
Brutus and Cassius on their march 
through N. Macedonia (42) found the 
road near Philippi blocked by 8 legions 
sent by Antony under Caius Norbanus 
and Decidius Saxas. The two armies 
fronted each other for some weeks until 
towards the end of September Antony 
arrived with reinforcements followed a 
little later by Octavian (who had been 
detained by sickness). There were two 
battles with a fortnight*s interval to- 
wards the end of October and the be- 
ginning of November. In the first 
Bmtus stormed Octavian*s camp, and 
all but captured him, but Cassius was 
defeated and committed suicide under the 
false impression that Bmtus had failed. 
In the second Bmtus was defeated and 
killed himself [Plutarch, lives oiAntony 
and BrtUuSy Dio 47, 32 — 49; App. B. 
Cw. 4, 105 — 138; Vell. Pat. 2, 70 — 71]. 
III. PernBlnnm: On the i January 41 
Lucius Antonius (brother of Marcus)' 
became Consul. Marcus Antonius in 
accordance with the agreement made 
after Philippi was in the East : but his 
wife iFulvia was in Rome and she com- 
bined with Lucius (who as symbol of 
his devotion to his brother's interest 
had taken the cognomen of Pietas) to 
support the interests of Marcus and his 
veterans against those of Caesar. It 
was Fulvia who was the ruling spirit 
of the two, and she used the circum- 
stances of the time, especially the task 
Caesar had to perform of distributing 
lands to the veterans, for stirring up 
quarrels. Caesar showed his sense of 
the situation by divorcing Fulvia's 
daughter Clodia, to whom he had been 
contracted though he had not as yet co- 
habited with her. These disagreements 
led to a real civil war which centred 
itself at Pemsia where Caesar besi^ed 




tum Pompeium CN. F. Omnium bellorum initium et causam 10 
hinc sumpsit : nihil convenientius ducens quam necem avun- 
culi vindicare tuerique acta, confestim ut ApoUonia rediit, 
Brutum Cassiumque et vi necopinantis et (quia provisum 
5 periculum subterfugerant) legibus^ adgredi reosque caedis 

Lucius Antonius from the autumn of 
41 to March 40 [Dio 48, 5 — 16 ; Vell. 
Paterc. 1, 74 — 76; App. B. Civ. 5, 
19 — 49]. IV. Siculiiin : The Sicilian 
war spread over several years. Caesar 
was engaged in Sicily early in 42 just 
before starting for Macedonia. During 
the two years which followed Sextus 
Pompeius had held Sicily, Corsica and 
Sardinia and other islands, had harassed 
the coasts of Italy almost at his will, 
and the triumvirs were execrated by 
the people for the sufFerings thus en- 
tailed on them. They were obliged 
therefore to do something. First of all 
Antony and Caesar in common nego- 
tiated the treaty of Misenum with 
Pompey [39] which secured to Sextus 
his rule in the islands (with the addition 
of the Peloponnese) and his restUutio 
in integrum at Rome, as well as other 
great concessions, while it provided for 
the free supply of com from those parts 
to Rome and the cessation of Pompey*s 
raids. Antony then went off to the 
East for his Parthian expeditions, and 
Caesar was left in charge at Rome. 
But the peace was maintained for a 
very short time. Sextus conceived him- 
self not to be treated fairly in accordance 
with its terms, and began his encroach- 
ments again (b.c. 38 — 7), and Caesar 
was obliged to undertake the war. In 
38 — 7 it went against Caesar, who lost 
a considerable fleet and was in great 
personal danger. It was not until 
Agrippa took command (b.c. 36) that 
things began to look brighter, and 
finally after much desultory fighting 
both by sea and land Sextus fled to 
Asia where he was put to death (b.c. 
35) [Vell. Pat. 2, 73, 79—81 ; Dio 48, 
17—32; 36; 49» I— »8; App. B, Civ, 
5, 77 — 92; 98—145]. V. Actiacnm: 
The war which was settled by the battle 
of Actium (September b.c. 31) was not 
professedly a dvil war. Caesar had 
indeed industriously put before the 
people all the civil crimes of Antony, 
and the very boys in the streets it is 
s&id formed themselves into rival parties 
of Caesarians and Antonians, neverthe- 

less the proclamation of war was against 
Cleopatra [7-17 yAv o9v KXeoirdrpf hA 
TaOra ihv TrbXefuiv irf/riipUraPTOt rf 8* 
*AvT(avt(fi o^div dijBcv toiovtov iir^- 
yeCKav.. . Dio 50, 6]. It was quite enough 
for Antony's enemies that he should 
appear before the people as fighting on 
the side of a hostis, The war may be 
counted as lasting from the autumn of 32 
(some desultory movements occurring 
in the winter) to the death of Antony 
in the first half of B.c. 30 [Dio 50, 10 
— 51, 10: Velleius Paterc. 2, 83, 8; 
Plutarch Antony^ c. 57 sq.]. 

10. xiecem...vlxidlcaTe. Augustus 
himself puts the vengeance for the as- 
sassination of lulius as his first public 
achievement after his successful cam- 
paign at Mutina. See M. A. 2 qui 
parentem meum interfecerunt, eos in 
exilium expuli iudiciis legitimis ultus 
eorum facinusy et postea bellum infer- 
entis rei publicae vici bis acie» But 
though the legal condemnation of the 
assassins here spoken of seems formally 
to have been confined to a sentence of 
interdictio aquae et ignisy it is observed 
by Suetonius [/«/. 89] that within three 
years nearly all had perished by various 
forms of violent death. For exceptions 
see Appendix B. 

confestixii nt Apolloxila redlit. It 
does not appear that Octavian took any 
steps against the assassins immediately 
after his retum from ApoUonia. He 
was very reserved, and Cicero, though 
with some doubt, declared that he was 
well disposed to his party: cui Att. 15, 
12 (written early in June B.c. 44). It 
was npt till he came to Rome with an 
army in August 43 B.c. to claim the 
consulship that he began the vengeance. 
The acta of Caesar had been confirmed 
by a decree of the Senate in March, 
but Antony is accused by Cicero of play- 
ing fast and loose with them [2 Phil. 
§ 100]. 

sabterfagerant. Brutus and Cas- 
sius, though Praetors, had to leave 
Rome immediately after Caesar's fune- 
ral, owing to the popular feeling against 
them, and never ventured to return to 

2 — 2 




absentis deferre statuit. Ludos autem victoriae Caesaris, non 
audentibus facere quibus optigerat id munus, ipse edidit. Kt 
quo constantius cetera quoque exequeretur, in locum TR. PL. 
forte demortui candidatum se ostendit, quanquam patricius 
necdum senator. Sed adversante conatibus suis M. Antonio 5 

tbe city again. They stayed in Italy 
till towards the end of August, at iirst 
at Lanuvium [Cic. ad fam, 11, 2], then 
at Antium \ad Att, 15, 11, la], and 
finally, after collecting ships and men, at 
Velia and at Naples \ad AtU 16, 7]. 
The scene at the theatre in which C. 
Antonius presided in the place of Brutus 
at the games of Apollo in July, though 
Cicero aflerwards declared it to be 
extraordinarily favourable to Brutus 
[2 Phil, § 31 incrediHli Aonore], was 
really far from encouraging [ad Att. 16, 
5 ; cp. App. B, civ. 3, 24 ifif^ffOtov ydp 
rivtav dvoKpayovTtav KaTaKaXeiv BpourSv 
T€ KaX Kcunriov iwel rb \oiv6v a^ToTs 
Biarpov ffvveSfi/uiycrYeiTO is rbv fKeoVf 
iaidpatiov dBpooi (Octavian's partisans) 
KoX rds Biai ivi<rx,ov fxixp*' ''^ d^iwrt» 
ainQv ffpiaai]. 

legibUB. See passage of the Monu- 
mentum quoted above. The law for 
the trial 01 the conspirators was brought 
in by Octavian*s cousin and colleague in 
the consulship, Q. Pedius [c. 83], who 
had served with his uncle in Gaul, and 
was a joint heir by his will. Vell. 
Paterc. 1, 69 ft lege Pedia^ quam Cos, 
Pedius collega Caesaris tulerat^ omnibus 
qui Caesarem pairem interfecerant aqua 
ignique damnatis interdictum erat. Cp. 
Appian B. civ, 3, 95 ; Dio 46, 48. This 
took place in August B.c. 43 ; but the 
subsequent proscriptions of the triumvirs 
in November caused Pedius so much 
distress and excitement that he died 
[App. B, civ. 4, 6]. 

lud08...vlctorlaa Caesarls. These 
games had been intended to be ex- 
hibited on the Palilia (21 April) in cele- 
bration of Caesar's Spanish victory, 
and were to accompany the dedication 
of the completed temple of Venus 
Victrix vowed at Pharsalus in B.c. 49 
[App. 2, 102 ; Dio 43, 1 ; 45, 6]. After 
his death they were not proceeded 
with ; but Octavian on coming to Rome 
at once took measures for their cele- 
bration in May, securing the services of 
Matius Calvinus [ad Att. 15, 2; ad 
Fam, II, «7 — 28] and Postumius, two 
warm friends of the Dictator [ad fam. 

6, 12] as procuratores, For the comet 
mentioned by Suetonius [/ut. 88] as 
having appeared during these games, 
which the people believed to be the soul 
of Caesar being received among the 
gods, see Pliny N,H,2% 93—94 Cometes 
in uno totius orbis loco colitur in templo 
Romacy admodum faustus divo Augusto 
iudicatus ab ipso^ qui incipiente eo cui- 
paruit ludis quos jaciebat Veneri Gene- 
trici non multo post obitum patris 
Caesaris in collegio ab eo insiituto. Dio 

45» 7- 
InloeninTrllnmlFlebeil. Thevacancy 

seems to have been caused by the death 
of Helvius Cinna, who was killed by 
the mob in mistake for L. Cornelius 
Cinna, one of the assassins [Plut. Caes. 
68; Brutus 20; Dio 45, 5]. Antony 
prevented ()ctavian's candidature by an 
edict, in virtue of his consular power of 
coercitio^ <^PP* -^* "^* 3» 3' vpoiiypa<f>€v 
(us (hrarof fn^devi Kalaapa iyx^ipetv 
vapavofiwtf fj xp^<^^<^Bai Kar* alnou Travrl 
fiiTptfi TTjs iiovfflat. Plut. Ant. 16 dti- 
yuapxi^ Te ybip ivi<rrq fieridvTi Kal bL<f>pov 
Xpv<roOv Tov iraTpbs, w<nr€p ^^^0i<rro, 
TiBivTos "^elXri^rev e/s <f>v\<uc^v aTa^eiv, 
The constitutional grounds on which 
the opposition rested seem to have 
been I. the patriciate conferred on 
Octavius by lulius; II. his age; III. 
his not having been quaestor and so a 
senator {necaum senator). This last 
involved a breach of custom though 
not of law [Willans le Sinat i, p. 212], 
and Antony found that he would be 
elected, and consequently stopped the 
comitia [(offTe...dv€\^ t^v x^^porovlav 
rots b7ro\<dirou t<3v Srifxdpx<av dpKoipxvov^ 
App. l.c.\ 

adyer8ante...Antonlo. The first point 
in which Antony opposed Octavian was 
in regard to a large sum of money 
(about ;f 5000000) left by Caesar in 
the temple of Ops. Of this as Caesar's 
heir Octavian demanded an account, 
which Antony refused on the grounds 
that it was public money, and did not 
come to Caesar^s heir, who had no 
public position in virtue of the will, for 
Caesar had of course no power to leave 




consule, quem vel praecipuum adiutorem speraverat, ^c ne 
publicum quidem et tralJLtrcium ius ulla in re^^sibi gjg^ij 
sine pactione gravissimae mercedis^imgertiente, ad with M. 
optimates se contulit, quibus eum invisum sentiebat, tomus. 

a successor in his public offices. How- 
ever the second heirs Pinarius and Pedius 
were paid, and they seem to have 
handed over their shares to Octavian 
[App. B, civ, 3, 15 — 22; cp. Cicero 
2 PhiL § 93]. 

pabUcum . . . et tralatldiun lus 'a right 
open to every one,* *of an ordinary de- 
scription.' Cp. Nero 7 tralaticiae postu- 
kttimes^ 'formal motions in a court/ ib, 
33 trcUaiicio funerey *common,' *ordi- 
nary funeral.' On his arrival in Rome 
early in May 44, Octavius at once gave 
notice before the praetor C. Antonius, 
that he accepted the inheritance of 
Caesar, and found himself immediately 
not only involved in a money contro- 
versy with M. Antonius, as were his 
co-heirs Pedius and Pinarius, but had 
also to defend himself in many actions 
brought by those who professed to have 
been wrongfuUy dispossessed by Caesar ; 
and in these actions he was frequently 
worsted by Antony's influence [App. 
BelL civ. 3, 22 xam-axov tA iroXXd dfAolut 
6 Kaurap is X^V*" ^AyrwLov TjrraTo]. 
Antony'8 secret influence was exercised 
also in the other points, — the tribune- 
ship, the celebration of the games, and 
the formal /ex curiata for his adoption 
[a&rbs ixkv iffvMa^cv Srjdep tlffeveyKeiv, 
did. di dfifidpxdjy TivQv dye/SoXXero, Dio 

45» 5]- 
ad optimates se oontulit. Cicero 

had from the first hoped to get Octavius 

on his side as against Antony. He 

anticipated with pleasure the quarrel 

that would arise between them, — sedf 

ut scribiSf ftoi^oOefuv magnam cum An- 

toniOy ad Att. 14, 10 (19 Apr. B.c. 43), 

— and believed that he had secured him 

on his 2iXriS2Xj...modo venit Octavius, 

et quidem in proximam villam Philippi^ 

mihi totus deditus^ ib. 11 (18 April)... 

nobiscum hic perhonorifice et amice 

OctaviuSf ib. 12 (22 April). These con- 

fident expectations were damped by the 

speech delivered by him in May, when 

introduced on the Rostra by L. Anto- 

nius, and by his celebration of the 

games in the Dictator's honour, de 

Octavii contione idem sentio quod tu ; 

ludorumque eim apparcUus et AtcUius ac 

Postumius mihi procuratores nonplcuent, 
...ib. 15, 2 (18 May). Still his resent- 
ment against the murderers of his uncle 
was for the present carefuUy concealed, 
and this gave Cicero hopes of retaining 
him, though his doubts were not set at 
xts>U...OctavianOy ut perspexi^ scUis in- 
genii, satis animi: videbaturque erga 
nostros heroas ita fore ut nos vellemus 
animatus, Sed qutd cutati credendum 
sit, quid nominiy quid hereditati, quid 
Kar-rixM^f-i niagni consilii est: vitricus 
quidem nihil censebat, quem Asturae 
vidimus. Sed tamen cUendus est ; et, 
ut nihil aliudy ab Antonio seiungendus, 
ib. 12 (10 June). It was not however 
till the latter part of October that 
the alienation from Antony was com- 
plete ; when, on the latter leaving Rome 
to meet the legions at Brundisium 
from Epirus, Octavian enrolled sol- 
diers from the veterans at Casilinum 
and Calatia on the plea that Antony 
was about to march upon Rome. 
Though he had no authority for doing 
this, the Optimate party hastened to re- 
cognise him, in their hatred of Antony, 
though Cicero doubted as to giving bim 
direct countenance \ego autem cKfjfKTo- 
naLf ad Att. 16, 9], and Varro and some 
others disapproved. It was not until 
the I9th of December that thanks were 
voted in the Senate to Octavian, thus 
implicitly recognising him [3 Phi/. 
§ 39]; and it was only on the ist Jan. 
B.c. 43 that imperium was accorded to 
him, with the rank of pro-praetor and 
a seat in the Senate [5 Phi/, § 46J. It 
is certain, however, that he was pla^ring 
a part, and meant only to use the Opti- 
mates to give him the power of making 
terms with Antony on a footing of 
equality. He himself asserts that he 
used the troops to destroy the narrow 
clique then enslaving the country, by 
which he means the party of Optimates 
[per quem rem pub/icam dominatiofte 
fcutionis oppressam in /ibertatem vin- 
dicavi M. A. i § i, words apparently 
founded on those of lulius himself, see 
B.civ. I, 22 ut se et Popu/um Romanum 
factione paucorum oppressum in /iber- 
tatem vindicaret\. 



[lO — 

maxime quod D. Brutum obsessum Mutinae provincia a 
Caesare data et per senatum confirmata | expellere armis 
niteretur. Hortantibus itaque nonnuUis percussores ei sub- 
omavit, ac fraude deprehensa periculum in vicem metuens 
veteranos simul in suum ac rei publicae auxilium quanta 5 
potuit largitione contraxit; iussusque comparato exercitui pro 
praetore praeesse et cum Hirtio ac Pansa, qui consulatum 
susceperant, D. Bruto opem ferre, demandatum bellum tertio 

quod D. Brutiini...xiiteretiir. The 
assi^ation of Gallia Cis-Alpina to 
Decimus Brutus was among the ar- 
rangements made by lulius preliminary 
to his starting on the Parthian expedi- 
tion [App. B, civ, 3, 1]; Antony had 
carried a lex transferring it to himself in 
June, B.c. 44 (^i/xFi legem de provinciarum 
pemiutatione per vim iulisset Liv. ep, 
107), — ^though he appears to have ob- 
tained a vote of the Senate on the ist 
of that month in his favour [Cic. ad Att. 
14, 14; 15, 4; I PAiL%6; Dio45,9]. 
Decimus Brutus after some hesitation 
resolved to resist; threw himself into 
Mutina with his troops, and sent an 
edict, published in Rome on the igih 
of December, declaring that he was in 
lawfiil possession of his province, and 
forbidding any one with imperium to 
enter it [Cic. ad fam, 11, 6—7]. An- 
tony was by that time on his way to 
besiege him; and Octavian with his 
newly levied legion, and with the Martia 
and 4th legion, which had left Antony 
and joined him at Alba Fucentia, had 
also started to the seat of war. 

percuBsores el subomavlt. Whether 
this attempt to assassinate Antony was 
really countenanced by Caesar was a 
matter of dispute at the time. Appian 
{B. civ. 3, 39] says that most people 
believed that it was so, but that the rew 
clearer-sighted ones perceived that it 
was not to his interest to get rid of 
Antony, as he would immediately find 
himself confronted by the enmity of the 
Optimates, who only supported him 
from fear of Antony. On the other 
hand, Cicero says that though the 
common people believed it to be a report 
got up by Antony himself to discredit 
Caesar, the Optimates both believed 
and approved oi\i...Kerum urbanarum 
acta tibi mitii certo scio. Quodni ita 
putarem ipse perscriberem. Inprimisque 
Caesaris Octaviani conatum ; de quo 
multitudini ftcium ab Antonio crimen 

videtur, ut in pecuniam adolescentis im- 
petum /aceret. Prudentes autem et boni 
viri et credunt facium et probant. cui 
fam. 12, 33 (written to Comificius about 
the 5th October), cp. Seneca de Clem. 
I, 9, I. Plutarch [Ant. 16] seems to 
disbelieve it ; and Caesar's own version 
of the affair is probably that given by 
Nicolas [c. 30], who asserts that Antony 
deliberately invented hoth the plot and 
the report inculpating Caesar, who, as 
soon as the story reached him, at once 
visited the consuPs house and offered to 
act as one of his body guard. 

▼eteranos. . .(laanta potult largltioiie 
oontraxlt. llie enrolment began im- 
mediately after Antony's departure for 
Brundisium (9 October). He ofifered a 
bounty of 500 denarii (about £20), and 
soon got men to enlist. . . . Veteranos 
qui Casilini et Calatiae sunt perduxit 
ad suam sententiam. Nec mirum : 
quingenos denarios dat. ad Att. 16, 8. 
For this enrolment of soldiers at his 
own expense, see M.A. i; 3 Pkil. § 3; 
Vell. 2, 61. 

lussiis . . . soBceperant. The decree, of 
which notice had been given on the 19 
December, 44, was passed at the meet- 
ing of the Senate on the i January 43, 
when Hirtius and Pansa came into 
office. It is given in Cicero 5 Phil. § 
46 quod C. Caesar, C.f, pontifex, pro 
praetore summo rei publicae tempore 
milites veteranos ad libertatem P. R. 
cokortcUus sit eosque conscripserit..:sena' 
tui placere C. Caesarem C. f ponti- 
ficem prop-aetore senatorem esse sententi- 
amque loco praetorio dicere. He was at 
the same time invested with imperium 
(ib. 45 demus igitur imperium Caesari, 
cp. 1 1 Phil. § 20 imperium C. Caesari 
belli necessiiaSf fasces senatus dedii). 
Dio (46, 29) sa^rs that he was first inter 
quaestorios (iv toU rera/xieuK^cn), but 
this seems a mistake. There was, how- 
ever, a second decree giving him an 
honorary consulship {ornamenta con- 




mense confecit duobus proeliis. Priore Antonius fugisse eum 
scribit ac sine paludamento equoque post biduum „. 
deqium apparuisse, sequenti satis constat non modo duct at 
ducis, sed etiam militis functum munere atque in ^**^"** 
5 media dimicatione, aquilifero legionis suae graviter saucio, aqui- 
lam umeris subisse diuque portasse. Hoc bello cum Hirtius 11 
in acie, Pansa paulo post ex vulnere perissent, rumor incre- 
bruit ambos opera eius occisos, ut Antonio fugato, re publica 
consulibus orbata, solus victores exercitus occuparet Pansae 

sularia)y and therefore in the M. A. i 
§ 3 he says ob quae senatus decretis 
honorifids in ordinem suum tne adlegit 

C, Pansa A. Hirtio Coss,, consularem 
locum simul dans sententiae ferenda^ et 
imperium mihi dedit. Cp. livy ep. ii% 
propraetoris imperium a senatu datum 
est cum consularibus omamentis. This 
and decree Dio [46, 4 1 ] places after the 
battles at Mutina, but wrongly as it 
appears, for Pansa and Hirtius were 
then dead. Cp. App. 3,«j'I/)t£v 
KoX ndyo-f Ka/(rapa <rv<rTpaTyffei»i..KoX 
yvfbpiTiv ahrbv elaip^peiv iv roU inraTucoh 
Tfdri. Speaking, indeed, on 20 March, 
43, Cicero [13 Phit. 39] still calls him 
pro praetore in the army, but that would 
not prevent his having consular rank in 
the Senate. 

terUo menBe . . .duobus proeUis. See 
note on c. 8. The battles near Mutina 
took place on the i^th of April, and the 
next day but one. In the first, at Forum 
Gallorum, it does not appear that 
Octavian was himself personally en- 
gaged [«reefroc ixtibk fuiX€<rd/jL€Pot Dio 46, 
38], though his co/iors praetoria was 
stationed on the via Aemilia and suf- 
fered severely, losing its commander, 

D. Carfulenus. Octavian seems to 
have remained to guard his camp, and 
though in the despatch which Hirtius 
sent ofT immediately after the engage- 
ment he commends him for holding it 
and fighting a secundum proelium [14 
Phil. 28], nothing is said of it in the 
letter of Ser. Servilius Galba (great- 
grandfather of the emperor) who was 
himself engaged, see Cic. ad fam. 10, 
30. Appian B. civ. 3, 66 — 70. In the 
nghting on the next day or next day 
but one, however, Caesar was actively 
employed. Antony had retreated to 
his camp near Mutina, and Hirtius and 
Caesar, after defeating his troops out- 
side the camp, forced their way in. 
Hirtius fell in the camp, but Qiesar 

managed to bring off his body [Appian 
B. civ. 3, 71]. 

paladamento, his military dress as 
imperator. Thus Pompey fled from the 
camp at Pharsalus, detrcutis insignibus 
impercUoriis^ Caes. B. civ. 3, 96. When 
lulius had to escape by swimming at 
Alexandria he is said to have done so 
paludamentum mordicus trcthens ne 
spolio poteretur hostis, lul. c 64. 

11. HlztiU8...Pan8a. Hirtius had 
been at the seat of war sincethebeginning 
of the year. Pansa arrived with a rein- 
forcement on the i^th of April. In the 
engagement of the i^th Pansa received 
two severe wounds, duobus periculosis 
vu/neribus acceptis, Cic. 14 Phit. 26 ; 
and was carried off the field to the camp 
of Hirtius at Bononia. Hirtius fell in 
the attempt to storm Antony's camp on 
the i7th; but Pansa lingered for some 
days. The rumour which ascribed his 
death to the intrigue of Augustus with 
his physician Glycon was persistent. 
See Tac. Ann. i, 10. Glycon was 
arrested by Pansa's quaestor, L. Man- 
lius Torquatus. M. Brutus (writing 
on the i6th of May) begs Cicero to 
secure his release, and declares his belief 
in his innocence, . ..nii minus credendum 
est: quis enim maiorem ccUamitcUem 
morte Pansae accepitt [£p. ad Br. i, 
6]. According to Appian [B. civ. 3, 
75 — 76] Pansa on his deathbed was 
particularly friendly to Octavian, and 
wamed him of the designs of the Op- 
timates. Octavian performed the last 
rites over both, and sent their ashes to 
Rome with all honour. 

Ylctores ezeroitus. Cp. victor currus 
Ov. Tr. 4, 2, 47, victores legiones Plaut. 
Amph. I, I, 33. On the death of the 
consuls, the Senate ordered the Martia 
and Quarta legio to join Dec. Brutus in 
pursuit of Antony; but both refused to 
quit Octavian [Cic. adfam. 11, 14, 19, 
20; ad Brut. 1, 2, 14]. 




quidem adeo suspecta mors fuit, ut Glyco medicus custoditus 
sit, quasi venenum vulneri indidisset. Adicit his Aquilius 
Niger, alterum e consulibus Hirtium in pugnae tumultu ab 
12 ipso interemptum. Sed ut cognovit Antonium post fugam a 
He deserls ^- Lepido receptum ceterosque duces et exercitus s 
thecause consentire pro partibus, causam optimatium sine 
Optimates cunctatione deseruit, ad praetextum mutatae volun- 
B.c. 43. tatis\licta factaque quorundam calumniatus, quasi 

4ua8i...lndldl88et, *on the charge of 
havingintroduced poisonintohis wound.' 
For quasi cp. cc 6, 14. Its use cannot 
be rigidly separated from that of tani' 
quam ; but it seems generally to indicate 
something more of doubt. 

AquUliis Niger. Nothing seems to 
be known of this writer, and his state- 
ment is hardly worth considering. It 
seems founded on the fact that Octavian 
was near Hirtius when he fell: see 
Appian B. civ. 3, 71 "Iprios di koI 4s t6 
ffTpardiredov iai^Xaro tov *AvTiiwiov koI 
irepl T^i» ffTpaTTjylda pLaxbfieyos ivcffe' 
Kal aOroO t6 re aCa/ui 6 KaTirap iadpafjujfp 
ivelXcTo K€d tov arpaTOTridov KaTiax^*'' 

12. iit...reoeptii]n. M. Aemilius Le- 
pidus was Magister Equitum at the time 
of Caesar's assassination, and soon after- 
wards (having meanwhile been elected 
Pontifex Maximus) went to his province 
of Gallia Narbonensis and Hispania 
Citerior, which had been assigned to 
him by Caesar. He was at first acting 
with Antony, and secured the temporary 
adhesion of Sextus Pompeius. Upon 
Antony*s breach with the Senate he 
seems to have played a double part. 
He kept up a correspondence with 
Cicero, fuU of professions of loyalty, and 
asserting his intention of opposing 
Antony^ retreat into his province of 
Narbonensis. He advanced to the River 
Argenteus {Argens) about the 20th of 
May, Antony being in the neighbour- 
hood of Forum lulii {Frijus) at its 
mouth, and from it reported that 
Antony's men were deserting him and 
promised to oppose him in the interests 
of the state \adfam, 10, 34]. But he 
was ventosissimus [ib, 11, 9], and had 
already alarmed the Optimates by pro- 
posing earlier in the year that terms 
should be made with Antony [ib. 10, 6 ; 
10, 27]; and even after Antony's retreat 
from Mutina had written despatches 
which Cicero regarded as *cold and 
shuffling' [frigidae et inconstantesy ib. 
10, 16], while Plancus privately in- 

formed Cicero that he could not induce 
him to act with any energy against 
Antony \ib. 10, 34]. He had in fact 
resolved to join Antony. On the 22nd 
of May he wrote to Cicero [ad/am, 10, 
34] still professing loyalty, and asserting 
that he had superseded his two legati, 
Silanus and Culleo, who, being sent 
forward to guard the pass into Nar- 
bonensis, had joined Antony [see App. 
B. civ. 3, 83], but on the aoth of May 
he had himself joined torces with 
him, and addressed a despatch to the 
Senate declaring that his soldiers re- 
fused to fight against their countrymen, 
and ending with a veiled menace or 
waming as to the need of their making 
terms with Antony [ad fam. 10, 35]. 
The Senate answered by declaring 
Lepidus and all his foUowers hostes 
(31 June), allowing, however, his fol- 
lowers the opportunity of retuming to 
their allegiance before the ist of Sep- 
tember [adfam. la, 10]. 

oeterosque duces et ezeroitUB. 
Antony had been joined by Ventidius 
Bassus towards the end of May [Cic. ad 
fam. 1 1, 29] ; before the end of August he 
was also joined by L. Munatius Plancus, 
goveraor of farther Gaul. About the 
middle of July, Dec. Bmtus hadformed 
a junction with Plancus near Grenoble 
[culfam. 10, 24] ; but a third army was 
on its way under C. Asinius Pollio from 
Baetica [ad fam. 10, 30], and before 
the end of August Pollio had persuaded 
Plancus to abandon Dec. Bmtus and to 
join him in giving in their adhesion to 
Antony [Appian B. civ. 3, 97]. Livy 
ep. 120 Cum M. Antonio vires Asinius 
quoque Pollio et M. Munatius Plancus 
cum exercitibus suis adiuncti amplias' 
sent. The Senate, which had voted the 
command against Antony to Dec. Bmtus, 
had no force to look to except two 
legions sent from Airica by Q. Corai- 
iicius, which arrived the day before 
Octavian entered Rome [adfam. 1 1» 14 ; 
Appian B, civ, 3t 91]* 




alii se puerum, alii omandum toUendumque iactassent, ne aut 
sibi aut veteranis par gratia referretur. Et quo magis paeni- 
tentiam prioris sectae approbaret, Nursinos grandi pecunia et ^ 
quam pendere nequirent multatos extorres oppido egit, quod 
s Mutinensi acie interemptorum civium tumulo publice extructo 
ascripserant, pro libertate eos occubuisse. 

Inita cum Antonio et Lepido societate, Philippense quoque 13 
bellum, quamquam invalidus atque aeger, duplici TheTri- 
proelio transegit, quorum priore castris exutus vix umvirate 

1 A • r ■ik.T andbattles 

xoad Antoni cornu fuga evaserat. Nec successum ofPhiiippi 
victoriae moderatus est, sed capite Bruti Romam «.0.43— 2. 

i • ■< 


pro partlbUB, *• were coming to terms 
in the interests of the party,* i.e. the 
opposite party, cp. coniurandi pro par- 
tibus suist c. 17. 

dlcta f!Eu:taque...caliuiiiiiata8 ^hav- 
ing alleged as a pretext.' Calumniari 
(i) absol. of bringing vexatious ac- 
tions c. 23, and alleging pretended 
reasons, Tib. 53 ; (2) foUowed by cognate 
accusative or accusative of the person, 
or both, see Cic. ad fam. 9, 7 nam^ 
quod antea te calumniatus sum^ indi- 
cabo mcUitiam meam; (3) *to suggest 
objections,' Cic. adfam. 9, 2 sed ccUum' 
niabar ipse : putabam qui obviam mihi 
venisset...suspicaturum aut dicturum 
etc. praetextum n. is not classical. 

qua8i...iacta8sent. For quasi see 
note on c. 10. For the epigram see 
the letter of Dec. Brutus to Cicero 
\ad fam. 11, 20] novissime Labeo Segu- 
lius homo sui simillimus narrat mihi 
apud Caesarem se fuisse multumque 
sermonem de te habitum esse. Ipsum 
Caesarem nihil sane de te questum nisi 
quoddiceret te dixisse^ laudandum adoles- 
centem^ ornandum^ tollendum ; se non esse 
commissurum ut tolli possit. On which 
Cicero comments [adfam. ii,2i]Di isti 
Segulio tnale faciaftti homini ftequissimo 
omniumj qui sunt, quifuerunt, quifu- 
turi sunt! Quid? illum tecum solum 
aut cum Caesare? qui neminem preuter- 
miserit quicum loqui potuerit, cui non 
eadem ista dixeritl Paterculus, 2, 62, 
explains that Cicero intended tol- 
lendum to convey a double meaning. 
He had been proud of the witticism 
before it got him into trouble with 
Octavian, — Mircdfiliter, mi Brute^ laetor 
mea consilia measque sententias a te 
probari de xviris, de ornando adole- 
scente [adfam, 11, 14]. He had spoken 

of him often as a puer, but generally 
with complimentary meaning. See ad 
fam. 10, 2% puer egregius. 

sectae. Used of political as well as 
philosophical principles and party; cp. 
Rhet. § 4 obiicientibus sibi quod in re- 
publica cuiministranda potissimum Isau- 
rici consularis sectam sequeretur, "mal- 
/(f" respondit ^^ Isaurici esse discipulum 
quam Epidi calumniatoris." Pliny 
Panegyr. 45 § 4 quae tibi secta vitae^ 
quod hominum genus placeat. luv. 14, 
122 eidem incumbere sectae. 

Nurai2LOS...egit. According to Dio 
this took place during the war with 
L. Antonius in B.c. 41. The people 
of Nursia repulsed Octavian from their 
walls, but made terms when Salvidie- 
nus Rufus had taken Sentinum. They 
were punished, — iwel yAvroi roifi iv rj 
M^XV "^ ^P^' KcUffapd ffipiffi ycvofUvxi 
ireffdvTas 0d\ffavr€s iiriypa^ffav rois fivrj- 
fielois aitrCjv 6ti inrkp ttjs iXevBeplas 
dyuvii^bfieyoi iT€\€&ni<ravt iraixv6\\ois 
X/>^Ma<r(y i^tjfuthtfria-av cJcrre Kal t^f 
ir^liuv Kal T^v x^P^" ^4^ iraffav iKTuweip 
U^» <3]' Nursia, a Sabine town on 
the Nar, was a municipium, It was 
at the foot of the Apennines, strongly 
fortified, and celebrated for its cool- 
nesSf frigida Nursia [Verg. Aen. 7, 716], 
nec non hctbitcUa pruinis Nursia [Sil. 
It. 8, 419]. 

13. inita...80Cietate. Theagreement 
to form the triumvirate {tres viri reipub- 
/icae constituendae) was made by Octa- 
vian, Antony and Lepidus on a small 
island in the R. Lavinius (a tributary 
of the Po) near Bononia,--^!' vrjai8i(fi 
Ttvi Tov TorafJLov ToO vapd t^v "Bovuvlav 
irapappiovTOS [Dio 46, 54]. <rwig€<rav 
dfjt^l Movr/injv Tr6\LV is vrfffLda rov Aa/3(- 
vlov TOTafMv Ppaxeidjf re koX OrTiav. 




misso, ut statuae Caesaris subiceretur, in splendidissimum 
quemque captivum non sine verborum contumelia saeviit; 
ut quidem uni suppliciter sepulturam precanti respondisse 
dicatur, iam istam volucrum fore potestatem ; alios, patrem et 
filium, pro vita rogantis sortiri vel micare iussisse, ut alterutri s 

The conference lasted three da^rs, «rweX- 
BhvT€i (A TpcTs eli priffLda iroTafKf) Trepip- 
peo/nipi^v iwl TpeTs i/fUpas awi^Spevaav 
Plut Anton. 19. November B.c. 43. 

quamqaain InTalidiui atque aeger. 
Octavian had been attacked by illness 
as soon as the troops crossed to Epirus 
on the way to Philippi [Dio 47, 37]; 
and he does not seem to have recovered 
when the Bghting began near Philippi, 
for his physician had the night before the 
first battle caused him to be removed 
from the camp. This in fact saved his 
life ; for Brutus stormed and plundered 
the camp. Augustus himself said that 
he had been wamed by a dream to 
leave the camp, lLai<rapoi a{rrov Sl* 
iv^wiov ivdov o6k 6vtos dX\d ^vXa- 
^afUvov T^v ij/xipav, ws a^Tbs iv toTs 
vTOfwfifioLaiv iypayf/ev, Appian B. civ. 
4, iio; cp. Dio 47, 41 — 46. Plutarch 
Anton. 22 Cnbk aiiros iv toTs {firofivi^fmffL 
yiypa<p€t tQv <f>l\(av tivos 6vap Iddvros 
i»€X(ljprri(r€ vpb rqs fiioCi^' ^* Brut. 41. 

ad Antoni oomu, that is, to the 
right wing, nearest the sea. Cp. Livy 
ep. 124 varh eventu...pugnaverunt ; 
ita ut utriusque dextra cornua vincerent, 
et ccutra quoque utrinque ab iis qui vice- 
rant expugnarentttr. 

nec...moderatu8 est. The bulk of 
the armies of Brutus and Cassius after 
the battle made terms with the con- 
querors and obtained an amnesty. Dio 

47, 49 Th fl€V 7r\rj60S tQv ffTfMTKa- 

T<2v ai^TUa dSelas ff<f>lffi Ktfpvx^elff-ns 
fueTiffTti' TUiv di dvdpwv tQv vpihrtav tQv 
apxds Tivas ffxhvTtav rj Koi iK tQv <r0a- 
yi<av tQv re imK€KtipvyfUv<av Ihi ovrtav 
ol fUv v\€lovs iavToifS vapaxfiVM-f' <^t^- 
KT€Lvaaf ^ dX^i^T^s, (affxep 6 ^aovdlfVLOSt 
i<pddpriffav, ol 5i Xotirol t6t€ ivl r^v 
$d\affffav 8Li<pvyov Kal fierd tovto t(^ 
S^ry TpoffidevTo. Dio therefore seems 
to reduce the number of executions to 
small proportions, cp. Appian B. civ. 
4» '35' Thus we know of M. Valerius 
Messala Corvinus and L. Bibulus with 
a large following, who escaped to 
Thasos and made honourable terms 
with Antony [App. 4, 136]. There 
were however some executions, and the 
foundation of Suetonius' story of the 

insulting words to Augustus seems to 
be the case of Favonius. Another 
execution was that of Q. Hortensius 
(son of the orator) who was put to 
death on the tomb of C. Antonius by 
order of M. Antonius, as being prin- 
cipally guilty of the fonner's death 
[Plut. Ant. 22]. Augustus himself 
asserts that he spared all citizens, see 
M. A. 3 Beila terra et mari civilia ex- 
ternaque toto in orbe terrarum suscepi 
victorque omnibus superstitibus cvvibus 
peperci. But as the assassins had been 
condemned under the lex Pedia, they, in 
common with others in the Proscription 
lists, were no longer cives, 

8UCce8Bum...moderatu8 est, 'used 
withmoderation,*cp. Claud. i^duritiam 
levitatemque multorum ex bono et aequo 
...moderatus est. Dom. *j pretia nwde- 
ratus est, But the nearest parallel to 
the meaning of moderor is in Livy 37, 
35, where it takes the dative, ...ut me- 
mores rerum humattarum, et suae for- 
tunae moderarentur, et cUienam ne urge- 

caplte. . .Romam mi8so. According to 
Dio [47, 49] the body was burnt with 
honour by Antony, and the head sent 
to Rome, but lost at sea. Plut. Ant. 22 
Bpoi^ry 6i T^v ai&roO ^pOLVLxlda ttoWuv 
X/w?/«irwi' d^iav odffav ivippL\l/€ koX tQv 
dv€\€vOip<av TLvl Ttav iavrov irpoffiTa^e 

TTJS Ta<f>^ iTrLfA€\T^0rjVCU. TOVTOV f}ffT€pOV 

yvoits oii ffvyKaTaKa^ffavTa t^v <poLVLKLda 
T<fi v€Kp(fi Kal iroXXd r^s e/$ t^v Ta<p^v 
BaTdvrfs {f^pyprifiivov dviKT€LV€V. Cp. 
id. Brut. 53 ; App. B. civ. 4, 135. 

eepulturam. Augustus in his me- 
moirs asserted that he had always 
observed the rule of giving the bodies 
of those executed to their relations for 
burial, Ulpian Dig. 48, 24, i Cor- 
pora eorum qui capite damnantur cogna- 
tis ipsorum neganda non sunt. Et id 
se observasse etiam divus Augustus libro 
decimo vitae suae scribit. Vespasian 
\yesp. 2] poenae coniurcUorum cuiden- 
dum censuit ut insepulti proicerentur. 

all08, patrem et fllium...micare. 
This seems to refer to the two Aquilii 
Flori; but the affair is placed by Dio 
after Actium, 51, 2 tQiv di KoKcurdivTUP 




concederetur, ac spectasse utrumque morientem, cum patre, 
quia se optulerat, occiso filius quoque voluntariam occubuisset 
necem. Quare ceteri, in his M. Favonius ille Catonis aemulus, 
cum catenati producerentur, imperatore Antonio honorifice 
s salutato, hunc foedissimo convitio coram prosciderunt. 

...6ti rbv irepov rbv \ax6vTa iccXelJ<ra>'- 
rof a^rov a^yijvai dfup^Tcpoi di€<f>0dp7i- 
cav iffov fUv irarfip re Kal irali^ Cn d^ 
o^os Tplv XaxcM' a&rbi kairrbv t^ atpayel 
ixihv 7rap4d(aK€j TrepiijKyTitFi re iKcivoi 
Kal odTOxeiplg. aOT(p ivav4dav€v. No- 
thing more seeras known of these Flori, 
but other members of the family appear 
from coins to have held office under 
Augustus, as triumvirs of the mint, and 
in the East to have been employed in 
connexion with the retum of the stan- 
dards by the Parthians, in B.c. 20. See 
C /. Z. 2, p. 551, Wilmanns, 11 22. 
micare, sc. digiiis^ is to shoot out the 
fingers, Verg. Aen. 10, 396 seniiani- 
mesqm micant digiti ferrumque re- 
tractant. It then indicated a game 
of chance played by two persons throw- 
ing up their hands and shooting out 
their fingers, guessing correctly the 
number shot out deciding the winner, 
as in the modern Mora. Cic. de Div. 
2 § 85 quid enim sors est? idem prope- 
modum quod micare^ quod talos iacere^ 
quod tesseras. Calpum. Ecl. 3, 25 ^/ 
nunc altemos magis ut distinguere can- 
tus Possitist ter quisque manus iactate 
micantes. As tne number of fingers 
shot out might be declared falsely, 
it became a proverb for an honest man 
that 'you might play the finger game 
with him in the dark.' Cic. de off. 2 
§ 78 contritum est vetustate proverbium: 
cum enim fidem alicuius bonitatemque 
laudantf dignum esse^ dicunt ^quicum 
in tenebris mices.^ Petron. Sat. § 44 
cum quo audacter posses in tenebris mi- 
care. August. de Trin, 8, 5. 

M. FaToniaB Ule CatonlB aemTQiis, 
* the well-known imitator of Cato,' i.e. 
Cato Uticensis. fi/Xwr-Jjs Kdruf os Plut. 
Caes. 21 ; ipaa-Tip Edrcovos id. Brut. 12. 
M. Favonius was an irreconcilable 
Optimate, opposed, like Cato, to 
Pompey and Caesar alike. He first 
appears as denouncing Clodius in B.c. 
61 [Cic. ad Att. i, 45; pro Mil. §§ 26 
and 44]. In 60 he prosecuted Pompey's 
future father-in-law, P. Scipio Nasica 
(Metellus Pius), on a charge of ambitus 
[ad Att. 2, I § 7]. In B.c. 59 he alone 
of the Senators declined to swear to 

observe Caesar's agrarian law [Plut. 
Cato 32; Dio 38, 7]. In 57 he led the 
opposition to Pompey's extraordinary 
powers as prcufectus annonae [ad Att. 
4, i], and denounced Ptolemy Auletes for 
the murder of the ambassadors [Dio 39, 
14] ; in B.c. 56 opposed the motion for 
sending Pompey to Egypt [Cic. ad 
^. ^. 2, 3 § 3], and his election to the 
consulship of 55 with Crassus, with the 
reversion of Spain and Syria [Dio 39, 
34 — 5]. When, however, the civil war 
was begun by Caesar's crossing of the 
Rubicon, he, like his model Cato, took 
the side of Pompey, though even then 
he did not refrain from bitter sarcasm 
on the latter. ^a(bvi6s tiSj iv^p r^XXa 
fjkiv o{f TovtfpdSy avdadelq. dk koI Cpp€i 
ToWdKis T^v KdTiJvos oldftevos dvofu- 
fieurdau irappnffflav , iKi\€V€ Tbv nofi7ri^'Cov 
T(fi voBi riJirreti' rijv yrjv ds inrurx^^^To 
dvvdfA€is dvaKa\o6fJL€vov Plut. Pomp. 60; 
cp. id. Caes. 33. Still he foliowed 
Pompey in his fiight from Pharsalus, 
and waited on him with great devotion 
\ib. 73 ; Vell. 2, 53]. For his execu- 
tion after Philippi see Dio 47, 49. Like 
Cato he failed to gain the highest office. 
He was rejected for the Aedileship for 
B.c. 59 \ad Att. P.y I § 7], but was elected 
for B.c. 52 [Plut. Cato 46]. He failed 
for the Praetorship of B.c. 50 \ad fam. 
8, 9J, but apparently was elected next 
year, for Velleius [2, 53] calls him 
praetorius in B.c. 48. 

imperatore . . .prosoiderimt, ' though 
they saluted Antony respectfuUy by 
the title of Imperator, they addressed 
Caesar to his face in terms of the utmost 
contumely.' That is, they refiised to 
give him any official title, and inveighed 
against him besides. To address an 
impercUor by his name and without his 
title was disrespectful. See Seneca de 
Const. 18 Gaius Caligula iratus fuit 
Herennio Macro^ quod illum Gaium 
salutaverat: nec impune cessit primi- 
pilario quod CcUigulam dixerat. Cp. 
Vell. Pat. 2, 84 vir clarissimus Cn, 
Domitiusy qui solus Antonianarum 
partium numquam reginam nisi nomine 
salutavit. Cp. Vesp. 15 Helvidio Pris- 
cOi qui et reversum se ex Syria solus 
prvvato nomine Vespasianum salutaverat 




Partitis post victoriam otficiis, cum Antonius Orientem 

ordinandum, ipse veteranos in Italiam reducendos et 

with L. municipalibus agris conlocandos recepisset, neque 

Amonius veteranorum neque possessorum gratiam tenuit, 

alteris pelli se, alteris non pro spe meritorum tractari 5 

14 querentibus. ^uo tempore L. Antonium fiducia consulatus, 

quem gerebat, ac fraternae potentiae res novas mqlientem 

confugere Perusiam coegit et ad deditionem fame compulit, 

et inpraetura omnibus edictis sine honore 
ac mentione ulla transmiserctt^ non ante 
succensuit quam altercationilms inso- 
lentissimis paene in ordinem redactus* 
So Tigranes, Aovxi^XXy 6fr/il;^&fA€vos &n 
PoffiKia fjubvov adrdy, 06 ^<un\itoy iv r^ 
iriCToXi Tpo<rriy6p€va€P, oid* airbs 
ivTiypdtpioy adroKpdropa Tpoffei- 
rey Plut. Lucull. 21. 

proBcLdenmt. Cp. Cal. 30 equestrem 
ardinem ui scaenae harenaeque devotum 
assidue proscidit. Ovid Pont. 4, 16, 
47 Ergo summotum patria proscindere, 
livor, Desine. Pliny N. H. 33, § 6 pro- 
scissus conviciis. 

paratis...offlcilB. This is the 2nd 
division of the Empire, after Philippi. 
Caesar was to take Spain and Numidia 
(new Africa), Antony, Gaul and Africa. 
Italy — with which was to be incorpo- 
rated Cisalpine Gaul — was to be re- 
garded as the seat of empire and a 
common recruiting ground. If Lepidus 
(who had been left in charge of Rome 
and was accused of intriguing with 
Sextus) made objections, Antony under- 
took to let him have Africa. Sardinia 
and Sicily, being practically in posses- 
sion of Sextus Pompeius, were to be 
objects of their common care. Caesar 
was to go to Italy with half the army 
to prevent any movement on the part of 
Lepidus, to prepare for the war against 
Sextus, and to arrange for the division 
of lands among the veterans: Antony 
to the east, to put down the remains of 
the opposition (such as that of the 
younger Labienus), and coUect money. 
This agreement was reduced to writing, 
and it practically put the empire in the 
hands of two instead of three, Lepidus 
being ignored [Dio 48, i ; App. B. civ. 
4, 3; Livy ep. 125; Piut. Ant. 23]. 

yet6ranoraxii...t6iiiiit. Livy ep. 125 
reversus in Italiam veteranis agros divi- 
sit. Caesar^s arrival in Italy was again 
delayed by illness [Dio 48, 2], and he 
found an opposition prepared for him by 
L. Antonius (Cos. B.c. 41) and Fulvia, 

wife of M. Antonius, who made use of 
the discontent caused by the confisca- 
tions and assignation of lands,...rA:^'/^ 
in partes suas populis quorum agri 
veteranis assignati erant. It was in 
these confiscations that the poet Vergil 
sufrered.../m/f»j haec tam culta novcUia 
miles habebit? [Ecl. i, 71]. The diffi- 
culties which Caesar had to encounter 
are described by Appian B. civ. 5, 12 
— 16. The soldiers were dissatisfied 
as to the locality of their farms, or 
seized more than was allotted to them, 
selecting the best pieces of land; the 
dispossessed owners could not get com- 
pensation, and caused commotion in the 
city by appearing with their wives and 
children to complain of their hard case, 
o^bh' fiiu dSiK^aat. XiyoyrcSf 'IraXion-ai 
ydp 6yT€S dyUrroffOai yijs re «ral icTlas 
oXa bopOXriTTTOi \ib.\ Caesar was there- 
fore KaTa^ofhfJuevos iTupObyias inrb tQv 
d^paLpovfiipiav \ib. 13], and presently, 
by the intrigues of L. Antonius and 
Fulvia, was rendered unpopular with 
those of the veterans who had been in 
Antony's army \ib. 14], seditiones exer- 
citus sui, quas corrupti a Fulvia M. 
Antoniiuxore milites conira imperatorem 
suum concitaverantf cum gravi periculo 
inhibuit [Liv. ep. 125]; cp. Dio 48, 9. 

14. potentiae, 'illegal power.' Cic. 
pro Mil. § 12; 2 Phil. § 26. 

confug^ere PeraBiam...fl5une oom- 
pulit. L. Antonius retired to Perusia 
on being stopped in his march along 
the via Flaminia by the occupation of 
Sentinum and Nursia, towards the end 
of B.c. 41. He was reduced to sur- 
render in March B.C. 40. Livy «^.'126 
C. Caesar, cum esset annorum viginti 
trium^ obsessum in oppido PerusicLeL. An- 
tonium conatumque aliquotiens erumpere 
et repulsum fame coegit in deditionem 
venire. The besieged were reduced to 
feed on grass and leaves, and the 
Peru^ina fames [Luc 1, 41] was long 
remembered. The town had not been 
properly provisioned for a siege, \ifiJbs 





non tamen sine magnis suis et ante bellum et in bello dis- 
criminibus. Nam cum spectaculo ludorum gregarium militem 
in quattuordecim ordinibus sedentem excitari per apparitorem 
iussisset, rumore ab obtrectatoribus dilato quasi eundem mox 

5 et discruciatum necasset, minimum afuit, quin periret concursu 
et indignatione turbae militaris. Sajuti fuit, quod(qui desider- 
abatur^repente com^jjuit incolumis ac sine iniuria. Circa 
Perusinum autem murum sacriiicans paene intercgptus est a 
man u gladiatorum, quae oppido eruperat. Perusia capta in 16 

o plurimos animadvertit, orare veniam vel excusare se conant- 
ibus una voce occurrens, moriendum esse, Scribunt quidam. 

'^rrero tw AcvkIov xal rb Kaxbp i^K/xa^ep 
dyf^<as, dre firfdiv a^ov nriSi ttjs r^Xeuif 
wpoTapeffKevacfUvrii, Appian 5, 34 ; 
though Dio [48, 14] contradicts this, rb 
ybip x^P^^^ "^ "^^ <f>i'><r€i Kdprepdy itm koX 
roif iTirfilielot.s Ikomws TapeffKe^fo^ro. 

ln qiiattuordeclm ordlnllmB, in the 
fourteen rows of seats reserved by the 
/«f Roscia Othonis (b.c. 67) for the 
equites, infr. c. 40 ; Caes. 39 L. Decimus 
Labimus eques . . . sessum in quattuor- 
decim e scaena per orchestram transiit. 

exdtarl, ^forced to leave his seat.' 
Mart. 5. 14 Sedere primo solitus in 
gradu semper \ Tunc^ cum liceret occu- 
pare^ Ndnneius \ Bis excitatus terque 
transtulit castra, Quint. 3, 6, 19 si exci- 
tatus fuerit de spectaculis et a^et iniuri- 
arum. The incident is narrated by 
Appian [B. dv, 5, 15I as happening in 
the course of b.C. 41 irrpaTidyrrfi diropcuv 
oUelat (dpat iraprjXOey is tovs KdKovfUvovs 
IrWat* Kol 6 jui^v Sijuos iTeinifxjpfaTo ' koX 
h Ea?<rap Thv <rTpaTi(bTrpf dp4<rrri<rey, 

quaBl, see c. 10. dlBcmciatiun ne- 
oaBset. Cp. Cic. 13 Phi/. 37 ita sibicon- 
venisse cum Dolabella ut ille Trebonium 
et^ si posset, Brutum Cassium discrucia' 
tos necaret, Elsewhere it is generally 
used of mental agony. ad Att. 14, 6; 
Plaut. Aul, I, 3, 27 ; Ter. Adelph. 4, 4, 
I discrucior animi\ Casin, 2, 3, 60 
discrucior amore, 

qnl deaiderabatiir, <the missing man.' 
When the soldier denied having received 
any severity and explained the incident, 
the other soldiers tumed on him as hav- 
ing betrayed his order (Appian). 

16. In plnrlmoB anlmadyertit. Livy 
ep. 126 ipi (L. Antonio) et omnibus mi- 
litibus eius ignovit : Perusiam diruit. 
The severities, however, were directed 
against those Perusians who were mem- 
bers of the Senate, the only one spared 

being a certain Aemilius, who had served 
in the court which condemned the 
assassins of Caesar [App. B, civ. 5, 48]. 
Appian also tells us that the. town was 
given up to plunder, though Velleius 
Paterculus [2, 74] attributes such 
massacre as there was to the anger of 
the soldiers, who could not be re- 
strained, in Perusinos magis ira mili- 
tum quam voluntate saevitum ducis, 
The buming of the town began with 
the action of one Cestius Macedonicus, 
who set fire to his house and threw 
himself into the flames. The destruc- 
tion was apparently pretty complete, — 
Tuxv Si Jlepov^rlpcjv Kal tuv AXKwp tQp 
iKei d\6»T<i>p ol T\elovs dirc&Xovro, koX ii 
t6\is aMi tXV tov 'M.</>cu<rT€iov toO tc 
r^f "Hpat idovs To/ra KaTeKoOOri [Dio 48, 
14]. It was afterwards restored by 
Augustus under the title of Pemsia 
Augusta. The motive of the severity 
seems to have been the wish to put a 
final end to the old Optimate party ; thus / 
Tib. Canutius and Clodius Bithynicus 
are mentioned among those executed; 
the former of whom had favoured 
Octavian as long as he was opposed to 
M. Antonius ; but had declared against 
the triumvirate, and had been in the 
lists of the proscribed [App. ; Dio /.r.]. 

moriendom esse. Marius answered 
those who pleaded for Lutatius Catulus, 
dToOaveip dcc, Plut. Mar, 44 ; for oocnr- 
rens, *answering,* cf. Valer. Fl. 7, 223. 

Borilrant qnidam...mactat08. The 
statement is repeated by Dio (48, 14) 
with the same qualification \6yos ye 
(X^i 6Ti...iTl t6p ^(ojmp top t<p KaUrapi 
T<p TpoTiptp u><n<afjLivop dxBivTes iTTeXs 
re TpiaK6aioi Kal pov\evT<il...iTj^0ri<rav, 
And that the report had some vogue is 
shown by Seneca de Clem, i, i § 3 
fuerit moderatus et clemens Augustus, 


1 . 




trecentos ex dediticiis electos utriusque ordinis ad aram Divo 

lulio extr uctam Idibus Martiis hostiarum more mac- 

after"hr tatos. Extiterunt qui traderent,rconpectoreum ad 

^ °( arma isse, ut occulti adversarii et quos metus magis 

quam voluntas contineret, facultate L. Antoni ducis s 

nempepost Perusianas aras. Neverthe- 
less, as both Suetonius and Dio make 
the statement with reserve, and as there 
is no further confirmation, we may be 
allowed to doubt the story. See Meri- 
vale, Rontans under the Empire^ vol. 3, 
p. 244. 

hostiamm mor^ i.e. with an axe 
(securis), Cp. Flbr. 2, 5, 3 legatos 
nostros nec gladio quidem^ sed ut victi- 
mas securi percutiunt, Verg. Aen, 2, 
ii^fugit cum saucius aram \ taurus et 
incertam excussit cervice securim. 

DiYG Iullo. The deification of lulius 
was partly completed during his life- 
time. The several steps according to 
Dio were (I) After Thapsus in B.c. 46 
the senate voted among other honours 
apfM Ti aifTov iv T^ KairtTw\l(fi apTi- 
Tpbatawov T(fi Ad ISpvdijifaif koI iir* elKOva 
a^bv T^s olKovfiim^s x'*'^'^^^'' iiripipa- 
adrjyai ypatft^v ix^^'^^ ^^* iifiiOeos 
ifff»- [43» 14]' This title however 
he himself afterwards caused to be 
erased, id. 21. (II) When the news of 
Munda (b.c. 45) reached Rome farther 
honours were voted to him before his 
/retum: his statue was placed in the 
\ temple of Quirinus, on the Quirinal, 
I with the inscription Deo InTlcto : SXKriv 
\ T€ Ttva eUova is tov tou Kvfdvov vaJbv 
QeQ avtK-fjTtp iirtypd\f/avT€S /cflU ^XXi;!' is 
t6 KairtT(b\tov xapii rods paatXci^ffavTds 
roTe iv Ti^V^nfi dvidcffov [Dio 43, 45], 
cp. Cic.adAtt. 12, 45 (written June 45) 
£>e Ccusare vicino scripseram cui te quia 
cognoram ex tuis litteris. Eum a^v- 
vaov Quirino malo quam Saluti. ib. 
47 domum tuam pluris video futuram 
vicino Caesare (Atticus lived on the 
Quirinal). (III) Later on additional 
votes were passed, — a gilded chair was 
to be carried in the procession of the 
gods at the Circensian games, which 
was actually done in August B.c. 45, — 
cp. Dio 44, 6 ofirw iH) is re ra Oiarpa 
Tov T€ bitppov aiTOv Tbv iTrixpvffov xal 
t6v ffTitl>avov t6v dioKtdov koX didxpvffov 
i^ tffov Tots T(Sv OedSv iffK0fii^€ff6atf with 
Cic. ad Att. 13, 44 Suaves tuas litterast 
etsi acerba ponipa. Verumtamen scire 
omnia non acerbum est^ vel de Cotta. 
Populum vero praeclarumy quod propter 

malum vicinum ne Victoriae quidem 
ploditur. From which it appears that 
the figure of Caesar came next to that 
of Victory in the procession. Suet. lul. 
76 ampliora humano fastigio decerni sibi 
passus estf sedetn auream in curia et pro 
tribunah\ tensam et ferculum circensi 
pompa. At last, continues Dio, A/a abTbv 
dvTtKpvs ^\o6\tov TpoffrjySpevffav koI vabv 
airr^ Ty ixtetKeiq. ai^Tov Tefievtffdijvcu. 
iyvuffavt Upia ffipiffi Tbv 'ApTdnrtov 
wffirep Ttvd didXtov irpoxctptff&fievov. An- 
tony however seems not to have been 
formally initiated in this priesthood 
[Cic. 2 Phit. § 1 10 quid igitur cessas ? 
cur non inauguraris f\ ; and when Octa- 
vian essayed to have the gilded chair 
carried with the other gods into the 
theatre in May B.c. 44, he was prevented 
by the tribunes [Cic. ad Att. 1 5, 3 desella 
Caesaris bene tribun{]y who were pro- 
bably acting at the instigation of M. 
Antonius [App. B. civ. 3, 28 ; Plut. Ant. 
16], for his brother Lucius was tribune 
at the time. At any rate Antony seems 
to have opposed at first the fuU apo- 
theosis. (IV) It was not till the ist of 
September B.c. 44 that he proposed in 
the Senate that, whenever a supplicatio 
was voted for a victory, there should be 
an additional day in Caesar^s honour 
[Cic. 2 Phil. § iio an supplicationes 
addendo diem contaminari passus es? 
though Dio, 43, 44, seems to put this 
immediately after Munda], while he 
appears to have neglected a lex brought 
in by himself adding a day to the Ludi 
Romani to be specially devoted to Cae- 
sar's worship [Cic. ib. quaeso deinceps 
num hodiemus dies qui sit ignores? 
nescis heri quartum in circo ludorum 
Romanorum fuisse ? te autem ipsum ad 
populum tulisse ut quintus praeterea dies 
Caesari tribueretur? cur non sumus 
praetextcUi? cur honorem Caesaris tua 
lege datum deseri patimur?\ (V) Itwas 
Octavian's policy however to have the 
deification fuUy acknowledged ; a glans 
picked up at Perugia has the words 
DlYom lulium (C. /. R. i, 697); and it 
was one of the concessions made by 
Antony at the reconciliation at Brun- 
disium [b.c. 39] that he should be in- 




praebita, detegerentur devictisque is et confiscatis, promissa 
veteranis praemia persolverentur. 

Siculum bellum incohavit in primis,)sed diu traxit inter- 16 
missum saepius, modo reparandarum classium causa, 'vvars with 
5 quas tempestatibus duplici naufragio et quidem per Sextus 
aestatem amiserat, modo pace facta, flagitante populo b.c. 42— 
ob interclusos commeatus famemque ingravescentem ; 3<5. 

augurated as ^.flatnen lulii [Plut. Ant, 
33 a.inoi Zk KoUaapi xa/^^^M^o^ lepc^ 
aTeielxOrf tov Tporipov Kal<rapoi]\ and 
under the influence of Augustus altars, 
statues and temples to the * divine lulius' 
sprang up in various places. The basis 
of one of the earliest of such statues in 
Rome is preserved, C. /. Z. i, 626 Divo« 


Rufrenus was in the army of Lepidus 
[Cic ad fani, 10, 21] and probably 
brought in his Ux shortly after the for- 
mation of the triumvirate. See Servius 
ad Verg. Eci, 9, 47. 

mactatos. Whatever its derivation 
(whether connected with mactus^ or no), 
mactare is a ritual word : Verg. Aen. 2, 
202 sollemnes taurum ingentem macta- 
bcUad aras. Liv. 10, 28 )u)stium Ugiones 
Telluri ac dis Manibus mactandas dabo, 
Horace, Odes i, 19, 16 mactata veniet 
Unior hostia, Yet the poets sometimes 
use the word simply of murder. See 
Ovid ffer, 10, 77 and loi. 

oonpecto...l88e. Probably an after- 
thought founded on the belief in the 
profound policy of Augustus. 

facaltat6...praeblta, 'when the 
chance of having L. Antonius as a 
leader was afforded them." The con- 
struction of /acultas with a personal 
word is rare, cf. Plancus ap. Cic. fam, 
10, 4 sifacuUas tui praesentis esset. 

oonflBcatis. Us&l of persons in Tib, 
49 principes confiscatos, Cal. 41 duos 
equites Romanos,..confiscari iussit. Of 
money contained in the £mperor's 
fiscus as opposed to the aerarium pub- 
licum^ see infr, loi. At the date here 
alluded to no such distinction existed. 
Fiscus was properly a *basket' used in 
Sicily for holding money. Cicero, Verres 
Act, I § iifiscos complures cum pecunia 
Siciliensi a quodam senatore ad equitem 
Romanum esse translatos. 2 J^r. § 197 
sestertios . . .in cistam transferam defisco, 
ib, 183 viator aut Venerius quifiscum 
' sustulit, Like numus therefore y&rwf 
found its way from Sicily into the 

nomenclature of Roman finance. Asco- 
nius in Cicero, i Verr. 22 Fisciffijcinae, 
fiscellae spartea sunt utensilia ad maioris 
summae pecunias capiendas: unde quia 
maior summa est pecuniae publicae 
quam prvvatae^ ut^pro censu privato 
loculos et arcam et saceHos dicimus^ sic 
pro pubUco thesauro dicitur flBCiiS. 

yeteranls praemla. On Octavian's 
difficulties in the matter of satisfying 
the veterans, see note to c. 1 3. 

16. Blcnlum l)ellum...lntennl88nm 
Baeplna. The war against Sextus Pom- 
peius was all along assigned to Octavian, 
and lasted with intervals from B.C. 43 to 
35. L Immediately after the formation of 
the triumvirate in the winter of 43 — 42. 
Sextus Pompeius had successfully held 
his own in Spain against C. Cassius and 
Asinius PoUio. After Caesar's death 
Lepidus had been commissioned tomake 
terms with him, and he had agreed to 
submit to the govemment in retum for 
a restitutio in integrum and a restora- 
tion of his father's wealth. On their 
breach with Antony, the Senate had 
endeavoured to secure his loyalty; 
passed a vote of thanks to him ror his 
answer to their commissioners at Mar- 
seilies ; and finally nominated him com- 
mander of the fleet [Cic. 13 Phil. §§ 13 
and 50; App. B. civ. 4, 83 — 4; Dio 
48, 17]. Being condemned under the 
lex Pedia^ and placed in the proscrip- 
tion lists by the Triumvirs, he sailed to 
Sicily and was there joined by many 
fugitive Optimatists. He besieged the 
praetor of Sicily, Aul. Pompeius Bi- 
thynicus, in Messene, whom he put to 
death after persuading him to admit 
him into the town [Dio l.c,\ App. 4, 
85]. Accordingly Octavian sent Q. 
Salvidienus with a lai^e fleet to attack 
Pompeius, proceeding himself to Rhe- 
gium by land. Salyidienus was de- 
^ated, and Octavian was shortly after- 
wards obliged to sail to Brundisium to 
help Antony [Uvy ^^. 123; Appian 4, 
85; Dio 48, 19]. n. From B.C. 42 to 
B.c. 39. After the ruin of the Pompeians 




donec navibus^ex integro fabricatis ac viginti servorum milibus 
manumissis et ad remum datis, portum lulium apud Baias, 

at Philippi, Sextus was joined by L. 
Statius Murcus with a fleet and many 
more fugitives. He infested the Italian 
shores, stopping the supplies of com, 
while Octavian was in Gaul ; and while 
Vipsanius Agrippa, to whom Octavian 
had entrusted the war, was in Rome, 
celebrating the games of ApoUo in July 
B.c. 40, Sextus was joined for a time by 
Antony, instigated by Fulvia and his 
mother lulia to make war on Caesar. 
On the death of Fulvia, however, a 
peace was n^otiated between the tri- 
umvirs at Brundisium. Antony married 
Octavia, and Sext. Pompeius was com- 
pelled to retire to Sicily. But as he 
held that island with Corsica and 
Sardinia, he was still able to intercept 
the com supplies...*P(U)ua/oi;s i* 6 Xt/u6s 
Mci^eVj oifrc rwp idxap ifiir6puv iiriirXioy- 
Tiov biu HofAirritov kclL ZtxeX/as, oth-e tQv 
iK Si^actas dtcL "Zapdib xal Kt/pvov ixofiivas 
i>v6 tG>v HopLirritov oih-e iK r^s irepalas 
At/3^s dtd Toi>f a^oifs iKaripcadev vav- 
KparovvTas [App. B. civ. 5, 67]. The 
triumvirs were compelled to make 
terms with him, and by the peace of 
Misenum, B.c. 39, he undertook to 
cease harassing Italy and stopping the 
com, on condition of fiill restitution and 
having the govemment of Sicily, Sar- 
dinia, Corsica and Achaia [App. l.c.; 
Dio 48, 27, 28, 36, 37, 38; Livy ep. 
127; Plut. Ant. 32]. m. B.c. 38— 
B.c. 35. The peace did not last long. 
Sextus complained that Antony had 
cheated him in regard to Achaia, and 
began his piracies again. Caesar was 
obliged to recommence the war. In 
B.C. 38 he lost half his fleet in the 
straits of Messene [App. B. civ. 5, 83]. 
B.c. 37 was spent in the preparation of 
a new fleet, which was put under the 
command of Agrippa; and in B.c. 36 
Sextus was finallv conquered and fled 
to Asia, where m 35 he was put to 
death [App. B. civ. 5, 97 — 127; Liv. 
ep. 129 ctdversus Sex, Pompeium vario 
eveniu navalihus certaminibus pugnatum 
est: ita ut ex duabus Caesaris classibus 
altera cui Agrippa prcuerat vinceretf 
altera quam Caesar duxerat deletay ex- 
positi in terram militcs in magno peri- 
culo essent, Victus deinde Pompeius in 
Siciliam profugit.,.ep. 131 Sex. Pom- 
peius cum infidem M. Antonii veniret, 
bellum in Asia adversus eum moliens 
oppressus a legatis eius occisus est]. 

duplici xianfiraglo. The first ship- 
wreck followed the defeat of Calvisius 
and Menodorus as well as of the 
squadron which Caesar brought to their 
relief at the northem entrance of the 
strait of Messene, in the early part of 
B.c. 38 [App. B. civ. 5, 88; Dio 48, 
47]. The second occurred on the fol- 
lowing day, in which the fleet of 
Augustus and Sabinus suffered still 
more severely [App. 5, 89 — 92], Ka/- 
<rapL di 0^5' is ijfuav r&v vc&v TcpLcadydif 
KoX roOro (r<f>6Spa T€irovriK6s. Cp. Dio 
48, 48. 

et quldem per aestatem, 'and that 
too though it was summer.' Appian 
[5» 89] attributes the disaster partly to 
the mistake of the sailors, who thought 
the storm would not last at that time of 
the yesir.., ol6fJL€voi raxi^s rb TvevfM 
ivSitHreiv (bs iv iapi r6.s vavs iKaripiaOev 
dyKHpais (k re rov TcXdyovs Kal dirA rijs 
yijs SieKpdrow koI k6vtols i^edjOow dir' 
dXK^ijXtav. per aestatem, *in the sum- 
mer time,* as per noctem^ *by night,' 
*in the night time,' Pliny N. H. 2 § 
48. Aestas is represented by Appian's 
(ap, indicating in military or naval 
language the two-fold division of the 
year into sailing and non-sailing seasons, 
— as Thucydides divides the year. et 
qnldem, Kal ravra. 

modo pace facta, 'when peace had 
but recently been made,' that is, the 
peace of Misenum in the previous 
autumn [39]. 

flagitante populo. The people had 
been eager that the triumvirs should 
make peace with Sext. Pompeius, be- 
cause of the suffering and commercial 
disaster caused by his stoppage of com- 
merce. App. B. civ. 5, 09 koX fijaB^v 6 
dijfJLOs adOis iidpoi^ero koX TapcKdXei (rifv 
6\of/>6p<rci rbv Kaltrapa TifjL\f/ai ALfiwvi 

TlffTLV Tp€ffpti€LV iOfKOVTL Tp6s oArbv 

ifTip elp^vTjs. 
xiayibUB ex Integro fabrlcatls. The 

construction of the new fleet was put 
under the superintendence of Agrippa 
during B.c. 37, who was summoned 
from Gaul for the purpose [Dio 48, 49], 
and was eventually placed in command 
of it in room of Calvisius [App. 5, 96]. 
portum Iullum...eirecit. Dio 48, 50 
iv rf Ei^/ip ry KafJLTa^ldi x^P^^^ '^'- H^- 
ra^if MLffT^vov Kal llovTc6\(av firfvoeLdis 
(ffriv* 6p€ffi T€ ydp fffuKpois Kal ^tXots 
t\^v ppaxi<av TepLefXrjTTaL, Kal 6d\aff' 





inmisso in Lucrinum et Avemum lacum mari, effecit In quo 
cum hieme tota copias exercuisset, Pompeium inter Mylas et 
Naulochum superavit, sub horam pugnae tam arto repente 
somno devinctus, ut ad dandum signum ab amicis excitaretun 
5 Unde praebitam Antonio materiam putem exprobrandi, ne 
rectis quidem oculis eum aspicere potuisse instructam aciem^ 
verum supinum, caelum intuentem, stupidum cubuissCy nec prius 

i^u» T€ K<d irpdi Tous irdXefflv iffTtM, if ^ 
dXlyg dia^vri dir* a&rrjs dieipyeTOU, AXKtj 
ip a^ffi T<fi fivxi Xifu^ii^di^s bpaTfu. Kal 
«raXecrou afini /iUif 'Aovepyls ii di fiiffyi 
AovKpifvls' '^ ykp f^io toO TvpoT^yiKOv 
o^a 4s iKeivo koIX Tifv irwvvfiiav TcXet. 
ip To&rij dij TJ OaXdffff^g tJ ivTbs iKaTi- 
ftast ffTcvoTs t6t€ iffirXois t6 dieipyov Tijv 
AovKpfjvlda dv6 tov TcXdyovs iw^ dfjt^- 
T€pa TO/)' aMfv Tifv ipreipov 6 ' Ay fdwiras 
ffWTpfffffas XtfUvas vav\ox<^dTovs diri- 
dei^ev, The difficuUy of this piece of 
engineering lay in the fact that the 
Lucrine lake, which was separated by a 
narrow causeway from the Tuscan sea 
on the one hand, and by a narrow strip 
of land also from the Lacus Avernus on 
the other, was too shallow for large 
ships to cross into the Avemus, while 
the causeway between it and ihe mare 
Tiiscum was not sufficiently lofty or 
strong to resist storms and secure its 
calm. Agrippa strengthened the cause- 
way, and must have also dredged the 
Lucrine lake to increase its depth ; but 
his work did not last, and the artificial 
harbour described by Vergil [C?. 2, i6i 
An memorem portus Lucrinogue ad- 

dita claustra, 
aique indignatum magnis stridoribus 

lulia qua ponto longe sonat unda re- 

Tyrrenusque fretis immittitur aestus 

Avemis? cp. Hor. A. P. 63] 
speedily became useless for large vessels. 
Strabo 5, 4, 6 cfinrXow 5' ^x^' irXo/otf 
iKa<l>poTs, ivopfdffaffScu d' dx/cn^rTot. The 
Lucrine lake has now become part of 
the sea {Gulf 0/ Pozzuolt), and the lake 
Avemus, almost filled up by a volcanic 
eruption, is now represented only by a 
reedy swamp. 

lnter Mylas et Naulochum. The 
exact situation of Naulochus is not 
known beyond the fact that it was a 
roadstead between Mylae and Pelorus 
[App. 5, 116]. There were two battles 
between Agrippa and the ileet of Pom- 


peius fought in the autumn of B.C. 36. 
The first was to the west of Mylae (G. of 
Patti), where Agrippa sailing from the 
island Hiera attacked Pompey's fleet 
while Augustus was still in Italy 
[App. 5, 105—9 > I^io 49» 2— 4]' The 
second was some weeks later to the 
east of Mylae {Bay of Milazzo) in 
which Pompey was finally defeated, 
losing all but 17 of his ships [App. 5, 
116 — 122; Dio 49, 8 — 11]. Augustus 
had in the interval suflered a consider- 
able reverse in a descent upon Tauro- 
menium [App. 5, iio — 112; Dio 49, 
5 ; Palerc. 2, 79], and does not appear 
to have been on board ship during 
either of the battles at Mylae. During 
the second he was with the land force, 
which he had brought from Italy, now 
increased by the junction with Lepidus. 
But the engagement was in fuU sight of 
land where his men were stationed, and 
it is possible that he may have had to 
give the order for blowing the signal- 
trumpet. However, such grounds as 
Antony had for his malicious remark 
were more likely to have been given in 
the disaster at Tauromenium, where he 
was in great danger, iirl 5i xapaKXijffei 
Td ffTparfjyiKd ffrjfjLeia ws iv KOfdijvfp 
fi&KiffTa (av dTri0€TO [A]>p. 5, iii]. 

rectis ocolls, 'boldly,' looking with- 
out fear or shame. Cp. Cic. pro Rab. 
Post. § 48 hic vos aliud nihil orat nisi 
ut rectis oculis hanc urbem intueri... 
liceat. So luvenal 10, 187 recto vultu\ 
6, 401 recta facie. Horace's siccis 
oculis [Od. I, 3, 18] is a farther variety 
in the phrase. 

Buplnus, 'onhisback,' 'lollingidly.' 
Cp. Luc. 9, 589 nu/Ia vehitur cervice 
supinus. See Mayor on luv. i, 66. 
lahn on Pers. i, 129. The notion of 
Casaubon that it indicates an attitude 
of superstitious terror (quoting Horace's 
manibus supinis) is far-fetcned. An- 
tony pictures Caesar as lying on his 
back staring up into the sky because he 
shrank from looking out to sea and 
seeing the battle which was in fuU 




surrexisse ac militibus in conspectum venisse quam a M, Agrippa 
fugatae sint hostium naves. i^Alii dictum factumque eius cri- 
minantur, quasi classibus Tempestate perditis exclamaverit, 
etiam invito Neptuno victoriam se adepturumy ac die circensium 
proximo soUemni pompae simulacrum dei detraxerit. Nec s 
temere plura ac maiora pericula uUo alio bello adiit Traiecto 

view. Dio 49, 9 ^ re ^hp ^aXcuro-a ^ 
kK^ vSura Tuv vew kir€w\'fifHjaTO...KaX ^ 
X^J^po- ^ M^ iYY^s aMis inrh rw (inrXi- 
fffiivuy...S0€w irep Kal 6 d/yOw ^So^e piv 
Tuv yavfMxaOvTwy pMvtav e&at, r^ If 
dXi7^6^9 KcX tQv dXXuiv iy4v€To...iK€Woi 
...xpos ye T7IV tQv Spupuivufv 6\f/iv Kal 
a^ol Tpowov Ttvd, ijywvi^ovTO. 

aM.Agxlppa. M. Vipsanius Agrippa, 
bom in the same year as Augustus, had 
been closely associated with him from 
the first ((h TadTtp tc TaidevOcls koI Tiva 
^uiv ifireppoX^v iTcupelas, Nic. 7). He 
had been with him at ApoUonia in 
B.C. 44 [Vell. 2, 59]; had served with 
him in the war of Perusia [Dio 48, 20] 
in B.c. 41» in which year he was Praetor, 
and in the following year occupied 
Sipontum, which had been taken by 
M. Antonius [ilf. 28]. In B.C. 38 he 
carried on a successful campaign in 
Gaul, crossing the Rhine into Germany, 
and subsequently suppressing a revolt 
of the Aquitani, for which he was 
offered but refused a triumph [id. 49]. 
After the disaster to the fleet in B.c. 38 
and the desertion of Menodorus in the 
early part of B.c. 37, Octavian became 
dissatisfied with the management of 
Calvisius Sabinus, and entrusted the 
task of constructing and commanding 
a new fleet to Agrippa, causing him 
also to be elected consul for the latter 
half of B.c. 37 [App. B. civ. 5, 96]. 
It was then tbat he formed the docks 
in the lake Avemus. The chief credit 
of the final defeat of Sext. Pompeius in 
B.c. 36 was his, — Livy Ep. 129 M, 
Agrippa navali corona a Caesare dona- 
tus est; qui honos nemini ante eum 
habitus est. 

dassilniB tempestate perditiB. For 
the double shipwreck see above {duplid 
naufragio). Diomentionsathirddisaster 
from bad weather in the early part of 
B.c. 36 [49, i]; but seems to be con- 
fusing the two years. 

Invito Neptimo. If Augustus did 
say this, he was, it seems, referring to 
the fact that Sext. Pompeius had shown 
his exultation at the disasters which 

befell the fleets of his enemy in B.c. 
38 — 7 by adopting the title of * Son of 
Neptune,' and wearing sea-green robes. 
Dio 48, 48 [cp. c. 19] KoX 6 Z^^of ^t 
KoX pJaKKov l^pOri koX tov re TioffcLSwos 
vidf SvTios iirlorT€V€v ctvai koI ctoMiv 
Kvavoeidif ivcd^aTO, tirirovs re xal, iSs 
yi Tivis 0a<ri, koX AvSpas is t6v ir6p$fiov 
twvTas ivipa\€v. App. B. civ. 5, 100 
6 Si llopLiHiios...i6v€ ftovov OaK&fftrQ koX 
HoireLhQfVL Kal \Ahs a^tav {nt>loTaTO raXei- 
odaif T€i06fi€vos obK &v€v 0€ov dls O^iO 
Oipovs vTOMrai Toin To\€ftlovs. tfKurl Si 
a6Tbv...T^v ow^Oti roct obTOKpa-ropoi 
xKapa&Sa iK ^hhviktjs is Kvav^v fUToK' 
Xo^ai. Cp. Neptunius dux of Horace, 
Epode 9, 7. 

qnaaL Seeon c. 11. 

die...pompae, The ludi circenses, 
whether the ludi Romani in circo or 
others, were opened by a solemn pro- 
cession starting from the Capitol through 
the fomm, the rear of which was brought 
up by the figures of the gods, the lighter 
ones carried on the shoulders of men, 
the heavier on temae. Among other 
quasi-divine honours lulius had tensam 
et ferculum circensi pompa [lul. c. 76; 
Cic. cui Att. 13, 44; Dionys. Hal. 7, 
72, I— 13]. 

neo temere, * and scarcely.' Cp. cc. 
53f ^» 73» 77» Tit. 6 ita cui praesens 
plurimum contraxit invidiae ut non 
temere quis tam adverso rumore. . .trans- 
ierit ad principcUum. de Rhet. i illus' 
tres rhetores...non temere reperientur 
qtiam de quibus tradam. Tib. 73 non 
temere quicquam nisi ex tuto ausurus, 
Cal. 30 non temere in quemquam nisi 
crebris et minutis ictibus animadverti 
passus est. Vesp, 15 non temere quis 
punitus insons reperietur. With this 
meaning temere ( =facile) is always with 

traiecto...efltigit. This refers to the 
expedition between the two battles at 
Mylae in the autumn of B.C. 36. Think- 
ing that Sextus would be wholly occu- 
pied with defending himself against 
Agrippa, Caesar transported his troops 
from Leucopetra and landed near Tauro- 




in Siciliam exercitu, cum partem reliquam copiarum con- 
tinenti' repeteret, oppressus ex improviso a Demochare et 
ApoUophane praefectis Pompei, uno demum navigio aegerrime 
effugit. Iterum cum praeter Locros Regium pedibus iret et 

5 prospectis biremibus Pompeianis terram legentibus, suas ratus, 
descendisset ^d litus, paene exceptus est Tunc etiam per 
devios tramites refugientem servus Aemili Pauli comitis eius, 
dolens proscriptum olim ab eo patrem Paulum et quasi 
occasione ultionis oblata, interficere conatus est. 

o Post Pompei fugam coUegarum alterum M. Lepidum, 
quem ex Africa in auxilium evocarat, superbientem ^^ 

^ r- » x- Deposition 

viginti legionum fiducia summasque sibi partes terrore of Lepidus 
et minis vindicantem spoliavit exercitu^^supplicemque ^'^' ^ ' 
concessa vita Circeios in perpetuum relegavit. 

, > 

n t > , 

menium (being refiised admission into 
the town). Here he was attacked both 
by land and sea. Leaving his camp in 
charge of Comificius he embarked on 
board his ship and got his fieet afloat. 
After some severe fighting with the 
ships of Sextus, Caesar found at night- 
fall that the majority of his vessels 
were captured or destroyed, while the 
remainder were on their way back 
to Italy. He spent the night at sea 
doubting whether to make his way back 
to the camp of Comificius (beset by 
cavalry under Demochares and Apollo- 
phanes) or to make for Italy. Finally 
his ship came to land at a spot in 
S. Italy near Stylis or Columna (called 
by Appian Adaia, an unknown name), 
and after considerable hardships he 
reached the troops which under the 
command of Gaius Carrinas were wait- 
ing to cross to Sicily. [App. 5, 109 — 
112 ; Dio 49, 5 dyarip-us h 'Hfv rJTci' 
pov dircfftijOrf.^l 

a Democbare et ApoUophane. These 
men were freedmen of Sext. Pompeius 
who occupied the chief command under 
him after the treason of Menas (Meno- 
doms) and the death of Menecrates. 
App* 5} 84 6 UofnHiioi airrbv re ArffiO' 
X^PW i^ol * Airo\\o(f>aityfy, koX rwde dire- 
\eTiOepov iavTov, vavdpxovs dTitpiffvev 
&vrl 'M.Tfvodupov Kal MevcKpaTovs. They 
are not mentioned in the other accounts 
of this defeat of Augustus, but as Me- 
nochares was in command at Mylae at 
the time [Dio 49, 2] he was doubtless 
lengaged in it. 

Itenim...ezceptii8. This incident is 
not noticed by either Appian or Dio. 

Aemili PafQi. This was a son of L. 
Aemilius Paulus, the elder brother of 
the triumvir M. Aemilius Lepidus. L. 
Aemilius had always been a partisan of 
the senatorial party, and though in his 
consulship of B.c. 50 he had accepted a 
bribe from Caesar to remain neutral, he 
had in b.c. 43 joined in the vote of the 
Senate declaring his brother Lepidus a 
public enemy for joining Antony ; and 
accordingly had been put in the list of 
the proscribed by his brother later in 
that year on the formaticn of the trium- 
virate. AU authorities agree in assign- 
ing this act toM. Lepidus[App. B,dv, 4, 
12; Dio 47, 6; Plut. Ant. 19; Paterc. 
2, 67; Oros. 6, 18], but as the pro- 
scription lists were in the names of the 
triumvirs collectively, Octavian was 
jointly responsible. Though proscribed, 
Paulus had been allowed to escape, had 
fought at Philippi, and had since died 
in Asia Minor [App. B. civ. 4, 37]. 

M. Lepidiuii...relegayit. In virtue 
of the rearrangement of the provinces 
after Philippi (42) M. Lepidus was to 
have Africa, if it tumed out that he had 
not been guilty of treasonable negotia- 
tions with Sex. Pompeius. He had 
not been allowed to go there till after 
the taking of Perusia (40). The pro- 
vince had been secured to him again at 
the renewal of the triumvirate in 37 at 
Tarentum [App. B. civ. 5, 94 — 97]; 
but he was restless under the subordi- 
nate position which he in fact occupied, 






17 M. Antonii societatem semper dubiam et incertam recon- 
ciliationibusque variis male focilatam abrupit tandem, " 

The final . . - ~^^ .... 

rupture ct quo magis degenerasse eum a civili more appro- iv 
wiih M. baret, testamentum, quod is Romae, etiam de Cleo- 

Antomus. _.-,.. 7 * . 

patra libens mter heredes nuncupatis, reliquerat, s 

while nominally on a par with his 
colleagues; and though he obeyed the 
summons to start for Sidly with twelve 
legions on the ist of July R.C. 36 [App. 
5« 97]f he acted there independently ; 
took Lilybaeum [App. 5, 48] ; and then 
went across the island to besiege the 
Pompeians in Messene. Afler the 
victory of Agrippa between Mylae and 
Naulochus, the Pompeian Plennius 
occupied Messene and opened negocia- 
tions with Lepidus, who made terms 
with him aaid took over his eight 
legions. Having thus a force of about 
20 legions, he sacked Messene, and re- 
solved to claim the whole of Sicily as 
his province. But when Caesar ap- 
peared the army of Lepidus declined to 
engage in another civil war, and went 
over to his coUeague. Lepidus was con- 
strained to fall at Caesar s feet and sue 
for pardon. His life was spared, but 
he was deprived of imperium and of all 
office except that of Pontifex Maximus, 
as to which there were religious diffi- 
culties in a deposition, which Augustus 
declined to break through [see c. 31; 
Appian B. civ, 5, 122 — 126; Dio 49, 

The victory of Augustus was cele- 
brated as on the ^rd o? September, see 
the Fasti Atniternini [C /. Z. i, p. 
398] Feriae et supplicationes aput omtiia 
pulvinaria quod eo die Caesar divi f, 
vicit in Sicilia, But whether this was 
the day of the naval victory, or of the 
surrender of the army of Lepidus, is 
left uncertain by the inscription of 
Cumae [C, I. L, 10, 873 ; Rushforth, p. 
51], the date in the entry being un- 
fortunately lost [iii non • Septembr, eo 
die exer\cvT\3s lepidi tradidit se 


viginti legloniiiii. That is, the 
twelve from Africa and the eight of 
Plennius from Messene. Appian [^B. 
cvu, 5, 123] reckons his force at 22 
legions, — <ri>i' roinwi (i.e. the legions of 
Plennius which joined him) ix^ ^^^ 
Kot etKoai t{\7I xe^Qy Kal Iwiai voXKo^t 
iiripro, The two additional legions 
according to him [c. 104] were the 

survivors of four fresh legions from 
Africa that were shipwreck«3 off Lily- 

CiroeiOB in perpetaiim relegavit. 
Lepidus however was not allowed to 
remain unmolested at Circeii. In B.c. 
18, after the plot of the younger Lepi- 
dus, he was compelled to come to 
Rome, and treated by Augustus with 
marked indignity,...ica2 oih-€ is &\\o n 
Cds kqX d^L(fi ol \6yov iyjnjfrOi totc Hk 

KOl T^V \f/^<fH>V itOT&Tifi tQv (jTaTCVKh' 

Tiap iTTTJycv, Dio 54, 15; cp. infr. 

c. 54- 
17. reoondUationibue . . . focilatam. 

The occasions on which reconciliations 

between Augustus and Antony had taken 

place were (i) in 43, in November fol- 

fowing the battle near Mutina [App. 

B. civ, 4, 2; Dio 46, 54]. (2) in B.c. 

40 after Perusia, at Brundisium [Dio 

^7, 29—30; App. B, civ, 5, 56—65]. 

(3) in B.c. 37 at Tarentum, on the inter- 

vention of Octavia, when the revival of 

the triumvirate was settled [App. B. 

««^- 5. 93? Dio48, 54]. 

focilatam, 'kept alive,' 'kept flicker- 
ing.' It is a word of the silver age, and 
is used by Pliny of persons, ipse paucis 
diebus aegre focillcUus...decessit, Ep, 3, 
14, 4; cp. ib, 16, 12. Metaphorically 
by Seneca Ep, 13 § 14 ptidet me ibi sic 
tecum loqui et tam lentbus te remediis 
focillare, A deponent focillari * to 
cherish' is quoted from Varro by 
Nonius [z^^^fo-veo^fo-cus^. 

male, *with difficulty,* *imperfectly.' 
Cp. Tib, 42 vitia mcde diu dissimulata 
tandem profudit. 

alirupit tandem. llie breach be- 
tween Antonius and Caesar was ren- 
dered inevitable by the events of 33 — 
32 B.c. The death of Sextus Pom- 
peius (35), the successful expeditions 
against the IUyrian lapydes, the Panno- 
nians, the D^umatians, and the Salassi 
[Dio 49, 36 — 38] had assured and 
established Caesar's position in the 
eyes of the people of Rome as their 
biest security for peace and plenty. 
Meanwhile the conquest of Armenia 
(b.c. 34), and the temporary check 






aperiundum recitandumque pro contione curaviL Remisit 
tamen hosti iudicato necessitudines amicosque omnes, atque 

given to the Parthians by his subordi- 
nates, lefl Antony free to enter upon 
his scheme of an Eastem Empire, in 
which kingdoms were to be carved 
out for his children by Cleopatra. But 
the gravest offence to Augustus was the 
recognition of Caesarion as a legitimate 
son of Caesar and Cleopatra, as though 
the of&pring of a real marriage,... roO bk 
irpoTipov Kaiaapos rV f-^f yvvcuKay rhv 
bk vlbv SvTios yeyovhax iXeyev, xal is 
T^v eKclvov d^ x^P^^ Tavra iroiety icK^- 
irreTO, Sirws t6v KaiaafM t6v 'Oirrcu>v(av(iy 
€K To&roVf Bti T0iTfr6s dXX* oit yvfynos 
atfTod irait rjvt bta^&Wj^i [Dio 49, 41]. 
The 6nal breach came in B.c. 52, when 
one of the consuls C. Sosius ventured 
to propose the confirmation of Antony^s 
acta in the Senate, and Caesar next 
day made such a reply that both consuls 
left Italy for Alexandria, and Antony 
retaliated by openly divorcing Octavia 
[Dio 50, I — 2]. 

degenerasse eimi a cLyUI more. 
ofkta ydp wov a^Tbv iSedo^Xwo (acTe koI 
yv/APOffiapx^ffat rots *AXc^avdp€V(rt irci- 
<raif paxriXls re aMj koI Siairoiva inr^ 
iKclvov Ka\€i<r$aAt irrpaTubrasTe^Pufjialovs 
€v Ti} Sopvf/>opiK<fi ix^^ ^^ "^^ ovofia 
ojdrTis irdivTas <r0as rats dffTiffiy iTt- 
ypdfpctv. is T€ TT]v dyopdv pueT^ at)roD 
iffc^olTa^ Kcd rdt Toviffbpets oi ffw- 
dicrlOct, rdt de dlKas ffvve^-fyra^Ct xal 
ffwtTTcifs Kal iv rcut T6\c<r(y, ij koI 
iKelvri fxiv iv dltppip tivI i<f>ipeTOf 6 di 
*A»Tii)vtos abTOTobl aiJrJ /lArrd tQv eivo6- 
Xw "f^oKoCdet. Koi t6 re ffTpaHfytov 
paff£\etov ufv6fMl;e, koX dKtvdKi^v iffTtv 
5re Tapej^ibvvvTOf iffO^ re ^w twv 
TaTpl<i)v ixpfJTO, Kal irl KXlvrfS iTfxfiO- 
ffov Uippov re 6fitUov Kai iv r^ KOtv<fi 
iwpaTo, Dio 50, 5; Horace, Epode 9, 
II — 16 
RomanuSj eheu^—posteri negabUis — 

emancipatus feminae^ 
fert vaUum et artna miles et spadoni- 

servire rugqsis potest, 
interque signa turpe militaria 

sol adspicit conopium, 
So Plutarch [Ant. 36] r6 aiffxp^v ijv 
Ttav KXeoirdrpat Ttfiiav dvtap^Tarov. It 
was also believed that Cleopatra aimed 
at transferring the Empire to Alex- 
andria. n^ re pafftXtlav t^v tQv Alyv- 

TTiiOV i/T^ ipWOS iKTfyraTO KOX TifV TWV 

'Ftafiaiwv \i^\f/eff6at dt a^ov i\Tiffaffa 
[Dio^i, 15]. Cp. Hor. Od. i, 37, ^dum 

Capitolio I regina dementes ruinas \funus 
et imperio parabcU. Livy Ep, 132. 

testamentiun. Caesar got his in- 
formation as to Antony's will from M. 
Titius (the murderer of Sext. Pompeius) 
and L. Munatius Plancus, who in B.c. 
32 deserted Antony and came to Rome. 
They had witnessed it and told Caesar 
of its contents and where it was to be 
found. He did not hesitate to possess 
himself of it and make its contents 
known : TotaJuTa ydp tov iv a^ats dve- 
yiypaTTo wrre firfd^ airiav Ttvd irap* 
airruv KoiTep TapavofJUtyraTOv Tpayfm 
Toti/iffas ffxctv [Dio 50, 3]. 

de Cleopatra liberis. The children 
of Antony by Cleopatra were Cleopatra, 
Alexander and Ptolemaeus. The 
daughter was married to luba II. king 
of Numidia, and afterwards of Maure- 
tania. They were all three brought up 
by the magnanimous Octavia, but of the 
subsequent fate of the twa sons nothing 
seems to be known [Plut. Ant. 87 ; Dio 
51, 15]. In the lifetime of Antonius 
Ptolemy had been invested with the 
kingdom of Syria, Cleopatra with that 
of Cyrene, and Alexander with that of 
Armenia [Dio 49, 41]. But these 
arrangements of course fell to the 
ground with his defeat and death. In 
his will he had (i) declared Caesarion 
to be a real son of lulius, (2) had left 
enormous legacies to his own children 
by Cleopatra, (3) ordered his own body 
to be buried with that of Cleopatra in 
Alexandria. The effect of the pub- 
lication of the will is described by Dio 
[50, 3] thus: 5t' oSv raora dyavaKTi/i- 
ffovTes iTlffTevffav 5rt koX TSKKa ra 
$pv\ovfA€va d\rf6r} cfty, tovt^ iffrtv &rt, 
av KpaTfiffjji, rffv re T6\tv ff</>Cbv Ty KXeo- 
Tdrpq. xaptcc^a^ f^oX t6 KpdTos es t^v 
AtyvTTOv fjATaBifffet. 

remisit. . .hoeti iudicato. According 
to Dio [50, 3], Antony was not declared 
a hostis in B.c. 32. War was declared 
against Cleopatra, but though it was 
well understood to be against him, 
Antony's name was not mentioned. 
App. B. civ. 4, 39 however says that 
Messala was elected consul in his place 
for B.c. 31 &re atBts iyprftpi^o etvai 


C. BoBiiis et Cn. DomitiUB (Aheno- 
barbus) were the consuls for b.c. 32. 
They left Rome after the debates in the 
Senate at the beginning of January, and 




inter alios C. Sosium et Cn. Domitium tunc adhuc consules. 
Bononiensibus quoque publice, quod in Antoniorum clientela 
antiquitus erant, gratiam fecit coniurandi cum tota Italia pro 
partibus suis. Nec multo post navali proelio apud Actium 
Actiu 2 vicit, in serum dimicatione protracta, ut in nave victor 5 
September pernoctaverit. Ab Actio cum Samum in hiberna se 
B.C. 31. recepisset, turbatus nuntiis de seditione praemia et 

Caesar gave out that they had gone with 
his free consent, and that others might 
go if they pleased, Dio 50, 2 fMdu)v di 
TovTO 6 Kcucap iKii» re a^Oi>f iinreTOfA- 
4*iv<u iifKurK€Vf Iva fi^ Kal ufs ddtxtjif ti 
iyKaTaXeXciipOai (nr* a&rw doKyy Kal ixi- 
Tphrw Koi Tcis dXKois rocs iOiXovai vpds 
Tbv *ApT(i}viov fier* ddclai dTapai. 

C. BoBiiiB was praetor in B.c. 49 
[Cic. ad Att, 8, 6], and had been legatus 
to Antony and govemor of Cilicia and 
Syria, where he had done good service, 
having taken Jerusaiem and restored 
Herod B.c. 37 [Plut. Ant, 34 ; loseph. 
Ant, 14, 16; Bn lud, I, 18]. For this 
he celebrated a triumph in b.c. 34 and 
is called proconsul in the Fasti, ...C. 
Sosius pro cos, ex ludaea an, DCCXix. 
III. Nonas Septembr.; and is hence 
termed triumphalis in the epitaph of a 
great-grandson [see Wilmanns 11 34], 

vix • ANN • xxiii. After Actium he 
was left unmolested by Caesar [Dio 

51» 2]- 
Gn. Domltias Ahenobarbns was the 

son of L. Domitius, killed at Pharsalus, 

by Porcia, sister of Cato Uticensis. He 

had been in the proscription iist of 43 

— 2, but held out against the triumvirs 

till B.c. 40, having Uie command of 50 

ships in the lonian sea, with which he 

molested Antony when crossing to Greece 

in B.c. 42, and won a victory over his 

lieutenant Domitius Caivinus about the 

same time as the first battle at Philippi 

[App. B. civ. 4, 115]. In B.c. 40, 

however, he was reconciled to Antony 

by the influence of Asinius Pollio [ Vell. 

Pat. 2, 76], and was accordingly in- 

cluded in the pacification with Caesar 

at Brundisium in B.c 37 [App. 5, 65], 

and served under Antony against the 

Parthians [Plut. Ant. 40]. As to his 

having been one of the assassins of 

lulius, see Append. B. The Mss. 

have T. Domitium ; but the praenomen 

Gnaeus is attested by the Fasti and 

by Cic. 2 Fhil. § 27 and all other 

pnldice, 'as a communtty,' as opposed 
to individuals, cp. Tib. 6. 

inA&tonionimclientela. Soin7V^.6 
we hear of the Lacedaemonians being 
in tutela Claudiorum. In Cic. 2 Fhil. 
107 the people of Puteoli are said to 
have selected Cassius and the two Bruti 
as their patrons. The Patronus repre- 
sented the interests of the municipium 
or provinciai town at Rome, and often 
was a material benefactor besides, see 
the case of Labienus at Cingulum, quod 
oppidum constituerat suaque pecunia ex- 
aedificavercU \Cz£&. B. civ. i, 15]. 

gratiam...8ni8, 'excused them from 
joining in the general agreement ofall 
Italy on his side.' pro parttbue, cp. 
c. 12. For the (unusual) sense oigratia 
with gen.* dispensation from, ' cp. Tib. 35, 
eq. Romano iuris iurandi gratiamfecit. 

in 8erum...pemoctayerit. The re- 
sistance of the Antonian fleet did not 
cease with the flight of Cleopatra or 
Antony at Actium (2 September, B.c. 
31). Many of the captains would not 
or could not follow their leaders, and 
the stru^Ie continued till late in the 
aftemoon [6 aTl>Kos...ftJliKiL% (apas d€KdTrfs 
dtreiTrc, FlMt.Ant.6S. illius etiam detrac- 
to capiie in longum fortissime pugnandi 
duravit constantia, Vel. 2, 85. ab hora 
quinta usque in horam septimam incerta 
vincendi spe gravissimae utrimque caedes 
actae; reliquum diei cum subsequefite 
nocte in victoriam Caesaris declitiavity 
Oros. 6, 19]. Augustus is said finally 
to have conquered by using fire to bum 
the hostile vessels, which he avoided as 
long as possible, because he wished to 
secure them [Dio 50, 34]. Ile asserted 
in his memoirs that 300 ships fell into 
his hands [Plut. /. ^.]. For serum by 
itself for a *late hour of the day,* cp- 
Nero 22 serum protra- 
hebatur, Otho 1 1 in serum usque pcUettte 
cubiculo, In Livy [7, 8; 33, 48] it 
generally has a detining genitive, such 
as diei or noctis. 




missionem poscentiumj quos ex omni numero confecta victoria 
Brundisium praemiserat, repetita Italia, tempestate in traiectu 
bis conflictatus (primo inter promuntoria Peloponnesi atque 
Aetoiiae, rursus circa montes Ceraunios, utrubique parte 

5 libumicarum demersa, simul eius, in qua vehebatur, fusis 
armamentis et gubernaculo diffracto) nec amplius quam septem 
et viginti dies, donec desideria militum ordinsu^entur, Brundisii 
comnioratus, Asiae Syriaeque circuitu Aegyptum petit ob- 
sessaque Alexandrea, quo Antonius cum Cleopatra xakingof 

lo confugerat, brevi potitus esL Et Antonium quidem, Aiex- 

... . , andria, 

seras conditiones pacis temptantem, ad mortem September 
adegit viditque mortuum. Cleopatrae, quam ser- ^'^- 3°- / 

camBamiizii...pofloeiitiiizii. Augustus 
spent the winter of B.c. 3 1 — 30 in Greece 
aod Asia. When recalled to Italy by 
the disturbances here mentioned, he 
went no farther than Brundisium, where 
he remained 30 days, being visited by 
nearly all the majg;istrates, Senators, and 
chief equites. Dio 51, 4. Thevisitwas 
after the ist of January B.C. 30, for it was 
in his 4th consulship with M. Crassus. 
Dio 51, 4; Oros. 6, 19, 14. The effect 
pf his presence on the insubordinate 
soldiers is referred to by Germanicus 
[Tac. Ann» i , 42] divus Augusius vuliu 
et aspectu Actiacas legiones exterruit, 

GeraniiiOB. The dangerous nature of 
the headland was well known, — infamis 
scopulos^ Acroceraunia [Hor. Od, i, 3, 

lilniTiiicaniiii. The name libumica 
was applied to a vessel of less draught 
than the great warships of the Romans, 
and it was apparentiy of such ships that 
the fleet of Caesar at Actium had chiefly 
consisted. The name of course came 
from the pirate vessels of the Illyrian 
Libumi, which were constructed for the 
shallow waters of the Illyrian coast, and 
is applied to vessels of various sizes, 
from a ship of war to a yacht. See 
Calig, yifabricavit et deceris Libumicas 
gemmatu puppibus, Nero 34 ; and in the 
fr. about Pimy's death, he is said to 
have perished cum.,flagraiUe Vesubio 
ad explorandas propius causas libumica 
pratendisset, Cp. Hor. Epode i, i ibis 
Ubumis inter aita navium...propugna' 
cnla. A^vpvol y4vo% ^VKKvpiCoVf ol rbv 
'lb¥iop Kal rd9 vii<rov^ iXyarevov vawriv 
(aK€iaiS T€ Koi KO^<pais, 60€v (ti vvv 
'FfafjLCUoi rd iroD^a Kod 6^a dlKporra Ai- 
fivpvldas JTpooayopeOovaiVf Veget. 4, 33. 

dMdderia militum. Cp. Tac. Ann, 
I, 19 non per seditionem et turbcLs de- 
sideria miiitum cui Caesarem ferenda, 

Asiae Byriaeqae drciiita, *by a cir- 
cuitous route through Asia and Syria,' 
like the orbis iter of Ovid. Cp. Seneca 
£p, 79, I circumitus Siciiiae totius, 

lirevi potitnB eet. Suetoniushasgiven 
a very compressed account. Caesar did 
not enter Alexandria till the lirst of 
August, B.c. 30 [C. I, L, I, pp. 324, 
328J. Antony had in the previous 
autumn made a vain attempt to gain 
over the troops in Africa, and on his 
return to Alexandria had opened nego- 
ciations with Augustus, olfering to live 
as a privatus at Athens [Dio 51, 5 — 7; 
Piut. Ant, 73J. in the spring ot b.c. 
30 Comelius Gallus, taking over the 
command of the troops in Africa, ad- 
vanced to Paraetonium, where he secured 
the remainder of Antony's fleet. Mean- 
while Caesar, with the secret connivance 
of Cleopatra, ianded at Pelusium and 
advanced towards Alexandria, decisively 
defeating Antony, who had hurriedly re- 
turned from Paraetonium. The Egyptian 
fleet, again it is said on the secret order 
of Cieopatra, deserted, thus preventing 
Antony's scheme of escape to Asia; and 
thereupon — being told also that Cleo- 
patra had shut herself up in the turqiuiov 
and was dead — he stabbed himself and 
ordered Iiis attendants to carry him to 
the /unjfuiov, where he died in the 
queen's arms [Dio 51, 10; Plut. Ant, 
77 — 8]. The ad mortein adegit is 
only therefore indirectly true. 

▼iditque mortaum. According to 
Dio [51, 11] the body of Antony was 
embalmed under the direction of Cleo- 
patra. Cp. Plutarch Ant, 83 ^^dirrcro 




vatam triumpho magnopere cupiebat, etiam psyllos admovit, 
qui venenum ac virus exugerent, quod perisse morsu aspidis 
putabatur. Ambobus communem sepulturae honorem tribuit 
ac tumulum ab ipsis incohatum perfici iussit. Antonium 
iuvenem, maiorem de duobus FulviS^^genitis, simulacro Divi 5 

ratf iKelnrii x^P^^ to\vt€\us Kal ^wn- 
XurWt TMW U)S ipojS\€TO XP^^^ ^' 
po6<nis. The looking on the dead body 
of any enemy, though it might be ne- 
cessary in order to be satisned of his 
death, was regarded as an aggravation 
of cruelty. So Pompey would not look 
at the dead body 01 Mithridates [Plut. 
Pomp, 42]; nor Caesar at the head of 
Pompey [App. B. civ, 2, 90]. 

Beryatam triampho. Dio 51, 1 1 Eou- 
co.p Si ireOOfiet fibf kcU rwy d7i<ravp(a¥ 
iyKfKLrfis yepiaOai xal iKelvriv ^wrav re 
ffvWa^eiv Kal is rd viK7fHipi.a i.Tayay€iv, 
Plut. Ant,%^ KoX yap i^peiTo irepi t(2v 
XPVf^i^f^^ i^o^ fJ^a Tpin 5^av ifyciTo toO 
Opidfipou KaTayayetv iKeLvtiv. Horace 
[Od. I) 37* 3 1] no doubt is expressing this 
disappointment as to the privata deduci 
superbo \ non humilis mulier triumpho. 
Yet Caesar's motive perhaps was not 
the desire of merely gracing his triumph. 
It was important for him to give a 
striking proof that he had been fighting 
against an £gyptian queen, rather than 
a Roman imperator. 

psyUoB admovit. [Cp. Dio, 51, 14 
who regards it as the name of a craft 
not a people yw^ ykp oi ylyverai 
^XXa.] The mysterious Psylli were 
said by Herodotus to have perished by 
a sandstorm in their contest with the 
South Wind, and to have been suc- 
ceeded by the Nasamonians [Her. 4, 
173]* Some remnants of them how- 
ever were believed to remain in the 
district between the two Syrtes [Pliny, 
JV. H. 5, 27], who were said to possess 
the art of curing the bites of snakes \id. 
7, 13 — 14], and to be themselves im- 
pervious to the poison \id. 21, 78; 
Strabo, 17, i, 44]. The smell of their 
bodies was even said to scare snakes 
away [Pliny 8, 93 ; 25,123]. The snake- 
charmers of Barbary stiU profess the 
same powers; and^the Psylli, or men 
caliing themselves by that name, were 
known in Itaiy (though believed to lose 
their power there), and were to be met 
with in Egypt \id. 11, 89]. For the 
sucking out of the poison see Plutarch, 
Cato min. 57 ^i5XXous...ot t6. rc di^^fiara 
Twv 6rj^<av Iwvtoj, roit (FT^fAaat. IXxorret 

t6v I6v, a^Td re rd diipLa «rarcTr^vret 
dfjift\vvov<n K<d mjXovcrt. Pausan. 9, 28, 
I, of the people near M. Helicon, where 
the snakes are comparatively innocuous, 
cSffre Sia<p€vyov<n rd ToXXd oi drix^ivTes 
rjv dvdpl AL^vi yivovs Tutv ^vXX»»' Kal 
dXX»t Tpo<r4>6pois €TLTvxwrf' tcIis ^pfJid' 


qnod perisse monu aspidis pnta- 
batur. Suetonius puts this doubtfully, as 
do most other authorities. t6 di d^riOis 
o6d€ls citdev Plut. Ant. 86. Tb lAkv <ra<pis 
oitdels cltdev <} Tp6T(p di€<l>0dpiii Dio 51, 
14. Livy £p. 133 only says volutitaria 
morte defuncta. Velleius (2, 87) ex- 
presses no doubt^ Cleopatra frustratis 
custodibus inlata CLSpide morsu sane eius 
expers muliebris metus spiritum reddidit. 
Horace {Od. i, 37, 27) seems to have 
accepted the same %\oxyr,fortis et asperas \ 
tractareserpentes^ utatruni \ corporecom- 
Hberet venenum. 

oommunem sepiUtaiae honorem. 
Plut. Ant. 86 ILaicap. . .Ta<ft7ivaL t6 <r(afia 
<rvv *AyT<i)vL(p \afiTp(2s koI pa<n\iK(Ss cKi- 
\€va€. But the burial of Antony had 
apparently been the work of Cleopatra 
herself. Dio 51, 1 1 ; Zonar. 10, 3 ; Plut. 
Ant. 82. 

Antonium iuyenem. . . Caesazionem. 
The fate of Caesarion was no doubt 
due to the claim openly made for him 
by Antony that he was the offspring of 
a lawful union between lulius and 
Cleopatra. Such an assertion was of 
course offensive to Augustus, and might 
have been used by his enemies to 
weaken his position as his uncle's heir. 
It appears that the patemity of Caesa- 
rion had been denied by lulius himself, 
and that one of his friends, Gaius 
Oppius, published a pamphlet to dis- 
prove it. Antony asserted in the Senate, 
however, that Caesar had acknowledged 
the boy; and Cicero [ad Att. 14, 20] 
speaks of him as iHe Caesar. Plutarch 
[Caes. 49] says that the name arose 
from the common talk of the Alex- 
andrians, and Suet. [lui. 52] says that 
Caesar allowed Cleopatra to call the 
boy by the name as a favour. As Cleo- 
patra had only a nominal husband in a 
child-brother, the suspicion was natural. 




luli, ad quod post multas et irritas preces confugerat, abreptum 
interemit. Item Caesarionem, quem ex Caesare Cleopatra 
concepisse praedicabat, retractum e fuga supplicio adfecit. 
Reliquos Antonii reginaeque communes liberos non secus ac 
5 necessitudine iunctos silJi et conservavit et mox pro conditione 
cuiusque sustinuit ac fovit. Per idem tempus conditorium et 18 
corpus Magni Alexandri, cum prolatum e penetrali subiecisset 

and the fact may be considered as fairly 
established. At any rate Antony*s will, 
read in Rome in 32, contained the as- 
sertion [Dio 50, 3] ; and as he had been 
already declared 'king of kings* and 
heir of Egypt and Cyprus [Dio 49, 4] 
there couid have been little doubt 
that he was to be got rid of. He at- 
tempted to fly to Aethiopia, but was 
betrayed by his paedagogue [Dio 49, 5 ; 
Plut. Ant, 81]. He was about 17 years 

The young Antony, whom Dio and 
Plutarch call "A.vrvKKoi [Dio 49, 5; 
Plut. AnL 81], must have been much 
younger, for Antony was not married to 
Fulvia till B.c. 45 or 44, see Cic. 2 PhiL 
§§ 77, 99 [from which the divorce of 
Antonia would seem to have been B.c. 
45]; but after Actium Antony had 
given him the toga virilis, in order that 
he might have authority to represent 
him at Alexandria, and had sent him 
with offers of submission to Augustus 
[Dio 51, 5 and 8]. He was therefore 
in a somewhat different position to that 
of the other children, and hke Caesarion 
was betrayed by his paedagogue Theo- 
dorus [Plut. /. c.], 

simulacro DlYi Ivlli. The worship 
of the *Divine lulius' had apparently 
been early introduced in Alexandria, 
where it was oniy a natural sequence to 
the deification of the Ptolemies. There 
were various busts and statues of lulius 
in the Palace, and no doubt in other 
places. SeeDio 51, 12, — Cleopatra re- 
ceives Augustus iroXXds eUdms tov 
Trarpds a&roO xal wayToSairiLS xapade- 
ftivri. How this deification was con- 
tinued in Egypt, see C /. G, 4923. In 
the great temple at Philae was dis- 
covered an epigram in praise of Augustus 
(of about B.c. 12) beginning 
Kat<rapi iravTOfiidovTi Kal dTreipw Kpa- 


Zavli T(fi €K Zavbs Torpdst ^EiKevSepltp, 

For the use of the statues of kings 
and emperors as an asylum for fugitives, 
see Ti6, 53 ncvissifne calumniatus modo 

ad statuam Augusti modo ad exercitus 
confugtre velle^ Pandatariam relegavit, 
Ulpian, Dig, 21, i, 17 § 12 Egpputo non 
esse eum fugUivum, qui id facit, quod 
publice facere licere arbitratur^ ne eum 
quidem qui ad statuam Caesaris fugi- 
tivum arbitror, This too seems to have 
come from Egypt, see Livy 23, 10, 
where the Campanian Mi^us escaping 
from Hannibal s ship, which had been 
blown ashore at Cyrene, Hdr cum ad 
staiuam Ptoiemaei regis confugisset de- 
portatus a custodibus Alexandriam.., 
vinculis liberatur, 

18. oondltoriuzii et oorpns llagiii 
Alexandri, * the cofHn and body of Alex- 
anderthe Great.' On hisdeath-bed Alex- 
ander desired that his body should be 
taken to the temple of Ammon [lustin. 
i^> 15* 7]* How this command was 
carried out is told by Diodorus [18, 
26 — 28]. A splendid funeral car was 
constructed by Arridaeus [or Arribaeus^ 
see Hicks G, I, p. 235] and in Syria 
was met by Ptolemy son of Lagus, who 
instead of taking it to the temple of 
Ammon conducted it to Alexandria, 
where /care<r#feiJa<rc rifievos «corA t6 pA' 
yaOos Kal «carA Hiv Kara^Kcv^v r^t 
[AXc^Spov d6^ris d^toVj iv (p KrjSe^cas 
a^bv Kol BvffLais ^puiKcus Kal dywri 
fuyaXoirp^ir^in Tifi^^as oi rap' dvOpdnnav 
fibvov dXXd Kol irapa OeQv KdKds dfwipds 
fKapcv. Pausanias however says [i, 6, 3 ; 
1, 7, 1] that Ptolemy I. buried Alexander 
at Memphis, and that Ptolemy II. trans- 
ferred the body to Alexandria. Strabo 
[17» I» 7] gives a somewhat different ac- 
count. According to him the body was 
brought by Perdiccas from Babylon on 
his Egyptian expedition in 321, and 
taken from him by Ptolemy, — r6 di ffCofjua 
rov ^AKc^dvSpov KOfi0as 6 HroXefiouos 
iKrffiewrev iv rj 'AXe^avSpc/g, 8tov vvv 
iri Ketrai, At any rate the worship of 
Alexander was joined with t|iat 01 the 
Ptolemies, as is shown in the priestly 
decrees, C, I, G. 4697 (Rosetta stone), 
4876: and his body was preserved in 
the tomb of the Ptolemies,.../Aipos Zk 




oculis, corona aurea imposita ac floribus aspersis veneratus est, 
consultusque, num et Ptoiemaeum inspicere vellet, regem se 
voluisse ait viderey mn tnortuos. Aegyptum in provinciae 
formam redactam ut feraciorem habilioremque annonae urbicae 

rw fitiffiKeUap itrrl koI t6 Ka\ou/jiepoif 
Z^ [al. ^/m], 6 Tepipokos ^r, er ^ 
al rw ^aaCKiuiv raj^>aX koX ij *A\€^dpdpov 
[Strabo /.r.]. Augustus was able to see 
it because the gold cofiin made by Arrhi- 
baeus had been removed by Ptolemy 
Nothus (about B.c. ii8) and a glass 
one substituted [Strabo /. c.]. The arms 
laid upon the cofiin were also now or 
afterwards taken away, for Caligula 
possessed his thorax [Suet. CaL 53]. 
The Ptolemaeum with the coffin of 
Alexander has long disappeared, though 
in the ^th century Achilles Tatius m 
the romance of Leucippe and Cleitophon 
[5 § 3] in describing Alexandria men- 
tions coming e^t rhp hninfvfjioy *AXc^- 
dvSpov rdTOP. According to Dio [51, 
16] Augustus not only saw the body 
but toudied it and broke off a piece of 
the nose. 

PtolftmaewTn, sc. * tomb of the Ptole- 
mies.' The form of the word is sup- 
ported by Diodor. 20, 100, who calls 
the Stoa at Rhodes a\€fuuoy ; and 
Cicero {/e Fin, 5, i, i in gymnasio quod 
Ptolemaeum vocatur. But Stephanos 
hyz. s.v. KaiTiTfijkLOP has IlroXfMaccbv, 
and Propert. 2, i, 30 has the adjective 

Aegyptiun in proTinciae f omuun re- 
daotam. Egypt was made a province, 
but with several remarkable peculiarities 
as to its administration. It was from 
the first wholly in the hands of the em- 
peror, who received both the revenues 
lirom the royal domains of the Ptolemies 
and the taxes from the country as his 
private property. Though the distinc- 
tion between Senatorial and Imperiai 
provinces was not yet made, Caesar 
boldly initiated a new departure. It 
was governed not by a pro-consul or 
legatuSf but by a praefectus^ nominated 
by the emperor and subject to recail at 
pleasure [mfr. c. 66; Ner. 47; Domit. 
4; Tac. Hist. 2, 74; C. I. G. 4923; 
Plin. N. H. 6, 181 ; 19, 3 and 11; 36, 
69]. The emperor had besides a pro- 
curator^ generally one of his freed- 
men \Ner. 35], and now or iater an- 
other ofhcer, also nominated by the 
emperor, iuridims Aegypti [C. I.L. 10, 
2, 1250; Wilmanns, 1250J, to preside 
over the courts at Alexandria. 

The province differed from others 
also in not consisting of a number of 
states existing side by side with local 
autonomy. It was divided into three 
great districts or iirurTparjfylaji^ each 
district into nomes {vopitl), each nome 
into a certain number of hamlets (icw- 
/Mu) which were presided over by a 
r^ular gradation of ofhcials, who ad- 
ministered their separate offices, but 
were all answerable to the Praefectus 
at Alexandria. This organization had 
existed under the Ptolemies, but at any 
rate under the later kings had become 
corrupt and inefficient. Caesar there- 
fore lollowed the lines of the old con- 
stitution, only infusing reality and 
efficiency into it. The Praefectus per- 
formed the ceremonial functions of the 
kings [Piin. N. H. 5, 57; Sen. N, Q. 

4, 2, 8], and during the reign of Augustus 
had three legions, afterwards reduced to 
two. But the population of Alexandria 
was so seditious [roffti&nip irov v€iOT€po- 
iroda» a&rCav Kariyvia, Dio] that they 
were not permitted to have an elected 
Senate, or to share in the advantages 
of the lex Saenia (b.c. 30) which allowed 
provincials under certain circumstances 
to obtain the civitas and serve offices 
admitting to the Roman Senate. But 
perhaps the regulation which confined 
the praefectura to equites (forbidding 
Senators and even illustres equites enter- 
ing Egypt, — see Tac. Ann. 2, 59; /Ti i, 
1 1 ; 3, 8, 1 1 ; Suet. Tib. 52 ; Arrian 3, 

5, 10; Dio 51, 17 oifbevl pov\€vr^ o&x 
8ir<as iyx^^f^^^ aiJr^i' iT6\fJLi^€P dXX* 
ovd* iv€iridrifi€Tv ojOry i^ovalav idtJKev — 
was in part a concession to the feelings 
of the Alexandrians ; for though Roman 
soldiers had been there since the time 
of Gabinius (b.c. 55), the mob were 
easily enraged at the sight of the fasces, 
which seemed an open declaration of 
their slavery [Caesar B. civ. 3, 106]. 
Though thus made a kind of appanage 
of the emperor, Augustus always affected 
to regard Egypt as subject like the 
other provinces to the Roman people. 
M. A. 27 Aegyptum imperio Populi Ro- 
mani adieci. And on the obelisks placed 
in B.c. 10 in the Campus and Circus 
was engraved [C. /. L. 6, 701] : Imp • 





redderet, fossas omnis, in quas Nilus exaestuat, oblimatas 
longa vetustate militari opere detersit. Quoque Actiacae 
victoriae memoria celebratior et in posterum esset, 
urbem Nicopolim apud Actium condidit ludosque 
5 illic quinquennales constituit et ampliato vetere Apollinis 
templo locum castrorum, quibus fuerat usus, exornatum na- 
valibus spoliis Neptuno ac Marti consecravit 


principal passs^es on this subject are 
Strabo 17; Dio 51, 16 — 17. See the 
authorities quoted by Marquardt vol. 9 
[with the additional authorities given 
by the French translators, Organisation 
de rEmpire 2, Aegyptus\ 

feradorem liabUlorem<iae annonae. 
Tac. H. I, II speaks of Egypt as a 
provinciam aditu difficiUm annonae fe- 
cundam. Pliny, Panegyr, 31, 2 percre- 
buerat antiquitus urbem nostram nisi 
opibus Aegypti ali sustentarique non 
posse, Aurel. Vict. i, 6 hutus Augusti 
tempore ex Aegvpto annua ducentiens 
centena millia jrumenti inferebantur, 
Strabo[i7, i, 13] tells us of the enor- 
mous increase in the commerce and im- 
portance of Alexandria under the sway 
of Augustus, though the com trade of 
£gypt had long been familiar to the 
Greeks in the ^th century ; see Bacchy- 
lides apud Athen. 2, 39 f. wvpo^poi 8i 
Kwr a/^X^eyro vrjei &yownv dir Alybirrov 
fUyurrov itKovtov, 

exaestaat, rare and post-classical in 
this sense: lust. i» 2, 7 quae materia 
{bitumen) e terra exaestuat. 

fOBBas oliliniataB, *choked with mud.* 
Cp. Cic. A^. Z?. 2 § 130 Aegyptum Nilus 
irrigat et cum tota aestate obrutam op- 
pletamque tenuit, tum recedit mollitosque 
et oblimatos ad serendum agros relinquit. 
By the fOMMe, Suetonius does not seem 
to mean the great canals, such as that 
to the Red Sea mentioned by Herodotus 
[2, 158; 4, 39]; but the smaller ditches 
made to carry off the flood waters, 
which Strabo [17, i, 10] says it was the 
special duty of good princes of Egypt 
to see were kept clear, — 1^ 5^ /Soi^^eia 
oXm^' rijv fiiv xoXMjv xap4KXV(st» ^M" 
0pd^€t K<a\b€iVt rf^r di irXi^poHnv ^v ij 
XoOs ipydl^erai robvwrrlov dvaKa$6^€i 
Ttav 8i<ap&ytav koI i^ojfol^ci tQv <rro/id- 


mUitari opere, * by employing soldiers 

in the work.* For soldiers employed in 
such fatigue duty see Suet. Claud. i ; 
Tac. Ann. 11, 21. 

NieopoUm aimd Aetiiim. Nicopolis 
on the promontory at the entrance of 
the Ambracian gulf, opposite to that 
of Actium, was built on the site of 
Caesar^s camp, 3 miles N. of the modem 
Prh/esa. Dio fo, 12 icar^Xa/Se Tb x^P^ 
TouTo iv <} vOv 71 "SiKbToXis i<m. ftr/. 51, 1 
wfiKof Twb. iv T<fi Tou OTpaToridou TOirtfi 
...<rw<pKur€, "SiKbToXiv a&rfi 6vofJM 8o6s. 
Inhabitants were found for it by re- 
moving the people from Aetolia [Paus. 
7, 18, 8; 10, 38, 4], Ambracia and 
Anactorium [id. 5, 23, 3], and Cassopeia 
[Strabo 7, 7, 6], and the remaining 
townships of Acamania were made 
hamlets of it [Strab. 10, 2, 2]. 

apad Actinm, * in the neighbourhood 
of Actium.' 

ladoB quinqaemiales. Dio 51, i dyv- 
va ri Ttva koI /wwriKbv koI yvfAviKbv 
iTTobpofilas re wevTCTTipiKbv Upbv...KaT' 
i8€t^€v. Similar quinquennial games 
were also established near Alexandria 
at a place also called Nicopolis, where 
he.conquered Antony [Strabo 17, i, 10; 
C. I. G. 5804]. 

ampUato . . . consecraTit. According 
to Strabo [7, 7, 6] the naval trophy was 
near the temple of Actian Apollo, on 
the promontory of Actium (mod. la 
Punta), opposite to Nicopolis, oiKovffi 
rb, /jiiv iv bc^iq. ^lffwXiovffi tuv 'EKMfvtav 
*Axapvav€s Kal Upbv tov *AktIov 'AroX- 
\<avos ivTav6<i i<m T\if<rlov t<m) ^rrbfJMTos, 
\b^s TiSf iv <p b V€<i)St Kol bw* abT<p 
webiov SK<ros fx^'' "^^^ rec6/Ka, iv ots M- 
BrfKe Kdi<rap rj^y b^KOjraXav <iKpo$lviov, 
aTb fMvoKpoTov fJi^ixp^ b^Kijpovs. But Dio 
mentions a temple of Apollo open to 
the sky in Nicopolis itself, or rather 
on the hill above it, on the spot on 
which Caesar's tent had stood, also 
adomed with beaks of ships, [51, 1] rb 
8i x^P^ ^^ V i9Kffv<aff€, \iBoiS TCTpa- 
Tibois iKpft(Tib<a<r€ Kal tois bXowrw ififio- 
\ots iK6<rfJLrf<r€V, ibos rt iv abT<^ roO 
^KtoXKuvos {fTaiSpiov Ibpwrafuevos. No 




Tumultus posthac et rerum novarum initia coniurationesque 
C n ira- ^o^^plu^^^s, prius quam invalescerent indicio detectas, 
cies during compressit alias alio tempore : Lepidi iuvenis, deinde 
t e reign. Varronis Murenae et Fanni Caepionis, mox M. 

other authority mentions the dedication 
to Neptune and Mars. The dedication 
to Neptune was perhaps an amende 
honorable for the defiance mentioned in 
c. j6. An epigram of Philip of Thessa- 
lonika \Anthd* 6, 236], who lived in 
the ist century a.d., mentions the naval 

*AicTitLK0V iro\4/iov K€lfie0a /Mi/>n;/xa. 

19. tiiiiiiiltiis...coiiiiiraU(mMqae. 
Cicero in the EigfUh Philippic discusses 
the difference between a tumultus and a 
bellum [§§ 2 — 4], and concludes that a 
tumultus cannot exist without a bellum^ 
though the converse may. Itaque ma- 
iores nostri tumultum Italicum, quod 
erat domesticuSy tumultum Gailicum^ 
quod erat finitimus^ praeterea nullum 
rwminabant. However, the generally 
accepted distinction was ihsii 2l tumu/tus 
existed when men were in arms in Italy, 
though there was no hostis or foreign 
enemy, and the citizens causing it had 
not been declared /.ostes. See Livy 2, 26 
of a movement of the Sabines, tumultus 
fuit verius quam belium, id, 7, 9 tu- 
multus Galiicus, id, 32, 26 servilis 

The conspiracies and other disturb- 
ances alluded to are 

(i) Lepidi InveiiiB. M. Aemilius 
Lepidus, son of the triumvir, had suffi' 
cient motives for conspiracy against 
Augustu^ His father^s disgrace and 
enforced retirement since B.c. 36 may 
well have rankled in his mind, and his 
mother lunia^ sister of M. Brutus, could 
have no love for Caesar. But of the 
particulars of the plot we have no in- 
formation. According to Appian \B, 
ci^v, 4, 50] he was prosecuted by Mae- 
cenas and sent by the consul Balbinus 
to Augustus at Actium, and there 
executed by his order. But no consul 
of that name is recorded in the Fasti, 
and if he is identified, as has been done 
by some, with L. Saenius, consul from 
Nov. I, B.c. 30, then the despatch of 
the prisoner to Augustus at Actium 
cannot be true. Livy \ep. 133] seems 
to put it after the triumph of B.c. 29. 
Velieius [2, 88] says it took place dum 
ultimam bello Actiaco Atexandrinoque 

Caesar imponit manum^ and describes 
Lepidus as iuvenis forma quam mente 
melior, The plot was said to be to 
assassinate Augustus on his retum from 
^gypt* Sce also Dio 54, 15 ; Seneca 
de Ctem, i, 9, 6; Dialog, 10, 4, 5. 

(2) VarroniB Murvnae et Fanni 
Oaepionis. Of this conspiracy again 
we hardly know anything. A. Licinius 
Murena, called, after his adoption by 
Terentius Varro, A. Terentius Varro 
Murena [Wilmanns 171 2], was the 
brother of Terentia, the wife of Mae- 
cenas, and of the Proculeius celebrated 
by Horace [Od, 2, 2, 6], who had 
shared his property with him when re- 
duced to poverty by some means during 
the civil war. In B.c. 25 he had led a 
successful expedition against the Salassi 
and founded the town Augusta, mod. 
Aosta [Dio 53, 25; Strabo 4, 6, 7]. He 
was aiso a member of the Coll^e of 
Augurs [Hor. Od, 3, 19, 11], perhaps 
as a reward. His conspiracy with 
Caepio, for which he was executed in 
B.C. 22, seems probably connected with 
the more autocratic form of the Empire 
established in B.c. 23, in which he was 
Consul. Velleius Paterc. 2, 91 erant 
tamen qui hunc felicissimum statum 
odissent ; quippe L, Murena et Fannius 
Caepio diversis moribus (nam Murena 
sine hoc facinore potuit videri bonus^ 
Caepio et ante hoc erat pessimus) cum 
inissent occidendi Caesaris consilia^ op- 
pressi auctoritcUe pubiica, quod vi fa- 
cere voluerunt iure passi sunt, Perhaps 
Murena*s complicity was much in the 
way of rash talk, for he kcU dKpdrffi koI 
KaraKopei xapfyffclq, xp6s wdvras ofioUas 
(XPVTOi as to which Horace is supposed 
to be giving him a gentle hint in the Ode 
addressed to him [2, 10]. It was also 
perhaps accentuated by physical causes, 
for he was gibberosus^ Suet. de Gramm, 
9. One consequence of the affair was 
a coolness between Augustus and Mae- 
cenas, the latter being believed to have 
communicated some secrets to his wife 
Terentia in the matter of her brother. 
See infr. c. 66; cp. Dio 54, 19. Of 
Caepio we know nothing more than 
what Velleius tells us. He was accused 
by Tiberius, see Suet. Tib. 8 Fannium 
Caepionem qui cum Varrone Muraena 



♦ i 


Egnati, exin Plauti Rufi Lucique Pauli progeneri sui, ac 
praeter has L. Audasi, falsarum tabularum rei ac neque 
aetate neque corpore integri, item Asini Epicadi ex gente 
Parthina ibridae, ad extremum Telephi, mulieris servi nomen- 
5 culatoris. Nam ne ultimae quidem sortis hominum con- 

in Augustum cmspiraverat reum maies- 
tatis apud iudicesfecit et condemnavit, 

(3) M. ^KnaU. M. Egnatius Rufus 
was Aedile in B.c. '20, and distinguished 
his year of office by liberality to the 
citizens who had sufTered from the fires 
so frequent in Rome, koX dtd tovto rd 
re djfaktJlffiaTa rd r^ dpxi a^toO irpoci}' 
KO¥Ta xapd roO Si^/aou \a^v Kal ffTpaTJj- 
ybs wapaydfuai drcdeixBelit iir^pdri t€ 
inr* oAtQv to&tw Kal Tbv AHrfiwrro» 
{nr€p€4f>p6y7i<rev (iKrre Kod irpoypd\f/ai 8ti 
ddpawrrov Kal 6\6K\rfpov Tt^ 8tad6xv rf^ 
ir6\tv irapi8biK€v [Dio 53, 24]. Augustus 
snubbed this boastfiil edict by remarking 
that it was the duty of the Aedile rather 
io prevent fixes'; and Velleius [2, 91 — 2] 
says that he soon after the fall of Mu- 
rena, having had the praetorship in 
the year following his aedileship, and 
being a candidate for the consulship in 
the next year, with equal illegality, ad- 
gregatis simillimis sibi interimere Caesa- 
rem statuit^ ut quo salvo sahms esse non 
poterat^ eo sublato morcretur, The consul 
forB.c. 19,0. Sentius Satuminus, refused 
to receive his name as a candidate, and 
it was then that he entered into the plot. 
Velleius [2, 93] says that the crime of 
Egnatius was three years after that of 
Murena, and that is the order of events 
in Seneca de Clem, 9, 6. But Dio seems 
to place it in B.c. 26. 

(4) nanU Bufl. This seems to be 
the same person as the Publius Rufus 
whom Dio [55, 27] mentions as being 
accused of abetting disturbances and 
seditious libels in a.d. 6. There had 
been great distress in Rome from a 
failure in the corn supply, intensified 
by several disastrous nres, and the 
popular discontent showed itself in many 
ways...irai iroXXd ^^i^ koX ^vepQs v€ut€- 
powodqk 8i€\d\ovVt rXefw 84 8ii j8(/3X(a 
vdKTwp i^€Tl$€<rav, Kal raOr* iXiyeTO 
ftkv iK wapaaKcv^ Hovr^lovTtvos^^Pod^ov 
'^yv€<r$ai, ^twttc^o 8i it AXXovs ' 6 ftiv 
ydp *PoD0of odT iv$vfA7i$^vai rc aiTuv 
o1St€ wpS^ai i86vaTOt (Tcpot 8i Tt} iKctvov 
6v6fiaTi KaTaxp(if*€voi KaLvofTOfuiv iri- 
irrcCovTo. He is not known elsewhere, 
but some coins bear the name of FloUus 
Rnftui as a triumvir of the mint. 

(5) LaclPanliprogenerl8iii,'Lucius 
Aemilius Paulus, the husband of his 
granddaughter ' ; see c. 16. The hus- 
band of the younger lulia, daughter of 
Agrippa and Caesar's daughter lulia. 
He was the son of the Paulus Aemilius 
Lepidus, censor in b.c. 22, and by his 
wite lulia had two children, M. Aemilius 
Lepidus [Suet. Cal, 24; Dio 59, 11], 
and Aemilia, wife of the emperor 
Claudius [Suet. Claud, 26]. He was 
consul in A.D. i. What was the nature 
of his treason and when it took place 
we do not know. It may have been 
connected with his wife's banishment for 
adultery in a.d. 9. 

(6) L. Anda8i...Agini Bpicadi...Te- 
leplii. Nothing is known of these per- 
sons. lulia was in the island of Pan- 
dateria off the coast of Campania from 
B.c. 2 to A.D. 3 [Tac.^^w. 1, 53], Agrippa 
Postumus (son of Agrippa and the elder 
lulia) in the island of Planasia, mod. 
Piattosay near Elba from A.D. 7 [Tac. 
An, I, 3; Dio 55, 32]. A similar at- 
tempt to carry off ^rippa Postumus to 
the l^ons in Germany took place im- 
mediately afler Augustus* death, but he 
had been already put to death by order 
probably of Livia [Tac. An, ^, 39 — ^40]. 

fiAlsarnm talinlarnm, 'of forgery,' 
comihg under the lex Comelia defalsis. 

gente ParUilna, of the Illyrian Par- 
thini, conquered by C. Asinius Pollio 
in B.c. 39, of whom this man therefore 
was evidently a freedman. 

nomenonlatoriB. The functions of 
the nomenclator in Republican times 
had been generally connected with 
the candidates for office, see Cic. de 
petit, ^5, 32 ; pro Muren, *j*l\ ad Att, 
4, \\ ad Q, Fr, i, 2. In later times 
his office was chiefly social, to prevent 
the great from giving offence, — luv. i. 
98 ; Sen. Ep. 19 and 27 ; Benef, 6, 
.33 § 4; PHny N, H, 29 § 19. For the 
form of the word cp. Mart. 10, 30, 23 
nomenculator mugilem citat notum, 
Suet. Cal, 41 ; Claud, 34. 

nlUmae sortiB. Cp. CcU. 35 nullus 
denique tam abiectae condicionis tam 
extremae sortisfuit^ cuius etc, Suetonius 
has omitted among the conspirators Cn. 





spiratidne et periculo caruit. Audasius atque Epicadus luliam 
filiam et Agrippam nepotem ex insulis, quibus continebantur, 
rapere ad exercitus, Telephus quasi debita sibi fato domi- 
natione et ipsum et senatum adgredi destinarant. Quin etiam 
quondam iuxta cubiculum eius lixa quidam ex IUyrico 5 
exercitu, ianitoribus deceptis, noctu deprehensus est cultro 
venatorio cinctus, imposne mentis an simulata dementia, in- 
certum ; riihil enim exprimi quaestione potuit V^ 

Externa bella duo omnino per se gessit, Delmaticum 

adulescens adhuc, et Antonio devicto Cantabricum. 10 

foreign Delmatico etiam vulnera excepit, una a£ig dextrum 

9*J"P^s genu lapide ictus, altera et crus et utrumque brachium 

matian ruina pontis consauciatus. Reliqua per legatos ad- 

Cornelius Cinna, the consul of a.d. 4, 
in regard to whom Dio and Seneca [55, 
14 — 15; de Ben, 9] have reported a 
curious conversation between Augustus 
and Livia. Seneca asserts that Imving 
pardoned Cinna and even given him 
the consulship, Augustus* life was never 
attempted again. 

qnaai, * who pretended that ' ; see 
on c. 6. 

6Z myrlco ezerdtii, the army em- 
ployed in IUyricum in B.c. 35 — 34 ; see 
next chapter. 

20. Delmatlcnin. The Dalmatian 
campaigns extended over parts of two 
years, B.c. 35 and 34. But Augustus was 
only personally engaged in the former 
year. The expedition began with an 
attack upon the lapodes (lapudes) who 
"wettfoedercUiy apparently on the pretext 
of piracy and the non-payment of tribute. 
Their capital Metulum (mod. Mdtilin^ 
offered a stout resistance, but other 
tribes seem to have been more easily 
subdued. Augustus then extended his 
campaign by an attack upon the Pan- 
nonians, who had given no provocation, 
in order to exercise his troops and 
accustom them to live on plunder. 
Their capital Siscia was taken and 
Augustus retumed victorious to Rome, 
liaving accomplished his purpose of draw- 
ing a contrast between his own activity 
in extending and defending the Empire 
and the inactivity or failure of Antony 
in the East. The Pannonians revolted 
next year but were again subdued by 
the troops left behind under FuBus 
Geminus [or Vibius, according to Florus 
4, 1 2, 8]. See Dio 49, 35 — 36 ; Appian 

Illyr, 16 and 22; Strabo 4, 6, 10; 7, 
5, 2. The Dalmatians had as a rule 
sided with Brutus and Cassius and had 
before this been subdued by Asinius 
PoUio in B.c. 39. 

Antonio devlcto Oantabrlcnm, ^the 
Cantabrian war which took place after 
the final defeat of Antony.* The Can- 
tabri and Astures in Northern Spain 
were nominally in the Roman province 
of Hispania Tarraconensis ; but they 
were wild and savage highlanders and 
their submission was merely nominal, — 
Cantabrum indoctum iuga ferre nostra^ 
Hor. Od, 2, 6, 2. Their offence was 
as usual the making raids on tribes 
allied with Rome, and Augustus went 
in person against them in B.c. 25; but 
after some time had to retire to Tarraco 
from ill-health, brought on by anxiety 
and fatigue. The campaign was con- 
tinued with somewhat greater success 
by his legates Gaius Antistius and 
Titus Carisius, so that at the end of the 
year there was apparent peace and the 
temple of lanus was closed; but the 
Cantabri soon broke out again and were 
not subdued by Agrippa till B.C. 19 [Dio 
53» «5—6; Strabo3, 4, 3]. 
oonsanciatnB, *badly wounded.' 
per l€^to8. These were (i) in the 
war against the Dacae and Bastamae 
(b.c. 30), MarcnB Crassns; (2) against 
the Salassi (B.c. 25), Terentlns Varro 
Mnrena; (3) against transalpine Gauls 
in B.c. 25, M. VlcininB; (4) against the 
Cantabri in B.c. 22, Galns Fannlns, and 
in B.c. 20—19, M. VlpsaxiinB Agrippa ; 
(5) the invasion of Arabia (b.c. 24), 
Aellus Qallns ; (6) against Queen Can- 








ministravit, ut tamen quibusdam Pannonicis atque bc 35» 
Germanicis aut interveniret aut non longe abesset, tabrian 
Ravennam vel Mediolanium vel Aquileiam usque ^*^- ^5- 
ab urbe progrediens. Domuit autem partim ductu partim 21 
5 auspiciis suis Cantabriam, Aquitaniam, Pannoniam, 
Delmatiam cum Illyrico omni, item Raetjam et {ani, 
Vindelicos ac Salassos, gentes Inalpinas. Coercuit (4) ?2.n- 
et Dacorum incursiones, tribus eorum ducibus cum (5) Dal- 

dace of Aethiopia in B.c. 22, GaiiiB 
PetnmliiB; (7) against Alpine tribes 
and Pannonians in B.c. 1 7 — 15,?. SUins; 
against the Bessi, MaroeUus LoUliu; 
against the Sarmatians, L. Galiu ; against 
the German tribes on the Rhine, M. LOl- 
lliu; (8) in B.C. 15 — 13 Augustus' step- 
sons TllMTius and Dnuma against the 
Rhaeti; in B.c. 12 Tiberius subdued 
the Pannonians, Drusus the Sicambri, 
Frisii and Chauci; and in B.c. 11 — 10 
Drusus continued his invasion of Ger- 
many, Tiberius his campaign in Dal- 
matia and Pannonia (b.c. ii); and 
Ladna Piao chastised the Bessi. In 
b.c. 8 Tiberius was again engaged in 
Germany. (9) A.D. 2 — 3, Caina Oaeaar 
was engaged in the East as legatus of 
Syria. (10) P. QalntUiiu Vanu was 
defeated at the Saltus Teutoburgiensis 
A.D. ro. 

non longe abeaaet. In b.c. 20 the 
news of the inroads of the German 
Usipetes and Teucteri (on the Rhine 
about Bonn) and the defeat of Lollius 
so alarmed Augustus that he set out for 
GauL He did not however actually 
take part in the campaign, but he re- 
mained absent from Rome nearly three 
years, staying either in Gaul or at some 
place easily accessible from it [Dio 54, 
20]. It is this absence which is referred 
to by Horace Odes 4, 5 abes iam nimi- 
um diu. 

21. partUn dnctu partUn auapiciis 
snia. The distinction is between those 
expeditions which Augustus command- 
ed in person and those which, though 
commanded by others, were under his 
ausficia as head of the army, to whom 
it pertains to take the auspices before it 
started. Thus in the M. A. c. 26 of 
the armies sent to Aethiopia and Arabia 
he says meo iussu et anspioio ducH sunt 
duo exercitus ; and in c. 30 of the army 
of the Daci, — meis anspioiiB projligatus 
est, And in c. 4 he draws the same 
distinction (^ res a me aut per legatos 

meos auspiciis meis terra mariqite pros- 
pere gestis etc. 

Cantaliriain...Inalpinaa. See note 
to previous chapter for the dates of these 

Aqnitania. The Aquitani (the people 
in the valley of the Garonne and the 
Landes, — including roughly the depart- 
ments of the Hautes and Basses Pyre- 
nees) had been it appears defeated by 
Agrippa in B.c. 38 [App. B, civ. 5. 92 ; 
Dio 48, 49], before he was recalled to 
assist his master against Sext. Pompeius, 
but were not Bnally subdued until B.c. 28 
when M. Valerius Messala Corvinus was 
granted a triumph for his victory over 
them when govemor of Aquitania. 
Fast, Capit, vii K. Oct. Tibull. i, 7, 3 
hunc fore Aquitanas posset qui fundere 
gentes^ quem tremeret forti milite victus 
Atur. Cp. id, 2, 5, 115 sq. 

SalaasoB. The Salassi inhabiting the 
Val d* Aosta had been first defeat^ in 
B.c. 143 by Appius Claudius, but they 
had continued to harass Roman armies 
and convoys, though in B.c. 100 Epo- 
redia was established to keep them in 
check. In the time of Augustus there 
were three struggles with them: (i) in 
B.c. 35 when Antistius Vetus failed to 
subdue them ; (2) in B. c. 34 when 
Messala reduced them to temporary 
submission ; (3) in B.c. 25 when Teren- 
tius Varro Murena conquered them and 
sold 30,000 into slavery [Dio 49, 34, 
38; 53» 25; Livy Ep. 135]. A Roman 
colony was then settled called Praetoria 
Augusta (Aosta), 

Daoomm incnrBioneB. The Daci or 
Getae lived on both sides of the Danube, 
but it seems that the incursions com- 

{)Iained of were of the tribes on the 
eft bank who harried Pannonia. The 
movement among these barbarians had 
attracted attention at Rome for some 
time. lulius Caesar had meant to attack 
them before going against the Parthians 
[see c. 8; /ut, 44; Appian B. civ, 2, 




matian^ magna copia cagsis, Germanosque ultra Albim 
tribes.^*'^^ fluvium summovit, ex quibus Suebos et Sigambros 
dedentis se traduxit in Galliam atque in proximis Rheno 
agris conlocavit Alias item nationes male quietas ad obse- 
quium redegit. Nec ulli genti sine iustis et necessariis causis s 

"o; 3, ^5, 37; Liv. Ep, 117]. The 
rumours of their incursions continued to 
alarm the Romans [Verg. G, 2, 497 ; 
Horace Odes i, 35, 9; 3, 16, 4; Sat, 2, 

6, 53]. While in Pannonia (B.C. 35) 
Augustus attempted to conciliate one of 
their kings named Cotiso, offering to 
marrv his daughter and promise him 
the mfant lulia in marriage. Cotiso 
refused and threw in his lot with Antonj 
[see infr. c. 63 ; Appian Illyr. 22 — 3 ; 
Front. Strat, i, 10, 4; Dio 51, 22; 
Plut. Anton, 63]. After Actium two 
expeditions at least were carried out 
with some success against them [M.A. 
c 30 protuli fines Illyrici ad ripam 
Huminis Danuvi citra quod Dacorum 
transgressus exercUus meis auspiciis 
victus profligatus est, et postea trans 
Danuvium ductus exercitus meus Daco- 
rum gentes imperia populi Romani per- 
ferre coegit]. The first was in B.C. 29 
— 28, under Marcus Crassus, for which 
in B.c. 27 he was allowed a triumph^jr 
Thraecia et Getis [ C /. ^. i , 46 1 , Dio 5 1 , 
23 — 27 ; Hor. Od. 3, 8, 18 occidit Daci 
Cotisonis agmen; cp. 2» 9« 23 ; 2, 20, 19]. 
The second in B.c. 10, which seems to 
be the first referred to in the Monu- 
mentum, when the Daci crossed to the 
right bank of the Danube, Dio 54, 36 
0? re jcai AaKo2 rh» "Yfrrpw weirriyiTa 
^tajSdyref XeUw ix r^r llawwias ixe- 
rifJMvro, Mommsen[^^j^. p. 130 — 132] 
identifies a third ^ith the second men- 
tioned in the Monumentum, in which 
the Roman army crossed the Danube 
under Cn. Lentulus ; but the date is not 
ascertainable, though he suggests a.d. 6; 
see Tac. Ann. 4, 44 ; Dio 55* 30 ; Strabo 

7, 3, 12 — 13; Florus 4, 12, 18 — 20. 
The raids of the northem barbarians 
were not however wholly stopped; 
see Ovid Tr. 3, 10, 34---65 ; Suet. 
m 41. 

trilnui...oa6sl8: that is, three out of 
four of the chiefs. Strabo 7, 3, 13 els 
rirrapas fwptdSas rvyxdvovai (rwe<rraX- 

GeniiaiiOB...8iiinxiiOTlt, *hethrust the 
Germans beyond the Elbe,' i.e. the free 
Germans ; that is to say, he made Ger- 
many between the Rhine and the Elbe 

part of a Roman province. M. A. 26 
GatticLS et Hispanias et Germaniam qua 
includit oceanus a Gadibm ad ostium 
Albis fluminis pacavi. The campaigns 
in which this was effected were (i) those 
of Drusjis in B.c. 13 — 9 [Dio 54, 32 — 6; 
Livy^. 139 — 142], (2) that of Tiberius 
B.c. 8 [Dio 55, 5; Vell. 2, 97], (3) those 
of Domitius Ahenobarbus between B.c. 6 
— A.D. 2 [Dio 55; Tac. Ann. 4, 44]. 
The provinces of Germania Superior 
and Inferior, however, were on the left 
bank of the Rhine with fortresses on 
the right bank, and were at first merely 
extensions of Gallia Belgica ; the terri- 
tory between the Rhine and the Elbe, 
though occupied by Roman troops and 
for a short time regarded as a province, 
was lost again by the disaster of Varus 
in A.D. 9 [Flor. 4, 12, 21 Germaniam 
quoque utinam tanti non putasset! magis 
turpiter amissa est quam gloriose ac- 
quisita], and never really recovered. 
Tac. Ann. i, 59; Agr. 15. 

SuebOB et Sigambros. Cp.T&c. Ann. 

'2, 26 sic Sugambros in deditionem ac- 

ceptosy sic Suebos regemque Marobodunum 

pcue obstrictum. Id, 12, 39 f^ quondam 

Sugambri excisi aut in Gallias trcdecti 

forent. The Sigambri in B.c. 8, when 

Tiberius crossed the Rhine, refused till 

too late to join other German tribes in 

making terms, and were transferred to 

cities on the S. of the Rhine, much 

against their will, Dio 55, 6 5 re ^Ap 

A.i}yov(rroi ffvWa^CDP abroi^s h vbXeu 

rivks Karidero Kcd iKetvot. dwropaffxen^- 

«raKrej iavrobs Karcxp^ojno. Suet. 

Tib. 9 Germanico (bello) quadraginta 

millia dediciorum traiecit in GcUliam 

iuxtaque ripam Rheni sedibus adsignatis 

collocavit. Cp. Victor tp. 2; Oros. 6, 

21, 24; Hor. Od. 4, 2, 36; 14, 51. 

SaeU was a general name for several 
warlike tribes in Central Germany and 
it cannot mean that they were all trans- 
ferred. The statement must refer to 
some one tribe of Suebi. An ancient 
emendation was Ublos, but the migration 
of the Ubii was voluntary, though made 
under the protection of Agrippa. Strabo 

4» 3» 4- 
ilne iustis causiB. Yet Dio [49, 36] 




bellum intulit, tantumque afuit a cupiditate quoquo modo 
imperium vel bellicam gloriam augendi, ut quo- 
rundam barbarorum principes in aede Martis Ultoris extending 
iurare coegerit mansuros se in fide ac pace quam ^^ . 

5 peterent, a quibusdam vero novum genus obsidum, 
feminas, exigere temptaverit, quod neglegere marum pignora 
sentiebat; et tamen potestatem semper omnibus fecit, quotiens 
vellent, obsides recipiendi. Neque aut crebrius aut perfidiosius 
rebellantis graviore umquam ultus est poeiia, quam ut captivos 

" sub lege venundaret, ne in vicina regione servirent neve intra 
tricensimum annum liberarentur. Qua"virtutis moderationisque 
fama Indos etiam ac Scythas, auditu modo cognitos, pellexit 
ad amicitiam su^m populique Romani ulto> per lega- Retum of 
tos petendam. Parthi quoque et Armeniam vindicanti J?^ ?^*J^" 

»s facile cesserunt et signa militaria, quae M. Crasso et Parthians 
M. Antonio ademerant, reposcenti reddiderunt ob- ^*^' ^** 

declares the expedition of 35 B.c. against 
Pannonia to have been unprovoked, 
(yKXrffia /jAv odSh airms hrt.ff>ipiop^ oifZk 
yh.p o6d* '^SiKrjTO ifx* a&rCiVy /c.t.X. 

qaoqaoxnodo, *iix_any and every way/ 
i.e. without distinction. See Roby L. G. 
^289; Livy 41, 8. 

lmperlttm...auge&di. In his post- 
humous memoir Augustus advised his 
successors not to extend the Empire, — 
TOif T€ Tapouinv dpKCffOijvai xal firida/iws 
M irXcTov rrfif dpxh'' ^av^^ai ideXijirtu* 
8va^\aKT6v tc ydp a^Tijv fharOaif Dio 
56} 33« who adds Toxrro ydp Kal aMs 
opTtai dcl irotTk oi Xbyt^ ftJbvov dXXd koX 
ipTfip iTi^prjffcv rrapdy ydp yovp a(/Tip 
iroXXd iK Tov pappapiKov irpo<rKn^a^0ai 
oOk ifiiXjifrc». Tac. Ann. i, 11 adtU' 
derai consUium coercendi intra terminos 

liarbaroniin princlpes. The various 
chieftains who came to Augustus for 
aid or protection are enumerated in the 
Monumentum, c. 32 — 33. 

Kartia UltorlB : see c. 29. 

feminas. This refers to the Germans, 
of whom Tacitus \Germ. 8] says quam 
{captivitatent) longe impatientius femi- 
narum suarum nomine timent, adeo ut 
efficcuius obligentur animi civitatum qui- 
hus inter obsides putHae quoque nobiles 

Bub lege...lil>erar6ntTir. A con- 
dition of this sort was imposed by 
Terentius Varro on the captive Salassi 


sold in B.C. 25 ffvyiXapi tc Tods iv ijXucl^ 
Kol dwiSoTO i^* (} fArfScis <r^(ay ivTbs d- 
KoaiP irwp iXcvdcpuOcirff Dio 53, 25. A 
clause in the contract for the sale of 
slaves prohibiting their manumission 
was known to Roman law : Paul. I>ig. 
II, 1, 9 — 12. 

IndOB...petendam. M. A. 31 Ad me 
ex India regum legaiiones saepe missae 
sunty nunquam antea visae apud quem- 
quam Romanorum ducem. Nostram 
amicitiam petierunt per legcUos Bas- 
tamae Scythaeque et Sarmatarum qui 
sunt citrajlumen Tanaim et ultra regeSy 
Albanorumque rex et Hiberorum et 
Medorum. Horace makes much of this 
in the Carmen Saecularey 55 [B.C. 17], 
iam Scythae responsa petunt superbi 
nuper et Indi. Cp. Od. i, 12, 56; 
Verg. Georg, 2, 170. Dio [54, 9] sa^rs 
that these Indians brought tigers for the 
first time to Rome: Florus [4, 12, 62], 
that they brought elephants, pearls, and 
other jewels. Cp. Strabo 15, i, 4 ; and 
other authorities in Mommsen, Res g. 
p. 133. For the SC3rtliae, the barbarians 
between theDanube and theBorysthenes 
(Dnieper)^ seeVictor ^. 2 adhunclndiy 
ScythaCy Garamantes^ Aethiopes legxtos 
miserunt; Flor. 4, 12, 62 et Scythae 
misere legatos et Sarmatae amicitiam 

Armenlam...ce88enmt. Armenia,the 
district of the upper Euphrates to the 
Caspian, was reduced to the state of a 



[22 — 

sidesque insuper optulerunt, denique, pluribus quondam de 

regno concertantibus, nonnisi ab ipso electum probaverunt. 

22 lanum Quirinum, semel atque iterum a condita urbe ante 

memoriam suam clausum, in multo breviore temporis 

janus^.c. spatio terra marique pace parta' ter clusit. Bis ovans 5 

ap and ingressus est urbem, post Philippense et rursus post 

Siculum bellum. Curulis triumphos tris egit, Del- 

client kingdom by Antony's victory over 
Artabazesin B.c. 34. loseph. 151 4, 3. 
About B.c. 20 its king Artaxes was 
murdered, and Augustus says that he 
might then have made it a province, 
but preferred to follow precedent by 
establishing Tigranes, another son of 
Artabazes, on the throne. M. A. c. 
«7 ; Dio 54, 9 ; Tac. Ann, a, 3 ; Vell. 
Pat. 2, 94, 122. Tiberius was sent to 
effect this, see Sueton. Tib. 9 regnum 
Armeniae Tigrani restituit ac pro tribu- 
nali diadema imposuit, 

8lgiia...opti]lAnint. The standards 
were those lost at Carrhae by Crassus 
(52) : and on two occasions during An- 
tony's operations in the East, (i) when 
Decidius Saxa, Antony's legatus in Syria, 
was defeated in B.c. 40 by Pacorus, son 
of Orodes [Dio 48, 25]; (2) in B.c. 36, 
when the Medes and Parthians cut to 
pieces two legions under Oppius Stati- 
anus who were in charge of Antony's 
baggage [Dio 49, 25; Plut. Ant. 38]. 
The standards taketi by the Medes were 
afterwards retumed to Antony (b.c. 33), 
but not those taken by the Parthians 
[Dio 49, 44]. It is to this double 
disaster that Horace refers in Od, 3, 
6, 10 iam bis Monaeses et Pacori manus 
nm auspicatos contudit impetus nostros 
et cuiiecisse praedam torquibus exiguis 
renidet. And it is thus that Augustus 
in the M. A. c. 29 speaks of them as 
trlimi exercituum Romanorum spolia et 
signa, Their recovery by Augustus was 
a triumph of diplomacy rather than of 
arms. The kingdom of Parthia came 
into the hands of Phraates (s. of Orodes) 
in B.c. 37 : his cruelties raised up a pre- 
tender against him in Tiridates, who 
appears to have been successful for a 
time. After Actium Phraates was dri- 
ven to take refuge in Syria, and was 
so much afraid that Augustus (who 
granted Tiridates safe harbourage in 
Syria) should take advantage 01 this 
disorder to attack him, that he sent 
legates to him in B.c. 30 (while he was 
in Asia) and gave him a son as hostage 

[Dio 49, 23; 51, 18]. In B.c. 23 how- 
ever, Tiridates (after apparently farther 
attempts in Parthia) fled to Rome carry- 
ing with him a son of Phraates. Au- 
gustus allowed Tiridates to remain in 
safety; but opened negotiations again 
with Phraates, sending him back the 
son who had l)een living as a hostage 
at Rome, but on condition of receiving 
back captives and standards [Dio 53, 
33]. Still Phraates did not fulfil the 
bargain until Augustus came again per- 
sonally to the East, spending the winter 
of B.c. 21 — 20 in Samos, kKv Tobn^ 
^padrris tfw^dclt /at) xal ivi(rTpaT€6<rg 
o2, Sti yiJihhna tQp <TvyK€t.fjuhtav hrcxmiiKCi 
T(, TOL T€ (Ti^fuia abTt} KoX Toin olxfM- 
\{jirrovs.,.i.xiir€fL\l/€if [Dio 54, 7 — 8]. The 
Roman poets constantly refer to the res- 
titution as part of the warlike triumphs 
of Augustus : Verg. Aen, 7, 605 ; Hor. 
Od, 4, 5, 16; 4, 15, 4—9; Ep, I, 18, 
56; Propert. 3, 10, 13; 4, 4, 16; 4, 5, 
48; 4» 12» .S; 5i 6, 79: Liv. Ep, 141 
pax cum Parthis facta est, signis a rege 
eorum, quae sub Crasso et postea sub An- 
tonio capta erant, redditis, Cp. lustin. 

4«» 5. "• 
oMdes: besides the one given in 

B.C. 30 [Dio 51, 18], Strabo tells us 

that Phraates at the time of the resti- 

tution of the standards put into the 

hands of the legate of Syria four sons, 

two of them with wives and children ; 

they do not seem however to have been 

taken to Rome [Strab. 16, i, 28]. 

22. lanom Qulrlnttm...ter duslt. 

The form cludo, clusi, is late, and is not 

always used by Suetonius ; cp. Ner, 47. 

The two previous occasions of closing 

lanus were in the reign of ^uma and in 

B.C. 235 after the ist Punic War [Liv. 

I, 19]! Of the three occasions of its 

closing under Augustus, two are re- 

corded by Dio: (1) in B.C. 29, among 

the honours voted to him bythe Senate 

after the fall of Antony [Dio 51, 29; 

cp. Vell. 2, 38 ; Plut. de fort, Rom, 9 ; 

Oros. 6, 20, 8]; (2) in B.c. 25, after 

the campaign against the Astures and 





maticum, Actiacum, Alexandrinum, continuo triduo omnes. 
Graves ignomimas cladesque duas omnino nec alibi quam in 23 
Germania accepit, Lollianam et Varianam, sed LoUi- Defeat of 
anam maioris infamiae quam detrimenti, Varianam Loii*^ 

^ B.c.iyand 

5 paene exitia bilem, tribus legionibus cum duce lega- Vjitus 
tisque et auxiliis omnibus ca^is. Hac nuntiata ^'^* -°' 

Cantabri [Dio 53, «7; Oros. 6, ii, i]. 
The third time is not recorded except by 
Orosius who puts it in B.c. 1 [6, 22, i]. 
The Senate voted for its closure in 
B.c. 10, but the closing was prevented 
by the Dacian rebellion [Dio 54, 36]. 
Mommsen {Res g. p. 50) is inclined to 
put it between the end of the German 
wars of Drusus and Tiberius, B.C. 8, 
and the outbreak in Armenia in B.c. i. 
The term lanus Quitinus is used also 
in the Monum. c 13, and represented 
in the Greek by YlibXTiv 'EfudXtoi', 
*gate of Enyo' or *Bellona.* It was 
otherwise called lanus Geminus and 
lanus bifrons. See Hor. Od, 4, 15, 9 
lanum Quirini; Veig. Aen, 7, 607 
geminae belli portae, /ihe condition of 
its closure is cum per totum imperium 
populi Romani terra mari esset parta 
victoriis pax (M. A. /. c). ^ 

bl8...0iii]ieB. M. A. ^ bis ovans 
triumphaviy tris egi curules triumphos 
Aly ^irl Ki\y\fro^ i$pidiJLp€iHra]j rpii i^* 
&pfiaTos. The two ovations were in 
B.c. 40, after a reconciliation with 
Antony [Dio 48, 31], and in B.c. 36, 
after the defeat of Sextus Pompeius 
[Dio 49, 15]. See C, /. Z, i, p. 461, 
Acta Triumph. : 

714 IMP • CAESAR • DIVI • F • C • F • 

ili • VIR • R • p • c • ovans • an • 

dccxiii • QVOD • PACRM • CVM • M • 

718 IMP • CAESAR • DIVI • F • C • F • II • 
III • VIR • R • P • C • II • A • DCCXVII • 

An ovation was voted in the Senate 
to Octavian after the battles near Mu- 
tina in B.c. 43 [Cic. ad Brut.]^ but was 
never celebrated. 

Of the three triumphs two were cele- 
brated on the i^th and i^th of August, 

B.C. 29 DE • DALMATIS • EID • SEX • ... 
AIGVPTO • XIIX • K • SEPT. [C. /. /. 

vol. I, p. 478]. The third, on ac- 
count of the victory of Actium, was 
probably on the i2th or the inter- 
vening r^th. All authorities agree 
in the number three. Liv. £p. 133; 

Macrob. Sat, i, 12, 35; Verg. Aen, 
8, 714, where Servius says primo 
die triumphavit exercitus qui Antonium 
vicerat navali bello, Secundo qui Del- 
matas vicerat. Tertio ipse cum Alex- 
andrino est ingressus triumpho, Dio 
[51, 22] however puts the order (i) Dal- 
matian, (2) Actian, (3) Egyptian, as 
Suetonius does. For the distinction 
between the ovatio and triumphus see 
Gellius, 5, 6. ' ' 

23. LoUlanam . . . Varlanam. The 
first disaster was in B.c. 16, when the 
Sigambri, Usipetes, and Tencteri crossed 
the Rhine into Roman Germany and 
Gaul and inflicted a defeat on the 
Roman cavalry under M. Lollius, the 
legatus in Gaul, in which affair the 
Eagle of the 5th legion was lost, Dio 
54, 20; Tac Ann, i, 10. Of LoUius, see 
Vellei. 2, 97 homifie in omnia pecuniae 
quam recte faciendi cupidixtre^ though 
Horace (Od, 4, 9, 32 — 40) says the re- 
verse. It was this disaster that led to 
Augustus spending nearly three years in 
or near Gaul [Hor. Od. 4, 5]. 

The clades Variana was much more 
serious. P. Quintilius Varus was ap- 
pointed legatus of the army in Germany 
m A.D. 7, and seems to have regarded 
the district between the Rhine and the 
Elbe as completely reduced to form a 
part of the Roman province. He was 
ingenio mitis moribus quietus and more 
fitted for the Court than the camp. His 
character in regard to money was bad ; 
he had been governor of Syria, — quam 
pauper divitem ingressus dvves pauperem 
reliquit; and it seems to have been his 
severe measures in levying taxes that 
raised up the national movement under 
Arminius. In the Saltus Teutoburgi- 
ensis (Lippischer WcUd) he was caught, 
and he and three legions were cut to 
pieces, a.d. 9 [Dio 56, 18—22 ; Vell. 2, 
117 — 120; Tac. Ann. i, 60, 61, 71; 
Flor. 4, 12, 26 — 39]. The victories of 
Tiberius in Pannqnia prevented for the 
present serious consequences to the 
Empire beyond the loss of Germany 
between the Rhine and the Elbe, see 
Suet. Tib, 16 — 17. 






excubias per urbem indixit, ne quis tumultus existeret, et 
praesidibus provinciarum propagavit imperium, ut a peritis 
et assuetis socii continerentur. Vovit et magnos ludos lovi 
Optimo Maximo, si res p. in meliorem statum vertisset: 
quod factum Cimbrico Marsicoque bello erat Adeo denique s 
constematum ferunt, ut per continuos menses barbSl capillo- 
que sumniisso caput interdum foribus illideret, vociferans: 
Quintili Vare, legiones redde! diemque cladis^ quot annis 
24 maestum habuerit ac lugubrem. In re militari et commu- 
tavit multa et instituit, atque etiam ad antiquum morem »© 
nonnulla revocavit. 

DiscipHnam severissime rexit: ne legatorum quidem cui- 
Military quam, nisi gravate hibernisque demum mensibus, 
discipHne, permisit uxojcem intervisere. Equitem Romanum, 


ezcnMas. Serv. ad Verg. Aen. 9, 
159 excubiae diumae sunt, vigi/iae noc- 

propagaTlt Imperlimi, 'prokmged 
their command/ that there might be 
no change in the legati of the provinces 
while there was danger of a panic. 
propagare is used for the more common 
prorogare in Livy [23, 25 C Terentio 
consuli propagari in annum imperium\ 
in very similar circumstances. 

a perltls et asBuetls. Men who had 
had experience of their subjects, and to 
whom their subjects had grown accus- 
tomed. Tiberius made this a regular 
part of his policy: see Suet. Tib, 41; 
and Augustus from the first limited the 
holding a province not by time, but 
according to his pleasure, i^ Bffov hv 
iavT(p S^oi, Dio 53, 13. 

ma^OB ludoB, *Great Games,' such 
as the Ludi Magni or Romani^ cele- 
brated on the ^th of September in the 
Circus Maximus. 

Cimbrlco Harslcoqae. The Cimbric 
war, B.c. 105 — loi. The Marsic or 
Social war, b.c. 90 — 88. This is, I 
believe, the only extant authority for 
the vowing of Games in these wars. 

liarlMi capUloque BummiBso. Cp. 
luL 67 milites...diligebat quoque usque 
cuieo ut, audita clade Tituriana^ barbam 
capillumque summiserit nec ante demp- 
serit quam vindicasset. 

24. et commutaTlt multa et instl- 
tuit. For the changes in the army 
initiated by Augustus see Mommsen, 
Res g, p. 68 sq., Marquardt, xi. 159, 

and the authorities quoted by him. 
The chief changes were (i) as to the 
number of legions. It is calculated that 
after Actium and the fall of Antony he 
had fifty at his disposal. To diminish 
the vast armaments maintained during 
the civil war was his first care. The 
number was reduced to eighteen, ac- 
cording to Mommsen, according to 
others twenty-three [see E. G. Hardy 
in Journal of Philology^ vol. 22, no. 45, 
and Dio 55, 23], until it was raised 
again to twenty-six on the Pannonian 
rising in B.c. 6. (2) The most im- 
portant change perhaps was that each 
legion was put under the command of 
a legcUuSt as a deputy of the Emperor, 
distinct from the legatus of a province. 
There was no imperator of a whole 
army in any district to whom the seura- 
mentum was taken ; that would now be 
taken only to the Emperor. (3) Certain 
changes in the officering of the legions 
followed from the fact that they were 
generally stationed permanently in sorae 
province [Tac. Ann. 4, 5] with a perma- 
nent castra, The praefectus castrorum 
thereforebecameanimportantoificer. (4) 
The praetoria cohorSy always existing in 
the army, was now organised as a body- 
guard of the Emperor and was stationed 
in and near Rome. (5) The cohortes 
urbanae under the orders of the prae- 
fectus urbif and the cohortes vigilum^ 
performed various police duties in the 
city [Tac. H. 3, 64 ; Dio 55, 26]. For 
further changes as to service and pensions 
see c. 49. 




quod duobus filiis adulescentibus causa detrectandi sacra- 
menti pollices amputasset, ipsum bonaque subiecit hastae ; 
quem tamen, quod inminere emptioni publicanos videbat, 
liberto suo addixit, ut relegatum in agros pro libero esse 

5 sineret. Decimam legionem contumacius Nparentem^ cum 
ignominia totam dimisit, item alias immodeste missionem 
postulantes'citra commoda emeritorum oraemiorum exaucto- 
ravit Cohortes, si quae cessissent Idco, decimatas hordeo 
pavit. Centuriones statione deserta, itidem ut manipulares, 

lo capitali animadversione puniit, pro cetero delictorum genere 
variis ignominis adfecit, ut stare per totum diem iuberet ante 
praetorium, interdum tunicatos discinctosque, nonnumquam 

detrectandi sacrameiiti. Since b.c. 
8o, a term of military service had ceased 
to be a condition for obtaining ofiice. 
But the old obligation of service when 
an imperator held a levy remained [Dio 
56, 23]. But as the legions came to be 
more and more recruited in the pro- 
vinces a levy in Italy became rare. 
Moreover, as a rule, enough men were 
found willing to volunteer. 

hastae: the fuU phrase auctio hastae 
in lul, 50. 

In agroB: the mildest form of rele- 
gatio^ whereby a man was not bound to 
leave Italy. Livia in her speech to 
Augustus indicates the various degrees 
of relegatio, tI ydip &p ddiK-ifffeU tis is 
prjaov KaTaK\€i<r0€l5 17 xai iv dypi} irdXei 
Ti Tivi; Dio 55, 20. 

decixnain les^onem. The tenth l^ion 
formed part of the army in the provmce 
of Syria in a.d. 18 [Tac. A. 2, 57]. It 
was therefore either forgiven, or a fresh 
legion enrolled with the same number. 
It is called Decima Fretensis^ which 
Mommsen (Res g, p. 69, note 5) sup- 
poses to have arisen from its once serving 
under Sextus Pompeius in the Straits. 

com Ignominia opp. to honesta missio. 
citra...exaactoravit, 'discharged from 
full service without the good-service 
money due to men who had served their 
fuU time.' The exauctpratio might be 
honourable or the reverse; in either 
case it was not a fuU missio [Tac. An, 
1,17 apud vexillum tendentes cUio voca- 
bulo eosdem lahores perferre\ and the 
exauctorati were not necessarily entitled 
to the p7'aemia militiae accruing after 
vicena stipendia: Marq. XI. p. 184. 
See Tac. A, 1, 36 igitur volutatis 
inter se rcUionibus placitum ut epistolae 

nomine principis scriberentur : missio- 
nem dari vicena stipendia meritis^ ex- 
auctorari qui sena dena fedssentk Cp. 
Tib,7p\Neroyi, ; Vitdl, 10; Vesp,S; Tac. 
J/, 1 , 20. For commoda praemiomm, * the 
bounty,* at the missio, see c. 49. Ca/, 44 
commoda emeritae militiae ad DCmilium 
summam recidit, Brutus et Cassius ad 
Cic. fam, 11, 2 § 3 quod de commodis 
veteranorum iaturus esses, Augustus 
fixed it at 5000 denarii at the end of 
16 years' service for the Praetorians; 
and 3000 denarii at the end of 20 years' 
service in the legions, Dio 55, 23. 
citra in silver Latin = *without.' See 
lul, 28; infr. c. 43; RobyZ. Gr. 1876. 

decimatas bordeo pavit, "He had 
every tenth man executed and served 
out rations of barley (instead of wheat) 
to the rest.' A very ancient military 
punishment; Livy 27, 13 Marcellus... 
cokortibus quaesigna amiserant hordeum 
dariiussit. For the decimatio see Polyb. 
6, 38 ; Suet. Galb. 12 ; and its rarity 
Tac. ^». 3, 21 ; it was speciallyinflicted 
for loss of a standard, Livy 2, 59. 

Btatione deserta. Any dereliction in 
the matter of keeping guard was pun- 
ished by the fustuarium. A Tribunus 
touched the offender with a rod and 
then he had to run the gauntlet of the 
whole army, Polyb. 6, 37. Livy 5, 6 
fustuarium meretur qui signa reliquit 
aut praesidio decedit. 

tunicatoB discinctosqae, ' without 
the sagum or the sword belt.' Livy 
27, 13 centuriones manipulorumy quo- 
rum signa amissa fuerant, destrictis 
gladiis discinctos destituit, As a sign 
of mouming see infr. c. 100. See the 
opposite, Vitell, 11 urbem,..introiit pa- 
ludatus ferroque succinctus^...sagulcUis 


54 SUETONI [25 

25 cum decempedis, vel etiam cespitem portantes.XNeque post 
bella civilia aut in contione aut per edictum ullos militum 
commilitones appellabat, sed milites, ac ne a filiis quidem aut 
privignis suis tlmperio praeditis aliter appellari passus est, 
ambitiosius id existimans, quam aut ratio militaris aut tem- 5 
porum quies aut sua domusque suae maiestas postularet. 
Libertino milite, praeterquam Romae incendiorum causa et si 
tumultus in graviore annona metueretur, bis usus est : semel 
ad praesidium coloniarum Illyricum contingentium, iterum 
ad tutelam ripae Rheni fluminis ; eosque, servos adhuc viris x 
feminisque pecuniosioribus indictos ac sine mora manumissos, 
sub priore vexillo habuit, neque aut commixtos cum ingenuis 
aut eodem modo armatos. 

comitihus ctc detectis commilitonum gla- 

26. neqae...eo]iiiiillltoiieB appeUa- 
liat. Contrary to the habit of lulius ; 
see lul. 67 nec milites eos pro contione 
sed blandiore nomine commtlitones appel- 
labat. So Galba to the soldiers attack- 
ing him, Quid agitis^ commilitones f 
Galb. 20. And Pompey while being 
rowed on shore in Egypt attempted to 
conciliate Septimius by saying oib h^ iroi} 
ae iyCt) yeyov&ra. <rv<rTpaTiu)Trfv ifx6p 
dfi4>tyvou>; Plut. Pomp, 79. 

Ubertlno. . .bls usus est, * he employed 
freedmen in the army (other than the 
urbanae cohortes on special occasions) 
only twice.' The old rule of course 
confined service in the army to citizens. 
Yet in times of stress freedmen or slaves 
manumitted for the occasion had been 
several times enrolled. See for examples 
Livy 22, 57; 23, 32, ^5; 24, 14; 25, 20; 
27, 38. During the civil wars both sides 
had availed themselves of the practice. 
Thus Marius formed a corps from slaves 
to whom he gave liberty [Plut. SulC: 9 ; 
Mar. 41]; Pompey [Caes. B. civ. i, 24], 
Labienus [B. Afr. 19], Cn. Pompeius 
[App. B. civ. 2, 103], Brutus [Plut. 
Brut. 45], Sext. Pompeius [App. B. civ. 
5) 131], all did the like. Augustus had 
shown his sentiments on the subject by 
retuming some of the slaves in the army 
of Sext. Pompeius to their masters. The 
two occasions of his employing libertini 
here mentioned are : 

( I ) At the Pannonian rising, A.D. 6, 
see Dio 55, 31 wifiTei Thv TepfMPiKbv 
KoLTOt TafueiovTa ffTfHiruiyrai ol odK 
c^evcls fjJ)»o¥ dXXd koX i^€\€vBipovs 

(2) After the fall of Varus, a.d. 9, 
see Dio 55, 23 diroicXi^/x^ar 6i (k re 
TcDv iffTpaTevfiifiav IfSij Kal iK tG>v i^eXev- 
diptav daovs '^dvvi^Ti KariXe^e. Cp.' Tac. 

A, I, 31. 

Inoendlonim cauBa. See c. 30. Dio 
55, 26 ireiST^ T€ iv r<jJ XP^^V '''O^tV 
woWiL T^s ir6\€<as rvpl Si€<f>0dp7i AvSpas 
T€ i^eXevOipovs iTTax^ Tpbs tAs cTtKOW- 
pias adTTJs KareX^^ro. 

IndlctOB. He levied [cp. indicere 
Muitam] a certain number of slaves 
from the richer families. That is, these 
persons had to supply a certain number 
of slaves for the army, who were at 
once manumitted. Cp. Nier. 44 mox 
tribus urbanas ad sacramentum citavit^ 
ac nullo idoneo respondente certum do- 
minis servorum numerum indixit. The 
immense number of slavcs kept by rich 
Romans at this time offered a ready 
recruiting ground in an emergency, 
especially when familiae of gladiators 
were trained. As to the number of slaves 
kept see Plin. N. H. 33, i mancipiorum 
legiones et in domo turba externa ac 
servorum quoque causa nometiclator ad- 
hibendus, Senec. de Tranq. 8. In 49 B.c. 
Domitius AhenobarI)us was able to roan 
seven naves actuarias coionis suis [Caes. 

B, civ. I, 34]. 

BoryoB adliuc, *before manumission. ' 
Bnb priore vezillo, *he kept them in 
separate cohorts, in which they had 
been originally enrolled.' Such cohorts 
were called voluntariae, Cp. Macrob. 
Sat, I, II, 33 Caesar Augustus in Ger- 
mania et Illyrico cohortes libertinorum 
complures legit^ quas voluntarias appel- 
lavit. Cp. Liv. 22, ft^j prius sciscitantes 
vellentne mUitare (whereas citizens had 




Dona militaria, aliquanto facilius phaleras et terqugs, quic- 
quid auro argentoque constaret, quam vallares ac 
murales coronas, quae honore praecellerent, dabat; ^^rZ. 
has quam parcissime et sine ambitione ac saepe etiam 

scaligatis tribuit. M. Agrippam in Sicilia post navalem vic- 
toriam caeruleo vexillo donavit. Solos triumphales, quamquam 
et socios expeditionum et participes victoriarum suarum, 
numquam donis impertiendos putavit, quod ipsi quoque ius 
habuissent tribuendi ea quibus vellent. Nihil autem minus 

lo perfecto duci quam festinationem temeritatemque 


convenire arbitrabatur. Crebro itaque illa iactabat : ^^^5^^ 
STreuSe fipaSio)^, 'Acri^aX?;? ydp iar dfjLeivtop fj 
Opaaif^ 'aTpaTrjXdrrjf;^ Kt,[Sai ceUriter fieri quidquid fiat satis 
bene^ Proelium quidem aut bellum suscipiendum omnino 
15 negabat, nisi cum maior emolumenti spes quam damni metus 
ostenderetur. Nam minima commoda non minimo sectantis 
discrimine similes aiebat esse aureo hamo piscantibus, cuius 
abrupti damnum nulla captura pensari posset. 


\ r 


then no choice). yezUlam = cohors, 
Cp. Tac. ^.3, 21 vexillum vtteranorum 
non amplius qutnffgnti numero. 

eodem modo armatos, like other 
'auxi/ia* such cohortes would be leves 
[Tac. Ann, i, 51]. They were armed 
with the spaiha (long sword) and the 
hasta instead of the gladius and pilum. 
Marq. XI. p. 192. 

phaleras et torques. For these 
military rewards see Polyb. 6, 39, 
who however says that phalerae were 
given to a man in the cavalry, a cup to 
one in the infantry. The condition was 
the having slain and stripped an enemy 
in the field. Cp. Bell. Hisp. 26 Caesar 
ob virtutem turmae Cassianae donavit 
millia xiii et praefecto torques aureos. 
Cp. Tac. Ann. 2, 9. rrom c. 43 
Augustus seems rather to have under- 
valued such rewards. 

▼allares ac murales. The former to 
the man who first mounted the valium 
of a camp, the latter to him who first 
mounted a city wall. [Polyb. /. c.\ 
Gellius 5, 6 ; Valer. Max. 1,8, 6 ; Livy 
26, 48.] These rewards are all men- 
tioned in an inscription in honour of a 
soldier of the iith legion, L. aconio... 


Wilmanns 1589. Cp. ib. 1598, 1607. 
In id. 1615 a certain M. Vergilius 
Lasius is said to have been donatus^ 

CAESARE. Cp. id. 1616. 

sine ambittone, *without respect of 
persons,' * without any design of winnins 
favour.' caligatls *common soldiers. 
Vit. 7; luv. 3, 322; 16, 24. 

M. Agrippam in Sicilia. See on c. 
16. caeruleo vezillo, *sea blue' as a 
sign of a naval victory. Velleius [2, 81] 
says that he gave him a corona classica 
insigfte quo nemo unqttam Romanorum 
donatus est. And Dio [49, 14] describes 
it as a aTi<l>avop "xpvijovv i/jpiXoii '^icrf- 
fUvovy and a special decree was passed 
authorising him to wear it whenever 
triumphal ornaments were worn. The 
blue flag according to Dio was given 
afler Actium [51, 21 arjfjiel^t KvaufO€i5€i 
vavKpaTTjTiKi} xpoff€X€<rifivw€]. For the 
presentation of a vexillum, see Wil- 
manns 1620, t^pontius...donatus... 


«nrcvSc Ppoi8io>s, festina lenle% *more 
haste less speed.' Aul. Gell. 10, 11. 

oUr^Xi]s o^parr|XdTi)S, Eurip. 

Phoeniss. 602. 

aiireo liamo piBcantes. The £m- 




26 Magistratus atque honores et ante tempus et quosdam 

novi generis perpetuosque cepit Consulatum vice- 

sulship, simo aetatis anno invasit, admotis hostiliter ad urbem 

August legionibus, missisque qui sibi nomine exercitus de- 

poscerent ;rcum quidem cunctante senatu Cornelius s 
centurio, princeps legationis, reiecto sagulo 6stemlens gladii 
capulum, non dubitasset in curia dicere: Hic faciet, si vos 
non feceritis, Secundum consulatum post novem annos, 

peror Mauricius in his o-TparTiyiKii. 8, i 
ol ToiovToi, oif^v Siaipipovffi tiSv xP^^^V 
heXea^oiUvbtv* A corresponding proverb 
is in Thucyd. 5, 16, 3 dpyvpiq, eiiXdK^ 
eHkd^eiv foretelling a dearth. 

penBarl, used in the silver age for 

26. magl8tratUB...cepit. The con- 
sulship in August B.c. 43 when he was 
in his 20th year, having already by two 
Senatus Consulta been invested first 
with pro-praetorial rank and then the 
constUaria omammta and imperium 
[C /. Z. 10, 8375, VJI Idus lan, ^odie 
Caesar primum fasces sumpsii]. In 
December of the same year he became 
triumvir r. p. c. It is however doubt- 
ful whether the law as regards the age 
for holding magistracies applied to ex- 
traordinary commissions ot this sort. 
His election into the College of Ponti- 
fices soon after the battle of Pharsalus, 
when he was perhaps still praetextatus, 
or immediately after taking the toga 
virilisj was not against precedent. See 
Livy 40, 42 ; 42, 28. Mommsen 
[Staatsr. vol. II.] has shown that the 
condition as to age for the magistracies 
depended on and was consequential to 
the age at which the Quaestorship 
could be held. A power of suspending 
the rules had always been held to be- 
long to the Senate, and had been exer- 
cised in several cases as in that of 
Scipio [Polyb. 10, 4] and Pompey in 
B.C. 70 [Cic de imp, Pomp. § 62]; and 
therefore Augustus may have justihed 
on constitutional grounds his eleven con- 
sulships between 43 — 23 B.c, all of 
which were while he was under the 
consular age, by the Stum proposed by 
Cicero on the ist of January 43, eius 
rationem^ quemcunque magistrcUum 
petetf ita haberi^ ut haberi licerety si 
anno superiore quaestor fuisset. Cic. 5 
Phil. § 47. After B.c. 30 the rules seem 
to have been altered, and the ages for 
office to have been settled as, for the 

Quaestorship 25th year, Aedileship or 
Tribunate 27th year, Praetorship ^oth 
year, Consulship 331x1 year. But dis- 
pensations were frequent. 

iiOTl...geiieriB...perp6tao8qae. Au- 
gustus in the M. A. 5 says that the 
consulship annuus et perpetuus was 
offered him [apparently in B.c. 22] but 
that he refused it. The offices of a 
*new kind' may refer to the proconsu- 
lare imperium, the potestas tribunicia^ 
morum praefectura^ and iheprincipatus. 
These may perhaps come under hono- 
res; but Augustus always held that he 
was only hrst in rank, inpower was on 
a par with his colleagues, M. A. c. 34 
d^cu^art vcuniav di^^veyKa i^ovoLas d^ 
o^divTi irXeiov icxov T<av<rvvap^dvT<avfjioi. 

admotis liostUlter, i.e. after the 
battle of Mutina and the refusal of the 
consulship by the influence of the party 
of assassins. App. B. civ. 3, 82, 86. 

Mc fliclet...fecerltiB. The same 
story is told of the emissaries of lulius 
in B.C. 50 by Plutarch [Pomp. 58]. 
Dio [46, 43] gives it rather differently 
...ets Tis avTwv i^rj\04 tc ix tov fiovXev- 
TTipiov Kal t6 |£0of \afiu>v (doirXoi ydp 
i<re\riMdTf<rav) ijrpaTO re avTov «rai elirev 
Sti dv iffjLeis rrjv inraTtlav fnj 6<Jre ry 
Ka^^rapt tovto 8<a<r€t,. *If that's your 
method of persuasion,' said Cicero, *he 
will get it.' Appian [B. civ. 3, 82] 
says nothing of the threat but represents 
the application as part of an intrigue 
with Cicero, who supported it with the 
idea of being the young man's colleague 

Beoondiim . . . tertiiim. Augustus was 
Consul for the second time in B.c. 33, for 
the third ti&e B.c. 31. As the trium- 
virate legally terminated Dec. 31 B.c. 
33 there was aii interval of a year in 
which he would naturally not have had 
imperium. But this he never laid down, 
and still kept up the right of seating 
himself between the two consuls as 
though sharing with them the supreme 






tertium anno interiecto gessit, sequentis usque ad unde- 
cimum continuavit, multisque mox, cum deferren- Subse- 
tur, recusatis duodecim magno, id est septemdecim consul- 
annorum, intervallo et rursustertium decimum biennio ships. 
post ultro petiit, ut C. et Lucium filios amplissimo praeditus 
magistratu suo quemque firofiinio deduceret in forum. Quin- 
que medios consulatus a sexto ad decimum annuos gessit, 
ceteros aut novem aut sex aut quattuor aut tribus mensibus, 
secundum vero paucissimis horis. Nam die Kal. lan. cum 
mane pro aede Capitolini lovis paululum curuli sella praese- 
disset,^honore abiit suffecto alio in locum suum. Nec SQmetimes 
omnes Romae, sed quartum consulatum in Asia, takenup 
quintum in insula Samo, octavum et nonum Tarra- * '°^ ' 
cone iniit. 

Triumviratum rei p. constituendae per decem annos 27 


power [Dio 50, 2 kv injkiri^ rwv vTdrtav 
iirl di^pov dpxtKov i^tf-as. Cp. 54, 10]. 

BequentiB . . . contlniiavit. He was 
consul every year from B.c. -29 to B.c. 
23; but in the Brst and last of these 
only for the first four or six months of 
the year. 

0. et L. fllios. Gaius and Lucius 
were the sons of Agrippa by lulia d. 
of Augustus, see on c. 64. For the import- 
ance attached to the deductio in forum 
or tirocinium fori of the youths about 
to assume the toga virilis in the imperial 
families, see Tib, 15 and 54; Calig, 
10; Nero 7; Claud, 2; M. A. 14 ^j: 
eo die quo deducti sunt in forum ut 
interessent publicis consiliis decrevit 
sencUus... For the sacrifice on the 
Capitol, Valer. Max. 5, 4, 4. 

annuoB, *throughout the year,* an- 
nuum mihi tempus des^ Nep. Them. 9. 
From B.c. 28—24 he was consul all 
through the year. 

Becnndnm. . .panctBwlmlB borie, Dio 
40, 43 6 V oSv Kaiffap rrfv iiraTeiav 
(flp^e ydp jjuerb. AovKiov rov T06W0V 
de&repov) r j Tpuyrri eOBifi ^tUpq. Karb, rbv 
Tov ^KvTfaviov Tp6irov diretire. Antony 
had done the same in the preVious year 
\id, 49, 39]. The reason seems to have 
been that their common position as 
triumvirs made the holding of the con- 
sulship by one or the other a source of 
difficulty, and neither was as yet pre- 
pared for an open breach. 

allo, P. Autronius Paetus, b.c. 33. 

quartnm in Asia, b.c. 30. Augustus 
spent the Winter of B.c. 31^30 in Asia 
preparing for his attack on Antony and 
Cleopatra. Dio 51, 5. 

qnintnm in...8amo, b.c. 29. After 
the fall of Antony (30) Augustus did not 
retum to Italy till the Summer of B.c. 
29, his triumphs taking place in Sep- 
tember of that year. He wintered at 
Samos, Tov 8^ d^ Oipovi h re ttiv ' E\\d5a 
Kal is T^v ^lTaidav 6 Kdi<rap iT€paiw0Tf, 
Dio 51, 21. 

octavnm et nonnm Tarraoone, b.c. 
26 and 25. Augustus was engaged in 
these years in the Cantabrian war, see 
c. 20. In B.c. 27 he was in Gaul in- 
tending to cross to Britain, but was 
detained by disturbances among the 
Gauls.../cdyr€0^€v ft re t^v 'IpTfpiav 
difUKero koX KaTeaT-qaaTO xal (iKclvipf 
[Dio 53, 22]. He must therefore have 
arrived at Tarraco before i January 
B.c. 26. Suetonius remarks on his 
entering upon his consulship away from 
Rome, as it was unusual ; yet there had 
been several precedents, as Flaminius 
in B.c. 217 (Liv. 21, 63) and Marius on 
more than one occasion. 

27. trinmyiratnm...admini8travit. 
The triumvirate upon which Antony, 
Octavian, and Lepidus entered 27 
November B.c, 43 by the /ex Titia 
expired on 31 December B.c. 38 [see 
Fasti Colotani C. /. Z. i, p. 466 M. 
Aemilius M. Antonius Imp. Caesar 11 1 


PR • K-i AN • SEXT •]. But when that term 




administravit ; in quo restitit quidem aliquandiu collegis 
Triumvirs ne qua fieret proscriptio, sed inceptam utroque 
J/dcc'^ acerbius exercuit. Namque illis in multorum saepe 
B.C. personam per gratiam et preces exorabilibus, solus 

31 Decem- magnopere contendit ne cui parceretur, proscripsitque 5 
berB.c.33. etiam C. Toranium tutorem suum, eundem collegam 
patris sui Octavi in aedilitate. lunius Saturninus hoc amplius 
tradit, cum peracta proscriptione M. Lepidus in senatu excu- 

arrived they did not lay down their 
officeand in the Spring of B.c. 37 agreed 
to keep it for five years more, appa- 
rently without a lex, See App. B, civ, 
5, 95 [of the negociations at Tarentum] 
iirtl ik b XP^^^ abroit i\rjy€ rrjs ipxvi 
4 Tois Tpiff\» i^(^urro aydpdffiy, h^ipw 
iavTois Capiio¥ ircvTaerla», oifbiv fri twj 
d^ifiov d€Tj0iyT€S. Dio 48, 54 iavTMS di 
T^iv 7jrY€fio»Lav is aXXa fni wivTe, iirciSii 
tA irp&rcpa i^€\rf\66€if iiriTp€\l/av, It 
will be observed that when this arrange- 
ment was made, whether in the Winter 
according to Dio or the Springaccording 
to Appian, the triumvirate had already 
expired. The triumvirs simply did not 
lay down their imperium, and agreed 
entirely between themselves upon a 
further term of holding it. It is an 
illustration of the Roman constitutional 
practice that for an office to become 
vacant the actual holder must formally 
lay it down. It is true that in the 
ordinary annual magistracies the term 
was so strictly fixed that no one could 
venture to refuse to perform the act of 
abdication, but in extraordinary offices, 
such as the decemvirate, or this trium- 
virate, the case was less clear; and 
at any rate the triumvirs availed them- 
selves of the doubt, and even when 
the second term arrived [31 Dec. B.c. 
33] appear not to have abdicated. Au- 
gustus, however, does not own to this 
second extension. M. A. c. 7 Tpt.Qfv 
&vdpwv iyevdfiTjv SrjfJLOffltav irpa-yfiiTtav 
KaTopdfaTfis <rw€xiff^v iT€<rt,v dixa. See 
Mommsen Siaatsr, vol. iv. p. 431. 

in qno...exerciilt. The first list con- 
tained only seventeen names [App. B, 
civ, 4, 6] and the consul Pedius assured 
the terrified nobles that the list was 
definitive. But when the triumvirs 
arrived and the law was passed for their 
legal establishment [Nov. 27], on the 
next moming a fresh edict was fixed up 
in the Forum announcing the resolution 
of the triumvirs of putting to death 
those who had joined in the murder of 

lulius or approved it or continued their 
opposition to themselves [App. /. c, 4, 
8 — 11]. The number of tne names 
proscribed is spoken of by Livy Ep, 1 20 
as cxxx sencUores et plurimi equites, 
Appian says about 300 senators and 
2000 equites. Livy may be referring 
to the number that actually perished, 
for many escaped to Brutus and Cassius 
or Sext. Pompeius. See Appendix D. 
As to the part taken by Augustus it was 
inevitable that a writer like Velleius [2, 
(i(i\ should minimise it and lay the blame 
on Antony . . . repugnante Caesaresedfrus- 
tra cuiversus duos, But Plutarch \Ant, 
21] also says that most blame was 
thought to attach to^iJrc- 
pos (dy Ka((ra/M>s \ewldov di dwaTurr^pos : 
while Dio [47, 7] declares that the 
chief fauh lay with Antony or Lepidus, 
and makes the weighty remark that 
Augustus was too young to have incur- 
red or conceived numerous enmities; and 
he goes on to relate instances in which 
he preserved certain of the proscribed. 
Appian, however, makes no distinction 
in the guilt of the three. 

C. Toraniam tntorem snum. The 
action of Augustus in regard to this 
man may perhaps be explained by the 
assertion of Nicolaus Dam. c. 2 that his 
guardians had plundered his property, 
to which he submitted at the time with- 
out taking legal action...oi adTov irp6- 
yovoL...6p<f>av(p 6vTi iKcivip rd yfirifiaTa 
i\lirovTO ' KaTa<rTavT€S 5' iTrlTpoTroL TavTa 
di€<f>6priffav ' 6 5i tQv rrp6s a&rods diKcd<av 
diroaTdLS t<hs ir€pi\€i^0€t<nv ijpK^iTo, C. 
Thoranius or Toranius {\€y6fi€vos inr6 
Ttvtav imTporr€v<r<u Kalffapos App. 4, 1 2] 
was a praetorius and was betrayed by 
his son, who got him put on the list by 
Antony [id, c. 18; Valer. Max. 9, 11, 
5]. It may be therefore that Augustus 
only acquiesced. C. Toranius was in 
exile in Corcyra in B.c. 45. See Cic. 
/am, 6, 20, 21. 

in senatu, probably in the usual ad- 
dress on the ist of January B.c. 42 when 





sasset praeterita et spem clementiae in posterum fecisset, 
quoniam satis [>oenarum exactum esset, hunc e diverso pro- 
fessum, ita modum se proscribendi statuisse, ut omnia 

... .. «^ ff T • ^ ^* • Conduct 

stot reltquertt Itoera. In cuius tamen pertmaciae inthe 
s paenitentiam postea T. Vinium Philopoemenem, quod proscnp- 
patronum suum proscriptum celasse olim diceretur, 
equestri dignitate honoravit. In eadem hac potestate multi- 
plici flagravit invidia. Nam et Pinarium equitem R. cum, 
contiqnante se admissa turba paganorum, apud milites sub- 
lo scribere quaedam animadvertisset, curiosum ac speculatorem 
ratus, coram confodi imperavit ; et Tedium Afrum consulem 
designatum, quia factum quoddam suum maligno sermone 
carpsisset, tantis conterruit minis, ut is se praecipitaverit ; et 
Quintum Gallium praetorem, in officio salutationis tabellas 
«s duplices veste tectas tenentem, suspicatus gladium occulere, 
nec quidquam statim, ne aliud inveniretur, ausus inquirere, 


Lepidus entered on his 2nd Consulship. 
Another proscription list was afterwards 
published, but it was in the nature of an 
extra tax on the property of the oppo- 
sition party. Dio 47, 16. Nothing is 
known of lunius Satuminus or his 

ita...libera, 'though he assented to 
put a stop to the proscription he 
reserved complete freedom to himself 
for the future.* Octavian had no inten- 
tion of sparing the assassins of lulius, 
and as many of them were still at large, 
he would not bind himself not to exer- 
cise his powers upon them. 

T. Vininm. The story is told by Dio 
[47, 7]. He was concealed by his wife 
in a chest at the house of a freedman, 
and afterwards produced under the pro- 
tection of Octavia when Caesar was 
apart from his colleagues. V^ife and 
freedman had incurred death by the 
concealment according to the edict 
[App. B, civ, 4, II 6s cLp rj cwiras tj 
iiriKovp^ffas ^ ffvvcidCbs 0ai^J. Dio 
asserts that Augustus saved many in a 
similarway, but gives noother instances. 
Pcrhaps Ovid refers to some stories of 
the sort when he says of Augustus... 
stupe fidem adversis etiam lattdavit in 
armisy Tr. i, 5, 39. 

Fi]iariiim...Tediu2ii...Q. Galliiim. Of 
the two former we have no certain infor- 
mation. Pinarius may \ye T. Pinarius or 
his brother, both of whom were intimate 

with Cicero[Cic adQ.Fr.^t ii 22]. Some 
of the Pinarii were connected with the 
Caesars [Suet. /ul. 83]. Tedius Afer 
may be connected with a friend of 
Augustus mentioned by Tacitus [An. 
I, 10]. Q. Gallius was a son of a 
Q. Gallius once defended by Cicero on 
a charge of ambitus [Cic. Brut. 377; 
de pet. cons. § 19], and a brother of the 
M. Gallius who adopted Tiberius [Suet. 
Tib. 6]. Appian's account of the affair 
of Gallius agrees substantially with that 
of Augustus in his memoir, B. civ. 5, 
95. The oculis eius sua manu effossis 
seems incredible. A similar story was 
told of SuUa [Val. Max. a,.3, 5]. 

paganonim, 'civilians' opposed to 
milites^ luv. 16, 33; Plin. Ep. 10, 86b; 
7, 35 b; Digest^ic^, i, 9 § ^- 

cnriOBiim et epecalatorem, 'eaves- 
dropper and spy. ' In later times curiosi 
became a regular name for informers ; 
lustin. Cod. 12, 33, 1. Bpeculator, one 
of the ' scouts ' attached to a legion, came 
to indicate an aide-de-camp of the com- 
mander, and later one of the Emperor^s 
body-guard. See c. 74. I do not find 
any parallel use of it as a * spy.' 

in offlcio salntationis, 'when waiting 
on him in the morning.' The moming 
scdutcUio is sufficiently known from 
Martial and luvenal. For offldLnm in 
this connexion see luv. 3, 125. 

taMUas dnplices, *foIded tablets,' 
either a letter or petition. See Ovid 




paulo post per centuriones et milites raptum e tribunali, 
servilem in modum torsit ac fatentem nihil iussit occidi, prius 
oculis eius sua manu effossis; quem tamen scribit conloquio 
petito insidiatum sibi coniectumque a se in custodiam, deinde 
urbe interdicta dimissum, naufragio vel latronum insidiis 5: 

perisse. Tribuniciam potestatem perpetuam recepit, 
bunidan ^" ^"* semel atque iterum per singula lustra col- 
and legam sibi cooptavit. Recepit et morum legumque 

Censorial • ^ • 

regimen aeque perpetuum, quo lure, quamquam sine 
censurae honore, censum tamen populi ter egit : 10 
primum ac tertium cum collega, medium solus. 


J^em, 667; Am, i, 1«, 37. They were 
of waxed wood, and are called duplices^ 
tfiplices etc, according to the number 
of tablets. Mart. 7, 53, 3; 72, 2 ; 10, 

■ervUein in modnm. Free citizens 
were exempt from examination by tor- 
ture, Dig, 48, 8, 5; except (in later 
times) on charges of mcUestcts; ib, 48, 
18, 10. 

trlbuniclam . . . rec«pit. ( 1 ) Tribu- 
nicial privileges were first conferred on 
Augustus in B.c. 36, after the defeat of 
Sextus Pompeius [Dio 49, 1 5 /iai^€ ^p^t^ 
/1*1^6 \67^ ifppl^caOaLi ' cl d^ /ixij, rots 
airrois rb» toiovto dpdaaufTa ipex^o^dcu cXtr- 
xep iirl T(fi drjfidpxv fWro/cTo]. Appian 
[B. civ. 5, 132] and Orosius [6, 18, 34] 
say that he now accepted the tribunicia 
potestas for life, — wrongly, as it seems; 
and Mommsen holds that its extension 
recorded by Dio in B.c. 30 [51, 18] 
only applied to its extension outside the 
pomoerium [Res g, p. 44]. (2) The final 
step in making the tribunicia potestas 
the chief feature in the prerogative of 
the Princeps was taken in B.c. 23 when 
Augustus laid down his i ith Consulship 
on the ist July [C /. Z. i, p. 472]. The 
Senate then voted [Dio 53, 32] drffiapxip 
T€ a^bv dt& ^iov etvaxy Koi xpVf^^^l^^i-v 
adTt^ Trepl iv6s tivos 6tov Slv iOeKT^ffXI Kad* 
iKdffTrfv ^ovXiiVy kSlv fiij i/iroTeiJjy. Thus 
Augustus himself calculates the years 
of his tribunicia potestas from this. 
M. A. c. 4, cp. 10. Mommsen's Staatsr, 
II.*'*, p. 836. These privileges were em- 
bodied in the laws conferring their 
powers on subsequent emperors. See 
C, I, L, 6, 930, Rushworth, p. 82. 

semel atque iterum...collega. (i) 
Augustus took Agrippa as his colleague 
for five years in B.c. 18; Dio 54, 12. 

(2) In B.c. 6 Tiberius was admitted for 
a term of five years also ; Dio 55, 9 ; 
Suet. Ttb, 9, 11; and again in a.d. 4 
for ten years, after the death of Gaius 
and Lucius; Suet. Tib. 16; Dio 55, 

reoeplt et mommlegnmqaeregimen. 

From the testimony of the Monumentum 

[in this passage supplied by the copy at 

Apollonia] it appears that Augustus was 

offered a perpetual potestas censoria^ but 

declined it. The actual work however 

he undertook in right of his potestas 

tribunicia. M. c. 6 "Pwfialtav ofioXo- 

yoi^vTiav tva cti/i*€Xi7T^$ twv t€ vdfjuav 

Kal tG>v TpbTTUfv iirl Ty fi€ylffTjj i^ov<rl<i. 

fibvos xct/>OToyi7^^, dpxhv oidcfdav irapd 

Tk wdTpia iOtf didofiivrfv dv€d€^dfirjv, d 

di t6t€ di ifjbov 17 (T&^KkrfTos oiKovoficiaOai 

i^OTb\€To TTfs SrjfMpxiKrji i^owrlas (av 

iTi\€oa, The two occasions of his 

undertaking this were in B.c. 19 [Dio 

54, 10] and B.C. 12 [Dio 54, 30]. But 

Suetonius says that this office was per- 

petuumy Dio, that in both cases it was 

for five years; Augustus in the Mon. 

says that it was offered him three times 

in B.c. 20 — 19 [M. Vinucius, who is 

named in the latter of these years, began 

office on I July], and again B.c. ri. 

The allusions to this function of Augustus 

in the poets are numerous ; see Hor. Od. 

4» 5» 22; 15, 9; £pist. 2, I, i; Ovid 

Met, 15, 833; Tr, 2, 233; Momms. 

Staatsr, ii.^, p. 686. 

quo iure...80lU8. Suetonius agrees 

with the Monumentum c. 8 /n consulatu 

sexto [b.c. 29] censum populi collega 

M, Agrippa egi...iterum consulari cum 

imperio lustrum solus feci C, Censorino 

et C, Asinio cos. [b.c. B]...tertium con- 

sulari cum imperio lustrum conlega Tib, 

Caesare filio feci Sex. Pompeio et Sex, 




De reddenda re publica bis cogitavit : primum post 28 
oppressum statim Antonium, memor obiectum sibi ^ 
ab eo saepius, quasi per ipsum staret ne redderetur ; meditated 
ac rursus taedio diutumae valitudinis, cum etiam [foJ^^" 
5 magistratibus ac senatu domum accitis rationarium (1)8.0.27, 
imperii tradidit. Sed reputans, et se privatum non ^'^* *^' 

AppuUio cos, [a.d. 14]. Dio however 
gives a different account: (i) B.c. 39 
[52» 4^1» (2) B.c. 19 [54» io]i (3) BC- " 
[.*54. 3.*5l. (4) A.D. 3 [55, 13]. But the 
second and third of these seem to be con- 
fused with the regimen morum ascribed 
to him by Dio. The first census was 
held by Au^stus and Agrippa in virtue 
of a censoria potestas [C. /. Z. 9, 433 
imp, Caesare Vi. M. Agrippa ii. cos. ; 
idem censoria potest, lustrum fecerunt\ 
the other two in virtue of his consularis 
potestas; and it must be remembered 
that this was strictly constitutional. 
The census had always been in the 
hands of the consul. The censors were 
appointed to take this burden ofF them, 
but there being^ no censor the consular 
prerogative revived. Therefore Sue- 
tonius is wrong in describing the census 
as held by a ius derived from a perpetual 
censoria potestas. 

28. de reddeiida...l)ls. I. In b.c. 
38 — 37 Tn consulatu sexto et septimo... 
rem publicam ex mea potestate in senatus 
populique Romani arbitrittm transtuli, 
M. A. c. 34. This is the first great 
constitutional experiment of Augustus, 
and is mentioned by such writers as 
Ovid [F, I, 58Q] and Velleius [2, 89] in 
the sense in which Augustus desired it 
to be regarded. It was also commemo- 
rated on coins (e.g. Eckhel 6, 83 imp, 
Caesar divi f. cos, Vi. libertatis p, R, 
vindex)\ and in the Fasti (e.g. Fasti 
Praem. ad Tan. 13, C. /. Z. f, p. 384 
corona quema uti super postes imp, 
Ccusaris Augusti poneretur senatus de- 
cremtquodrem publicam p, R, restituit), 
And yet both Strabo [17, 3, 35] and 
Dio [52, I ; 53, 13] saw and expressed 
the truth that from that time Augustus 
was practically supreme. The real fact 
seems to be that in the course of 28 — 27 
Augustus (i) laid down the extra- 
ordinary powers which he had exercised 
as triumvir; (2) abolished in an edict 
the acta of the triumvirate [Tac. An, 
3, 38; Dio 53, 3]; (3) while holding 
the consulship each year kept up the 
custom of handing over the fasces 
in alternate months to his colleague 

[Dio 53, i]; (4) restored to the Senate 
the control of some of the provinces and 
its rightof allotting provincialgovemors ; 
(5) allowed censors to be elected in the 
ordinary way in B.C. 33. What in spite 
of these things maintained the autocracy 
of Augustus was (i) that he retained 
the potestas tribunicia with its ius rela- 
tionis and other powers defensive and 
obstructive ; (3) that he retained or 
accepted a perpetual imperium pro- 
consulare by reserving to himself the 
command of certain of the provinces in 
which the presence of a considerable 
armed force was necessary [Dio 53, 13]. 
This led, among other things, to the 
separation of the public treasury (aera- 
rium\ on which fell almost exclusively 
the localexpenses in Italy,from the/fjoij 
or imperial treasury, out of which the ex- 
penses of the provinces and army were 
defrayed and which was wholly under 
the control of the Emperor. (3) Though 
the titles of Augustus and Princeps gave 
him no definite constitutional powers, 
they gave him precedence everywhere 
and a certain sanctity which disarmed 
opposition. These powers Augustus did 
not think of laying down, as Suetonius 
says; what he did elaborate was the 
restitution of the forms of the republic 
so far as was consistent with his own 

II. The second occasion referred to 
was in B.c. 33 when he was attacked bv 
what seemed a fatal illness, from which 
he was recovered by the skill of Antonius 
Musa, T(l$ r^ dpx^is to6$ re AWovs roi>j 
irpdfTOvs Kal tQv povXevruy xal rCav iir- 
"wiwv AdpoUras 3id8oxoy olbiva dir^dci^f 
...8ia\€X^€ls 8i Tiva a^rois irepl tuv 
drjfAoa-iwv wpayfidTiav T<p fih Tllffiavi rds 
T€ Swdficis KoX rds irpo<r68ovs rds Koivds is 
Pt,p\lov €77/)d^aj (dwKCj r<J> 8* 'AyplwTq. 
Tbv 8aKTi6\iov ivexeipiffcv [Dio 53, 30]. 
By thus refraining from appointing a 
successor Augustus acknowledged that 
the ultimate authority lay with Senate 
and people.^ But after his recovery, by 
resigning thf consulship and resting on 
his iribunicia potestcts and proconsulare 
imperium he made a still more dis- 




sine periculo fore et illam plurium arbitrio temere committi, 
in retinenda perseveravit, dubium, eventu meliore an voluntate. 
Quam voluntatem, cum prae se identidem ferret, quodam 
etiam edicto his verbis testatus est: Ita fnihi salvam ac 
sospitem rem publicam sistere in sua sede liceat, atque eius rei 5 
fructum perdpere, quem peto^ ut optimi status auctor dicar, et 
moriens ut feram mecum spem, mansura in vestigio suo funda' 
menta rei publicae quae iecero, Fecitque ipse se compotem 
voti, nisus omni modo, ne quem novi status paeniteret. 

Urbem, neque pro maiestate imperii ornatam et inunda- «o 
tionibus incendiisque obnoxiam, excoluit adeo, ut 
iure sit gloriatus, marmoream se relinquere^ quam 
latericiam accepisset, Tutam vero, quantum provideri 
humana ratione potuit, etiam in posterum praestitit 
29 Publica opera plurima extruxit, e quibus vel prae- 15 

cipua: Forum cum aede Martis Ultoris, templum Apollinis 

and other 
ments of 
the city. 


tinct departure from old constitutional 

ratloxiaxluiii. Cp. bremarium im- 
periiy c. loi. The word itself ( = * finan- 
cial statement*) does not seem to occur 
elsewhere, though rationarii is used in 
the Digest for * accountants.' 

Inimdatloiiibiu tnoexLdilsque. The 
frequent floods in Rome are familiar to 
readers of Livy [i, 4; 24, 9; 25, 21; 
30, 38; 38, 28; cp. Hor. Od, I, 2]. 
Pliny N, H, 3, 5, 55 remarks on the 
liability of the Tiber to sudden rises. 
Fires were scarcely less frequent, see 
the passages quoted by Mr Mayor, 
luv. 3, 6. The crime of arson was 
included under several laws [see Ramsay 
R, Ant, p. 348] and was, it is supposed 
from Dig, 42, 9, 9, punishable by bum- 
ing alive. 

xiianaoream...relinqn6re. Dio 56, 
30 r^v 'Pw/*t;i' yt^vmv irapaKaPtav \i$lvrfv 
iffuv KaTaXeiiru}. The extent to which 
Augustus by his own liberality and that 
of his friends beautified Rome is best 
understood by studying the list of build- 
ings given in the M. A. cc. 19 — 21. 
In his sixth Consulship [b.c. 28] for 
instance he says that he restored 82 
temples in Rome. Cp. Hor. Od. 3, 6, 
I — 4, and MiddIeton's Remains of 
Ancient Rome^ vol. i, p. 387, *the 
whole city burst out, as it were, into a 
sudden blaze of splendour, glowing with 
the brilliance of richly veined marbles, 

poured into Rome from countless quar- 
ries in Africa, Greece, and Asia Minor.' 

29. forum cum aede Maxtis Ultoris. 
The Forum Augusti was on the S.E. 
of the Forum luUi, and was a rect- 
angular space surrounded by a wall 
nearly 100 feet high (with the temple 
in the centre), lined on the inside with 
polished marble. Augustus bought the 
land necessary for the building, M. A. 
21 in privato solo Martis Ultoris tem- 
plumforumqtu Augustum ex manubiis 
feci. See Middleton, Remains ofAncient 
Rome^ vol. ii. p. 6 sqq. There was in 
it also a quadrigae dedicated by Augus- 
tus, M. A. c. 35. The temple di Mars 
Uttor was vowed by Augustus at 
Philippi [c. 29, cp. Ov. F. 5, 569] and 
dedicated in B.c. 2, see Vell. 2, 100 se 
et Gallo Caninio consulibus. But as early 
as B.c. 20 it seems to have been suffi- 
ciently advanced to receive the stand- 
ards recovered from the Parthians [Dio 
54, 8]. Three Corinthian coluinns of 
it are still standing. Its treasury is 
alluded to in luvenal 14, 261. See 
also CcUig. 24. 

templumApoUiniBiiiPalatio. M. A. 
i^templumque Apollinis in Palatio cum 
porticibus. It was approached by lofty 
steps, and two libraries of Greek and 
Latin books were attached to it. See 
Ov. 7>. 3, I, 59 
inde tenore pari gradibus sublimia celsis 

ducor ad mtonsi candida templa dei. 





in Palatio, aedem Tonantis lovis in Capitolio. Fori extruendi 
causa fuit hominum et iudiciorum multitudo, quae videbatur 
non sufficientibus duobus etiam tertio indigere; itaque festi- 
natius necdum perfecta Martis aede publicatum est, cautumque 

5 ut separatim in eo publica iudicia et sortitiones iudicum 
fierent. Aedem Martis bello Philippensi, pro ultione 
paterna suscepto, voverat ; sanxit ergo, ut de bellis ^^^^ 
triumphisque hic consuleretur senatus, provincias 
cum imperio petituri hinc deducerentur, quique victores 

10 redissent, huc insignia triumphorum conferrent Templum 
ApoUinis in ea parte Palatinae domus excitavit, ^^//^ 
quam fulmine ictam desiderari a deo haruspices Palatinus, 

signa peregrinis ubi sunt alterna colum- 

Belides et stricto barbarus ense pater. 
quaeque viri docto veteres coepere novi- 

pectore, lecturis inspicienda patent. 
According to the commentarii divini 
[C /. L. I, p. 403] it was dedicated 
October 9, in B.c. 28 [Dio 53, i rh r^ 
dirci;\\(^(oy rh iv r^ HaKarit^ Koi rb 
r€fUvuFfjia. rb ircpl a^rb rds re &7ro0i^Kas 
ruv ^i^XUav i^ewolrjffe Kal Ka0iip<aff€v]. 
It was vowed or promised in B.c. 36 
after the victory over Sextus Pompeius 
[Vell. 2, 81]. Cp. Hor. Od, i, 31. 

aedem TonantiB, a small temple near 
the great temple of lupiter Capitolinus, 
see c. 91. It was of solid blocks of 
marble [Plin. N. H, 36, 50]. It was 
dedicated in B.c. 22 [Dio 54, 4] on the 
I September [C. /. Z. i, p. 400]. 

publicatuiii, 'opened for public use.' 
Cp. luL 44 inbliothecas Graecas Lati- 
nasque...publicare. It is not used in 
this sense by Cicero. 

separatlm, i.e. separately from the 
iudicia privata^ which were still to be 
held in the old forum or basilicae. For 
BortitioneB iudicimi Ascon. on Cic. 
Verres Act. i, 6; Cic. pro Cluent. 27 ; 
pro Flacc. 2; ad Q. Fr. 3, 4; in Pis. 40. 

pnblica iudicia are trials for crimes 
under laws establishing quaestiones per- 
petuae<t such as lex lulia maiestatis^ de 
sicariis etc. Dig. 47, 1,1. 

pro ultione patema, see on c. 10. 

lilc, instead of in the Campus, as 
before [Liv. 3, 63] or later in the 
temple of Bellona outside the pomoe- 
rium, because the claimant could not 
come inside without forfeiting his im- 
perium. See the case of Africanus, Livy 

28, 38; cp. 26, 21; 28, 9; 31, 47; 
41, 6. 

deducerentur, cp. Caesar starting for 
Spain in a lectica inter officia prose- 
quentium fascesque lictorum^ lul. 71. 
According to the arrangements of Au- 
gustus the proconsuls of Senatorial pro- 
vinces did not wear the sagum and 
sword, the legati or propraetors of 
Imperial provinces did. Both had six 
lictors, but neither were allowed to 
assume the insignia of their office till 
they reached their province [Dio 53, 
13]. It was therefore probably only 
the latter class of provincial govemors 
who started from the temple, for they 
alone had imperium. 

folmine ictam. The consecration of 
' a place struck by lightning was general. 
It was part of the Etruscan discipline, 
and therefore was referred to the Etrus- 
can haruspices. See Festus s.v. oscum; 
Pliny N. H. 2, 145; Pers. Sat. 2, 27. 
Augustus seems to have bought up a 
number of houses on the Palatine near 
his own with the view of enlargement, 
and then to have determined on devoting 
a part of it to the temple of ApoIIo and 
its adjoining colonnades and libraries. 
Dio 49, 15 rhv r6iroVt tv iv rt} na\a- 
Wy oSerr olKo3ofiij<ral riva idvriro^ idrj- 
fioaluxTe Kal r^ *Aw6W<avi lipujffev, iTtidij 
Kcpawbs is adrbv iyKariffKrfyj/iV. Vell. 
2, 81 contractas eniptionibus complures 
domos per procuratoreSf quo laxior 
fieret ipsius^ publicis se usibus destinare 
professus est^ templum Apollinis et circa 
porticus facturum promisit^ quod ab eo 
singulari extructum munificentia est. 
For the splendours of the temple, see 
Propert. 5, 6. MiddIeton*s Remains of 
Ancient Rome, vol. i. p. 185. 

- W ^ «HT" "■ 






pronuntiarant ; addidit porticus cum bibliotheca Latina 
BibitO' Graecaque, quo loco iam senior saepe etiam 
theca, senatum habuit decuriasque iudicum recognovit 
luppiter Tonanti lovi aedem consecravit liberatus periculo, 

cum expeditione Cantabrica per nocturnum iters 
lecticam eius fulgur praestrinxisset servumque praelucentem 
exanimasset. Quaedam etiam opera sub nomine alieno, ne- 

potum scilicet et uxoris sororisque, fecit, ut porticum 
Porticus, basilicamque Gai et Luci, item porticus Liviae et 
Tkeatrum, Octaviae theatrumque Marcelli. Sed et ceteros " 

principes viros saepe hortatus est, ut pro facultate 
quisque monimentis vel novis vel refectis et excultis urbem 
Buildings adornarent. Multaque a multis tunc extructa sunt, 
courtiers. ^^^^^ ^ Marcio Philippo aedes Herculis Musarum, 


deciiria8...recognoTit. For the de- 
curiae iudicum see on c. 32. As they 
were nominated for life by the Emperor 
periodical recognitiones would be neces- 
sary for filling up vacancies. For re- 
cognoBcere see cc. 32 and 38; Cal. 16 
equites recognovit. 

expediUone Cantabrica, see c. 20. 

praelucentem, 'carrying a torch be- 
fore him.' Stat. Silv. i, 2, 89 natanti 
praeluxi. luv. 3, 283 — 4, where Mayor 
quotes the name of the slave thus carry- 
ing it (lampadarius) from inscriptions. 

See Orelli 2845, 2930' ^* -^* -^* ^» 
8867 — 69 ; lantemariuSf Cic. in Pis. 
9, 20 ; C. I. L. 10, 3970 ; Val. Max. 6, 
8, I lantemam praelatam. 

quaedam etiam...MarceIU. M. A. 
c. 21 Theatrum ad aedem Apollinis in 
solo magna ex parte a prwatis empto 
feci, quod suh nomine M. Marcelli 
generi mei esset. The theatrum Mar- 
celli had been projected by lulius, see 
lul. 44 theatrum summae magnitudinis 
Tarpeio monti ctccubans. Dio 43, 49 
Bkarpov n /cara rhv Uofnri^iov oIkoSo' 
/xTJcai ideMiffa.t trpOKaTcpdXero fikv oOk 
i^eriXeae 84. Augustus completed it 
and dedicated it either in B.c. 1 1 [Plin. 
H. N. 8, 65] or in B.c. 13 [Dio 54, 36] 
in honour of the young Marcellus, son 
of Octavia and adopted by himself, who 
died in B.c. 23. 

basilica. The Basilica lulia was 
dedicated by lulius in B.c. 46, having 
been begun in E.c. 54, if Cicero [jadAtt. 
4, 16, 14] is referring to it. It seems, 
though dedicated, not to have been en- 
tirely finished off till Augustus put the 

finishing touches to it. It was then 
destroyed by fire, and restored by 
Augustus A.D. 12 and dedicated to the 
memory of Gaius and Lucius [Dio 56, 
27], M. A. 20 Forum lulium et basi- 
licam, quae fuit inter aedem Castoris 
et aedem Satumiy coepta profligatcujue 
opera a patre meo^ perfeci: et eandem 
bctsilicam consumptam incendio^ ampliafo 
eius solo^ sub titulo nominis fliorum 
meorum incohavi^ et, si mvus non per- 
fecissem^ perfici heredibus iussi. 

porticns UYlae et Octavlae. The 
porticus Liviae was on the Esquiline 
on the site of a large building said by 
tradition to have been the palace of 
Servius Tullius; near it was a temple 
of Concord also built by Livia, see Ovid 
Fcut. 637 — 640 disce tamenj veniens 
aetas^ ubi Livia nunc est \ porticus, 
immensae tectafuisse domus. The por- 
ticus Octaviae [to be disUnguished from 
the Porticus Octavia, Livy 45, 6 and 
42], built on the site of an older porticus 
Metelii, was a quadrangular cloister 
enclosing the temples of lupiter Stator 
and luno regina. It was built after 
the Dalmatian war [b.c. 33] and dedi- 
cated in the name of his sister with the 
other opera Octaviae. Mommsen, P. g. 
p. 80 ; Middleton, Pemains, vol. 11. p. 
200. See fragments of the Capitoline 
Plan in Bum's Pome, p. 300. 

cetero8...hortatn8 eet. See Dio 54, 
18 Tots tA iwivlKLa Trifiwovffiv (pyov ix 
tQv \a^i6p<av is ttjv tQv irpd^ewv fivi^firjv 
iroictv rpoffiTa^ev. 

Marcio. . .Mnsarmn. This temple was 
originally built by M. Fulvius Nobilior 




a L. Cornificio aedes Dianae, ab Asinio Pollione atrium 
Libertatis, a Munatio Planco aedes Saturni, a Cornelio Balbo 
theatrum, a Statilio Tauro amphitheatrum, a M. vero Agrippa 
complura et egregia. 

in B.c. i86, and filled with the spoils of 
Ambracia, especially terra-cotta statues 
of the Muses by Zeuxis [Plin. N, H, 
35» ^^\ Ovid [/^ 6, 799 sq.] seems to 
say that Marcius Philippus at his resto- 
ration of the temple joined the worship 
of Hercules to it, — dkite, Pierides^ qui 
vos adiunxerit isti^ cui dedit invitas 
victa noverca manus. As to L. Marcius 
Philippus and his relationship to Au- 
gustus see note on p. 17. He appears 
not only to have rebuilt the temple but 
to have surrounded it with a porticus, 
see Bum's Romej p. 312; Mart. 5, 49, 
12. It appears in the Capitoline plan 
opposite one side of the Porticus Octa- 

The aedes Dianae was that said to 
have been built on the Aventine by 
Servius TuIIius as a common temple for 
the Latin League [Liv. i, 45; Dionys. 
4, 26; Strabo 4, 1, 4]. L. Cornificius 
was consul B.c. 35 after doing Augustus 
good service in the war against Sext. 

The atrlnm Libertatis was probably 
not identical with the temple of Liberty 
founded by Tiberius Gracchus on the 
Aventine [Burn's Romet p. 206]. It 
appears to have been used as a place 
for the examination of slaves by torture 
[Cic pro Mil. % 59] ; and it had a library 
attached to it[Ov. Trist, 3, i, 71] which 
PoUio founded from his Illyrian spoils 
[Plin. N. H.*i,i\i\ 35, 10]. 

aedes Saturnl. The very ancient 
temple of Satum was said to have been 
dedicated in B.c. 497 [Livy 2,2; Dionys. 
6, i], and stood at the foot of the 
Clivus Capitolinus. For its restoration 
by Munatius Plancus see Wilmanns, 


This attributes the restoration of the 
aedes Satumi to the proceeds of his spoils 
in the war with the Raeti. His triumph 
is given in the Fast. Cap. under 29 Dec. 
7 1 1/23, as ^j: Gallia^ for he was,govemor 
of Gaul. 

The tbeatmm of Coraelius Balbus 
was dedicated in B.c. 13 [Dio 54, 25]. 


L. Cornelius Balbus, like his uncle, the 
friend and agent of lulius Caesar, was 
a native of Gades, and had obtained 
the Roman citizenship about B.c. 72 
with his relations. He was with Pollio 
in Spain B.c. 44 — 3, and was proconsul 
in Africa in B.c. 20, being allowed a 
triumph over the Garamantes in B.c. 19, 
— ex Africa vi Kal. Apr. [C. I. L. i, 
p. 461]. The splendour of his theatre, 
which was not far from the theatrum 
Marcelli^ is mentioned by Pliny N, H. 
36, 60. It was however so near the 
Tiber that when the river was flooded 
it was inaccessible [Dio /. c.\ 

ampliitheatnim . . . Tauri. The am- 
phitheatres at Rome, which were an 
adaptation of the Greek theatres for 
the purposes of the arena, had always 
been temporary wooden stmctures in 
the foram and elsewhere. T. Stati- 
lius Taurus was another triumphalis 
[C. /. Z. I, p. 461] ex Africa^ which he 
had secured for Octavian after serving 
against Sext.Pompeius (b.c. 34). Hewas 
consul in B.c. 37 and again in B.c. 26 
[Wilmanns 1 1 1 1 T • STATiLio • tavro • 
IMP • III • cos • II • PATRONO], after a 
successfiil campaign in Spain, and again 
in B.C. 16. Dio [51, 23] assigns the 
erection of the amphitheatre to B.c. 29. 
It was on the Campus Martius, and is 
said to have been destroyed in a.d. 64 
in the great fire [Dio 62, 18]. It did 
not at once supersede wooden stmctures, 
either temporary or permanent, like that 
of Curio [Plin. N. H. 36, 116], for 
Augustus speaks of exhibitions in am- 
phitheatris [M. A. c. 22]. 

a M. AgTippa...egregia. Besides 
great works in Italy such as the portus 
luliuszX. Baiae[see pp. 32 — 3], Agrippa*s 
contributions to the splendours and con- 
veniences of Rome were very numerous, 
either at his own cost or as administering 
public funds. Besides the Pantheon s 
which, dedicated in B.c. 27, still stands ' 
as a monument of the greatness of his 
ideas [Dio 53, 27 ; 63, 27 ; 66, 24], we 
hear of Thermae opened in B.c. ai [Dio 
54* 29]» numerous other smaller baths 
[Dio 54, 11]; a bridge over the Tiber 
[Middleton's Romey 2, p. 368]; the com- 
pletion of the Septa in the Campus 
[Dio 53, 23]; a porticus Neptuni [Dio 





30 Spatium urbis in regiones vicosque divisit instituitque, ut 
City dis- ^ll^is annui magistratus sortito tuerentur, hos magistri 
trictsrpre- e plebe cuiusque viciniae lecti. Adversus incendia 
against excubias nocturnas vigilesque commentus est ; ad 

53» ^7; 6^> H> Mart. ^^ 24]; gardens 
with a stagnum^ and euripus [Dio 54, 
39; Ovid Pont, I, 8, 38] ; two Aqutuduc- 
tus, — Affua lulia and Aqua VirgOf 
begun in B.c. 33 [Frontin. de aquaed. 83 ; 
Dio 54, II ; Plin. N, H, 31, 43]; and 
when curator aquarum in B.c. 33, he 
is also said to have caused to be con- 
structed 700 basins or pools and 500 
fountains [Plin. N. H, 36, 121]. 

[Lanciani, in Ramsay*s Antiquities, 

p. 62, maintains that the present Pan- 

' theon is not that of Agrippa, but a 

reconstruction of Hadrian. See how- 

ever Middleton's Rome^ 2, p. 137.] 

30. 8patiiim...divl8it. The date of 
this measure (b.c. 7) is proved by an 
entry in the Fasti [Henzen, 6545] re- 
cording the completion of a list of 107 
vici-magistri Imp, Caes, Nerv. Trai, 
August, III Sex. lul. Frontin. ili Coss.^ 
i.e. A.D. 100. The list of fourteen 
regiones into which Rome, both within 
and without the Servian walls, was 
divided is given by Preller, Regionen 
der Stadt Rom^ by Nardini, Roma An- 
ticay by Prof. Middleton, Remains of 
Ancient Rome^ voL i, pp. 380 — 4, by 
Ramsay, Ant. p. 13, ed. 1894. The 
regiones contained a varying number 
of smaller divisions or parishes {vict\ 
amounting in all to 265, each of which 
had its aedicula Larium or compitalist 
chapel of the Lares worshipped at 
the central compitum, see Plin. N. H. 
3, 66 regiones xiv, compita Larium 
cclxv. TTie worship of tne genius Au- 
gusti seems afterwards to have been 
united with that of the Lares, see 

C. /. Z. 6, 454 LARIBVS • AVG • VICI • 

Cp. Ov. Fast. 5, 145 mille Lares Geni- 
umque ducis, qui tradidit illos^ urbs 
habet: et znci numina trina colunt. See 
Mommsen res g. p. 82. For the em- 
ployment of the vicus as an adminis- 
trative unit, see cc. 40, 43 ; Tiber. *j6 ; 
Claud. 18. The division into regiones 
was of course ancient [Dionys. Hal. 4, 
14], but the number (14 instead of 4) 
and the space included were new, the 

latter extending perhaps to about the 
line of the subsequent Aurelian walls. 

nt iUas . . .lecti. The management of 
the regiones was assigned by lot to the 
praetors, aediles, and tribunes [tribunes 
in C. /. /. 6, 449, 450, 452 ; praetors 
»^•451» 4.^31 see Dio 55, 8 rwv iriopo.- 
vhttJLw KoX r(av hr\yMLprx!jsv r(av re ffTparij- 
yuv iraoav r^y w6\iv, dcKar^ooapa /i^fnj 
vcfirjOeloaVf K\ifHfi TrpwTrax^S^^' Un- 
der them were curatores and denuntia- 
tores. See Wilmanns 1715 reg • i • 


were generally freedmen, as in this case. 
Cp. Rushforth 45. 

maj^lstri. Yovixvicorum magistriyfere 
elected annually by the inhabitants of 
the vicust and at the celebration of the 
religious rites on the ist of May [Ov. 
F. 5, 129], and the ist of August, when 
they entered upon their office [C. I, L. 
6, 446; Wilmanns 1716 dianae • avg- 


1 7 1 7], wore the toga praetexta^ and were 
escorted by Lictors. Dio 55, % oibk brj 
orevunrol ivifieXrjrciv rivwv ix rou 819/uot;, 
ods Kol orevuwdpxoifs KoKovfiev' Koi 
o4>iai KoX ri ioOrJTi ri dpx^-Ki koI ^ajS- 
do^xovs iAo iv adrocf rocs x^P^ois uv av 
dpx<i>oii rifiipaM rurt xS"i<f^^ iSMri. They 
too were generally freedmen, see C. I. L. 
6, 448, 975. Rushf. 45. 

adyennui ino6iidia...oommeiitii8, see 
on c. 28. The aediles were specially 
charged with this duty, see Dio 54, 3. 
But as they proved inadequate, seven 
corps of noctumi zngi/es were organised 
in A.D. 6 under a praefectus to manage 
the business. Dio 55, 26 ^ire(di7...iroX\d 
r^s T^Xews revpX dietf^dpij avdpas re i^€\€v- 
Bipous ircraxii trpbs rds imKovplas airrjs 
Kar€\i^ro koX Apxovra linria airois 
irpooira^e. See also supr. c. 25; Dig. i, 
15. 3» § 4; Mayor on luv. 3, 199. 
These vigiles were distinct from the 
cohortes urbanae which were in the city 
to the number of 6000 men [Dio 55, 
24 oi rrjs rrb\€W <ppovpo\ i^aKtax^\iol re 
6vr€s Kol rerpaxS v€V€firjfiivoi. Cp. Tac. 
Ann. 4, 5]. 




coercendas inundationes alveum Tiberis laxavit ac fireand 
repurgavit, completum olim ruderibus et aedificiorum ^^' 
prolationibus coartatum. Quo autem facilius undique urbs 
adiretur, desumpta sibi Flaminia via 'Arimino tenus munienda, 
5 reliquas triumphalibus viris ex manubiali pecunia 
sternendas distribuit. 

The Viae. 

alyeiim TilMris laxaTit. For laxare 
*to enlarge* see Cic. Att, 4, 15 «/ 
forum laxaremtts et usque ad atrium 
Libertatis explicaremus, This was appa- 
rently the terminatio of the Tiber baink 
made in B.c. 8, see C, I, L. H35 f. 
Rushf. pp. 26 — 39, Wilmanns 840 c • 

ASINIVS • C • F • GALLVS • COS • EX • S • C • 

TERMIN • R • R • (recto rigore) proxim • 

RVM • QVI • FVERVNT • EX • S • C • RE- 

STITVERVNT. That is, the first board 
of curatores [a.d. 15, see on c. 37] re- 
stored the work of the consuls Censo- 
rinus and Asinius (b.c. 8). This had 
been the duty of the Censors, see 
C, L L, I, 609 P • SERVILIVS • c • F • 

(b.c. 55 — 54). For the frequency of 
inundations see on c. 28. The termi- 
natio alluded to in the last inscription 
was in consequence of one, see Dio 39, 
61. Two specially severe floods are 
recorded in B.c. 27 [Dio 53, 20] and 
B.c. 23 [id, 33]. 

mderibUB, 'rubbish' from building 
operations or ruins caused by fire, as in 
that of Nero*s time, see Nero 38. The 
Emperor promised a gratuitous ruderum 
egestiOy which were to be used for filling 
up marshes, Tac Ann, 15, 43. See 
^S' 39» *• For the damage to 
buildings caused by the inundations, see 
Otho I. 

prolationibiui, *extensions,' cp. Livy 
31, ^Jinium prolatio, Such encroach- 
ments on the river may be among those 
referred to by Horace, Odes 3, 1, 33. 

deBompta sibi Flaminia. This ar- 
rangement was made in B.c. 27 ; M. A. 
c. 20 Consul septimum viam Flami- 
niam (ab urbe) Ariminumfeci et pontes 
omnes prcuter Mulvium et Mimtcium : 
I^io 53» 22 bf yjkv yb.p Tt} irpocLfnjfjJvffi 
(t€i rks 6do^s tAj i^<a tov tcLxov^ Swiro- 
pe&rovs iiTT AfJLeXelas 6pw¥ oikras rds fiiv 
dWas dWois tktI tQv fiovXevTtav iwL- 
ffK€vAff€U Tots olKciois TiXcffi irpoff^Ta^e, 
T^ de ^Xafuvlas o^Toy iircihyjTrep iK- 

ffTpaT€i&ff€w 81 a&r^s (ficWev, ^irejnc- 
XiJ^t;. The via Flaminia, the most im- 
portant of the three great roads to the 
North [tres ergo viae: a supero mari 
Flaminia, ab infero Aurelia, media 
Cassia, Cic. 12 Pkil. § 22], ended at 
Ariminum where it was joined by the 
ina Aemilia leading westward through 
the valley of the Po. The inscription 
on the triuraphal marble arch still stand- 
ing at Ariminum conBrms the fact and 
the date, C /. Z. 11, 365. The via 
Flaminia was first made fit for military 
use by Gaius Flaminius, in his censor- 
ship B.c. 222 [Livy Ep, 20]. Augustus, 
though taking the via Flaminia under 
his special care, repaired or supplied 
money for repairing other roads also, 
Middleton, Remains of Ancient Rome, 

2» P- 357- 
rellqtias...di8trilmit. Of these viri 

triumphales we know from inscriptions 

of C. Calvisius Sabinus who triumphed 

from Spain in B.c. 28andrepaired the via 

Latina [CI.L.i, p. 478; 0895 ; Momm- 

sen res g. p. 87]. The importance of the 

curatio viarum extra urbem is shown by 

the rank of the men appointed curatores, 

who were almost always of the ordo 

senatorius [Wilmanns 2, p. 79]. lulius 

Caesar made almost his first bid for 

popularity as curator viae Appiae [Plut. 

Caes. 5], and Cicero in 65 regards the 

repair of the via Flaminia as rendering 

a man a formidable rival for the consul- 

ship [Att, I, I, 2]. 

ez mannbiali pecunia. This does 

not seem to occur elsewhere. The 

usual expression is ex manubiis, for 

manubiae are not spoils, but money 

obtained from sale of^ spoils. Aul. Gell. 

13» *5i 26 nam praeda dicitur corpora 

ipsa rerum quae capta sunt, manubiae 

vero appellatae sunt pecunia a quaestore 

ex venditione praedae redacta, Of the 

three parts into which this money 

was divided one went to the treasury, 

one to the soldiers, one to the general. 

This last was frequently spent wholly 

or in part upon public works. See 

Livy 10, 46; Cicero in Verr. 2, 3 § 186; 





Aedes sacras vetustate conlapsas aut incendio absumptas 

refecit easque et ceteras opulentissimis donis ador- 

atS^r navit, ut qui in cellam Capitolini lovis sedecim milia 

pondo auri gemmasque ac margaritas quingenties 

31 sestertii una donatione contulerit Postquam vero pontifica- 5 

luL ii forutn de manubiis xnchoavit^ 
Ti6. 20 dedicavit d Concordiae aedem^ 
item Pollucis et manubiis; 
M. A. 21 In privato solo Martis Ultoris 
templum forttmgue Augustum ex mani- 

Aedes saoras. This general restora- 
tion took place for the most part in B.c. 
98. See M. A. 20 duo et octoginta templa 
deorum in urbe consul sext. ex decreto 
senatus refeci^ nullo praetermisso quodeo 
tempore refici debebat. Descendants of 
the original founders were charged with 
the restoration of others, Dio 53, 3 roin 
fikv 7A/) itir* ISuotQv rivCov yeycvrfijJvovs 
Tots T€ TCLurlv cdn-Qv koI rots iyySvois et 
ye riM€S irepiijaav iirtaKevdffcu iKi\ev<rcv 
roirs Si Xoiirods a^rbs dv To 
this Horace, Odes 3, 6 (written about 
B.c. 1 7), specially refers Delicta maiorum 
immeritus lues, ] Romani^ donec templa 
refeceris \ aedesque lcd>entes deorum^ et \ 
foeda nigro simulacra fumo. Livy (4, 
2o) tells us of the examination of the 
spolia opima in the temple of lupiter 
Feretrius by the Emperor, templorum 
omnium conditorem aut restitutorem. 
See ako Ovid, Fast. 2, 59 — 66. 

For the distinction between aedes 
and templum cf. Gell. 14, 7. Aedes is 
the building or cella^ while templum is 
the sacred enclosure round it, though 
loosely used sometimes for the building, 
and must have been consecrated by an 
augur. See Mommsen, res g. p. 78; 
and Middleton, Remains of Ancient 
Rome^ vol. a, p. 248, who quotes an 
inscription ixomBull. Com. Arch, 1887 

IDEMQ • DEDICAVIT. Also C /. L. 6, 
10234 AEDES • DIVI • TITI • IN • TEM- 

.c«tera8...oontiilerit. This gift of 
jewels to lupiter Capitolinus (valued at 
50,000,000 sesterces) was half the entire 
amount of such gifts made by Augustus. ' 
See M. A. 21 dona ex manibiis in 
Capitolio et in aede divi luli et in aede 
Apollinis et in aede Vestae et in tcmplo 
Martisconsecravi, quae mihi constiterunt 

HS circiter milliens ; and therefore the 
statement of the amount of gold given 
(64,000,000 sesterces) is shown by 
Mommsen to be exaggerated. The 
jewels apparently came from the spoils 
of Cleopatra [cf. c. 41, Dio 51, 22]. 
For various other objects dedicated by 
Augustus, see Pliny N. H. 35, 27 — 8, 
93—4 (pictures); 2, 94; 7, 183; 36, 28 
(statues) ; 36, 196 (elephanti obsiani). 

31. poiitiflcatiixn...Bastiiinerat. Le- 
pidus [who had obtained the oflice in 
the confusion foUowing Caesar's assassi- 
nation, Livy Ep. 117; Vell. 2, 63] died 
in B.c. 13; but Augustus wasnot elected 
till 6 March B.c. 12 [M.A. 10 P. Sul- 
picio C. Valgio consulibus. C. I. L. i, 
p. 387 ; cp. Tabula Maffeiana^ and Ov. 
F. 3, 415]. It seems toliave been usual 
for some such interval to elapse before 
a new election: thus lulius was not 
elected till the beginning of B.c. 
62 [Plut. Caes. 7; Dio 37, 37], and 
Tiberius* election was also in the 
March foUowing the death of Augus- 
tus in the preceding August [C. I.L. i, 
p. 388]. The pontiffs were appointed 
for life, and the Pont. Max., as exercising 
some of the kingly functions, was irre- 
movable. App. B. civ. 5, 131 rov Si/jfiov 
rijv fieylffrriv leptaff^viiv is airdv iK 
Aeirldov /i^ratpipovrosy rfv fva tx€^^ V€v6' 
fUffroA fiJixP^ OavdroVt o^k idix^ro. The 
pretext for the breach of the rule in- 
volved in the offer to Augustus was the 
irregularity in Lepidus' accession to the 
ofiice. Livy I. c. says in confusione 
rerum ac tumultu. . . intercipit. Vell. 1. c. 
in locum Caesaris furto creatus. Dio 
[44* 53] says that Antony in fear of 
Lepidus...d/>xi€/)^a airrbv difo^eix^vaL 
irap€ffK€6aff€v...8ir(i)s yap Sif ^BLtas abrb 
ir(M^(r]7 (s r€ roi>s Upias aS^is dird rov 
d^ifiov r^v aXpcffiv rov dpxt^pitas iwavi^- 
yay€. . . Augustus however was anxious 
to break no constitutional rule that he 
could safely keep, and no doubt he was 
able in Lepidus state of powerlessness 
to exercise the functions without the 
name. He takes credit however for his 
abstention [see M. A. 10... in vivi conle- 
gae locum populo id sacerdotium deferente 
niihi.,,recusavt]. The office gave im- 




tum maximum, quem numquam vivo Lepido auferre sustinu- 
erat, mortuo demum suscepit, quidquid fatidicorum p^jj^^j^ ^ 
librorum Graeci Latinique generis nullis vel parum Maximus 
idoneis auctoribus vulgo ferebatur, supra duo milia ^'^' "' 

5 contracta undique cremavit ac solos retinuit Sibyllinos, hos 
quoque dilectu habito; condiditque duobus forulis 
auratis sub Palatini Apollinis basi. Annum a Divo ve^es?^ 
lulio ordinatum, sed postea neglegentia conturbatum 
atque confusum, rursus ad pristinam rationem redegit ; in 

xo cuius ordinatione Sextilem mensem e suo cognomine 
nuncupavit, magis quam Septembrem quo erat natus, 
quod hoc sibi et primus consulatus et insignes victoriae 


perium et auspicium^ and, though Au- 
gustus had these from other sources, it 
also gave him control on the appoint- 
ment of vestals and the flamen dialis, 
disciplinary powers over the priests, the 
power of fixing ludi conceptivi and the 
calendar generally. All subsequent £m- 
perors took the office up to Gratian 
(A.D. 382). 

qQidquid fatidicomin . . . ferebatur. 
* whatever prophetic writings were cur- 
rent, * cp. /«/. 20 ut vulgo moxferrentur 
hi versus, Cicero Brut, § 27 Periclem 
cuius scripta quaedam feruntur, The 
burning of the libri Sihyllini on the 
6th July B.c. 83 [Appian B, civ, i, 86; 
Tac. H, 3, 72; Pliny N, H, 13, 88; 
Plutarch Sull, 11 ; Dio fr. 106] had been 
foUowed by a commission to coUect 
others from various towns in Italy and 
Greece [Dionys. H. 4, 62 ; Tac. Ann, 
6, 18]. Some of them were getting il- 
legible from age, and Augustus ordered 
them to be recopied [Dio 54, 17]. The 
circulation of unauthentic verses how- 
ever does not seem to have been whoUy 
suspended by this revision, for in A.D. 32 
we hear of another book being known 
at Rome [Tac. Ann, 1. c.]. The ofHcial 
copy continued to be consulted till late 
in the ^rd century, see Vopisc. Aurel, 
18; and, after attempts to revive its 
authority by lulian, was finally bumt 
by Stilicho about A.D. 400. They were 
under the charge of the xv viri, who 
consulted them by order of the Senate, 
and were bound to keep their contents 
otherwise secret [Val. Max. 1,1; Zo- 
naras 7, 11; Lactant. Inst, i, 6, 13]. 

For fomlOB see luv. 3i 219 hic libros 
dabit etforulos mediamque Minervam, 

annnTn . . .redegit. According to Dio 
[55» 6] the change of Sextilis to Augus- 
tus was made in B.c. 8. The error in 
the calculation of the Julian calendar, 
according to Macrobius \Sat, i, 14], 
arose from the Sacerdotes having added 
the intercalary day one year in advance 
of the true leap-year, i. e. when three 
years instead of four had passed ; the 
Julian calculation being that the Solar 
year was 365 d. 6 h. As this came in the 
year B.c. 45 the error by B.c. 8 would 
amount to three days, i.e. there would 
have been twelve years with the extra 
day instead of 9. Augustus therefore 
ordained that there should be no addi- 
tional day for the next 12 years. Ac- 
cordingly a SCtum was passed to this 
effect [Censor. de d, nat, 22] as well as 
a plebiscitum on the motion of the 
tribune Sex. Pacuvius [Macr. l.c, Bruns, 
Fontesj p. 175]. 

Sextllem...optigisseiit. Dio 55,6^1 
Kal {liraros iv a{rr(^ rb icftCaTov diredideKTO 
Kal fidxo-s ToXXds koX fieydXas iveviKrfKei., 
The victories alluded to cannot include 
those in the civil war, either at Mutina, 
Philippi, Perusia, or Actium, for they 
were all in other months [see notes 
pp. 9, 36]. But Augustus entered Alex- 
andria in August [p. 39], and Drusus con- 
quered the Breuni about the same time 
in the year [Hor. Od, 4, 14, 34 quo die 
Portus Alexandrea supplex Et vacuam 
paiefecit aulam, Fortuna lustro pros- 
pera tertio Belli secundos reddidit exttus 
...]. The victory over Sextus Pompeius 
may also have been at the end of August, 
see note p. 36. It is noteworthy that 
though the name of July, in spite of the 
protests of the Optimate party [see Cic. 




optigissent Sacerdotum et numenim et dignitatem sed et 

commoda auxit, praecipue Vestalium virginum. 

Cumque in demortuae locum aliam capi oporteret, 

ambirentque multi ne filias in sortem darent, adiura- 

vit, si cuiusquam neptium suarum competeret aetas, oblaturum 5 

se fuisse eam. Nonnulla etiam ex antiquis caerimonis paulatim 


AtL 16, I and 4], and the name of 
August, without any protest at all, pre- 
vailed, similar attempts by other £m- 
'perors to name months in their own 
honour failed [Suet. Nero 55 ; Dom, 
13; Dio 57, 4; Ael. Commod, 8, 8]. 

8acerdotiim...aiixlt. It was part of 
Augustus' planof political reconstruction 
to revive and give importance to the 
various sacred colleges. One method 
of doing this was by becoming a mem- 
ber of them himself. Accordingly we 
leam from the M. A. 7, that he was 
pontifex^ augur^ quindecimvir s.f.^ sep- 
temvir epulonum^ frater arvalisy sodalis 
TitiuSffetialis. And he was not only 
an honorary member, he attempted to 
keep alive their ancient ceremonies. 
His voting among the Arval brethren is 
recorded in the Acta [Henzen pp. xxix, 
xxx], and as a fetial he proclaimed war 
against Cleopatra [Dio 50, 4]. It was 
these colleges too, with that of the Titii 
sodales^ which Augustus seems to have 
specially revived both by entering them 
himself and causing members of his 
famlly to do so: hence we find Nero 
Caesar, son of Germanicus, c?McAflamen 
Augustalis^ sodalis Augustalisy sodalis 
TitiuSf fraier arvaJiSy fetialiSy quaestor 
[Monmisen resg, p. 34; C. I, Z. 6, 913]. 

commoda, *allowances.' This must 
be held to include both 'endowments* 
and special exemptions. The priests 
were exempt from military service, im- 
posts, and public services (mune^a). 
Dionys. 4, 62, 71; 5, i; Livy 4, 54; 
Gell. 10, 15; Plut. Num, 14; Cic. 2, 38; Brut. § 117. But the 
claim of the augures and sacercbtes to 
such exemption was once at least dis- 
putcd [Livy 33, 42]. The cost of sacri- 
fices, banquets etc, was provided for 
by certain charges on some of the ager 
publicus [Cic. Phil. 13, 15; Oros. 5, 
18; Festus 245], and the collegia had 
probably other landed estates. Fresh 
grants were made from time to time. 
Thus Aurelian decrevit etiam emolumenta 
sartis tectis et ministris (Vopisc. 35). 
Augustus is said to have given lands at 

Lanuvium to the Vestals [Frontin. cU 
coloniis 106], and his special favour to 
them is alluded to by Ovid F, 6, 455 
nunc bene lucetis sacrae sub Caesare 
flammae. Besides such grants to the 
CoUege, individual Vestals were richly 
dowered [Tac. Ann. 4, 16]. 

CTimqne...fiilB8e eam. The number 
of the Vestals was always six, though 
at some period before the finai closing 
of the College by Gratian it had been 
raised to seven [Symmachus Ep. 10, 61 ; 
Ambros. Ep. 17]. The conditions were 
that the girl should be between six and 
ten, the daughter of parents living (/a- 
trima et matrimc^^ who were not freed- 
men nor engaged in any mechanical 
trade, and that she should be bound to 
chastity and the service of the goddess 
for thirty years, after which she might 
retire and marry. In case of a vacancy 
the Pontifex Maximus named twenty 
girls one of whom was chosen by lot, 
though as a rule this was rendered un- 
necessary by the voluntary offer of some 
parent [Gell. i, 12, 10]. But about 
this time there seems to have been a 
falling off of such volunteers, so that 
Augustus relaxed the rule as to the 
daughters of freedmen, Dio 55, 22 ^etdi^ 
re oi) ftq,dl(as ol irdyv e^ei^fiis ras ^trya- 
ripas cls r^ Tijs 'Effrlas lefMTcLoM iTredl- 
doffav, ivofit/^enidij koX i^ dweXevOipuv 
yeyevvTifiivas lcpacdaif — and, as we have 
seen, a large dowry from Uie treasury 
was offered to induce parents to present 
their girls [Tac. Ann, 4, 16; 11, 86]. 

competeret, *were eligible,* *were 
within the legal limit,' generally fol- 
lowed by the abl. of the thing constitu- 
ting the competence [Tac. ZT. 3, 40] 
or ad with the accus. of that for which 
one is competent [Livy 22, 5]. This 
absolute use is late. Of Augustus* 
grand-daughters at the time of the 
measure mentioned by Dio (a.d. 4) 
therewere only lulia and Agrippina,both 
of whom were born before B.c. 15 and 
so would be too old. His great-grand- 
daughter by Agrippina was not yet 




abolita restituit, ut Salutis augurium, Diale ilaminium, sacrum 
Lupercale, ludos saeculares et compitalicios. Lupercalibus 

Salntis auguriiim. The new con- 
suls on coming Into office offered a 
prayer to Salus for the health and pros- 
penty of the people, but before doing 
so the auspices had to be taJcen to 
ascertain whether such a prayer might 
be offered; and the whole ceremony 
was called Augurium Salutis^ Dio 37, 
24 (5<rT6 rh oliovuTixa rb t^j hyielas did 
ir6»v voKKov iroiijatu (ih B.C. 63 after 
Pompey's victories). tovto di ixayTelas 
Tis Tpdiros iari, mjffTW nyA ^wi' cl 
iiriTpiirei aipuny 6 $€6s vyiela» alTrjffai, 
m oix ^<ftoy ov oifHk atn^iv aifTrjis irplv 
ffvyxiap^B^vai ywiffBai, One condition 
was that there should be peace; and 
Augustus took great pleasure in renew- 
ing the ceremony in B.c. ap in con- 
nexion with the closing-of the temple 
of lanus, Dio 51, 20 Tds re ri^Xas tov 
*lavov (us KoX TdvTwv a^^Uri tuv iroXifuav 
ir€Travfji4v<av ikKeiaw Kal t6 oliovifffia 
To TTJs ifyi€las iiroirjffav. See Mar- 
quardt 13, p. 77, note (7). The name 
of the Emperor was joined in the 
solemn votorum nuncupatio along with 
that of the Salus Publica^ which took 
place usually on 3 January, see 
Wiimanns «876. For the worship of 
Salus, begun in B.c. 180, see Livy 40, 
37; Wilmanns 13, 64 a, 102. 

Dlale flamlnlnni. According to 
Festus (s.v. maximae dignationis) there 
were thirteen flamens attached to the 
worship of different gods; but there 
were flamines maiores (Dialis, Martis, 
Quirini). ThR Jlamen dialis occupied 
a position of great dignity, had a seat 
in the Senate, the sella curulis, and 
was preceded by a lictov( but he was 
subject to the most minute and tire- 
some rules as to duties and residence. 
Every day was festus to him, he might 
not sleep a night out of Rome, or mount 
a horse, or take an oath. The last was 
held to exclude him also from all ms^s- 
tracies, though this was at times got 
over by his coUeague taking it for him 
[Livy 31, 50; 39, 39, 45]. Itwasno 
wonder therefore that it was found 
difficult to get men of high rank to 
serve [Livy 27, 8], and when L. Cor- 
neUus Merula died in B.c. 87 the office 
remained vacant for 75 years, till Au- 
gustus secured an appointment in B.c. 
1 1 [Tac. Ann, 3, 58 ; Dio Cass. 54, 36]. 

For the position of the flamen dialis 
and rules affecting him and his wife 

(flaminica)f see generally Aul. Gell. 10, 
15; Plut. Q, R, 14, 50; Romulus 47; 
Tac. Ann. 4, 16 ; Festus s. w. Flaminica 
and equo\ Servius ad Vergil.^^. 4, 362 ; 
Wihnanns 539. 

sacrum Lupercale. The restoration 
of the Lupercal is mentioned among the 
works of Augustus in the M. A. c. 4. 
The site of the sacred cave is uncer- 
tain. The festival celebrated on the 15 
February was probably connected with 
beating the bounds of the ancient Pala- 
tine city. The circumstance of its cele- 
bration in B.c. 44, when Antony offered 
lulius a crown [Cic. 1 PhiL §§ 86 — 7], 
seems to have led the Senate to with- 
draw from the coUege of Luperci an 
endowment granted them by Caesar 
[Cic. 13 Phtl, § 31 vectigalia luliana 
Lupercis ademistis\ and apparently to 
put a stop to the festival. It continued 
to be celebrated thenceforth tiU a.d. 494, 
when Pope Gelasius substituted for it 
the feast of the Purification of the 

ludofl saeculares, M. A.c. i^Procon- 
legio XV virorum magisterconlegiicollega 
M, Agrippa ludos Saeculares C. FumioC, 
Silano Cos.feci^ Le. B.C. 17, A. u. c. 737. 
These games were the special function 
of the XV viri (who had also charge of the 
SibyUine books), see Tac. Ann, 11, 11. 
On what calculation Augustus selected 
the year for them is uncertain, though 
it appears to have rested on some pas- 
sage of the SibyUine books [Hor. C. .S". 
5]. Dio 54, 18 says they were the 5th 
held since the foundation of the city. 
The preceding celebrations are said 
[Censorinus 17, 8] to have been in 449, 
348, 249, 149 [though Livy Ep, 49 
only notices the two last]. The fifth 
should therefore have been in b.c. 40 or 
48. The Civil War prevented that, 
and Augustus and his coUeagues may 
have arrived at the year 1 7, by deduct- 
ing 33 years as the number accumulated 
in advance by thelast three saecula being 
reckoned as 100 years, whereas the 
right length of the saeculum was said to 
be iio years [Hor. Carm, Saec* 21 
certus undenos deciens per annos orbis 
ut cantus referatque ludos...^ as being 
the maximum length of a man's life. 
The Emperor Claudius in A.D. 47 how- 
ever neglected this calculation, taking 
the 8ooth year of the city according to 
the Varronian epoch. But Domitian 




vetuit currere inberbes, item ^aecularibus ludis iuvenes utrius- 
que sexus prohibuit ullum nocturnum spectaculum frequentare 
nisi cum aliquo maiore natu propinquorum. Compitales 
Lares ornari bis anno instituit, vernis floribus et aestivis. 

Proximum a dis immortalibus honorem memoriae ducum 5 

praestitit, qui imperium Populi Romani ex minimo 
tions?^ maximum reddidissent. Itaque et opera cuiusque 

manentibus titulis restituit et statuas omnium trium- 
phali effigie in utraque fori sui porticu dedicavit, professus 
edicto commentunt id se, ut ad illorum velut exemplar et ipse^ xo 
dum viveret^ et insequentium aetatium principes exigerentur a 
civibus. Pompei quoque statuam contra theatri eius regiam 

in A.D. 88 seems to have gone back 
to it [Suet. Dom, 4]. See also C, I, Z. 
1} p. 442, Marquardt 12, p. 89 sqq. 

compltaliciOB. The Compitalia, which 
dated from the regal period, were pro- 
perly ludi conceptivi^ but were so gene- 
rally fixed on or about the jrd and ^th of 
January, soon after the Satumalia, that 
they became equivalent to ludi stati 
[Mommsen, C. /. Z. i, p. 382]. They 
were under the charge of the officers of 
the vici as tnagistri collegiorum compita- 
liciorum [Livy 34, 7; C. /. Z. 6, 1234]. 
But these coUeges having been abolisbed 
by a Senatus Consultum in B.C. 64 as 
dangerous, restored by Clodius in B.c. 
58, and again abolished by Caesar 
[Ascon. in Pis. p. 6 ; Suet. /«/. 42], the 
celebrations seem to have fallen into 
desuetude. The restoration of Augus- 
tus was coiinected with the reorganiza- 
tion of the vici mentioned in c. 31. It 
is alluded to by Vergil Aen, 8, 717 
ludisque viae plausuque fremebant, 'fhe 
celebrations of the Compitalia in the 
country [Cato R, R, 5 and 57] were 
perhaps not interrupted, see Cic. ad 
Att. 7, 7, § 3. 

oompltaleB...aeBtiYi8, that is, pro- 
bably on the ist May and ist of August, 
— the latter being the day on which the 
new vicorum magistri entered on their 
office. QyxAF, 5, i2g praestitibus McUae 
Laribus videre Kalendae aram constitui 
... 1 47 Quoferor ? A ugustus mensis mihi 
carminis huius ius habet, But it is no- 
where precisely stated that these were 
the two days, see Marquardt 12, p. 248 ; 
Mommsen in C, I, L, i, p. 393. 

Btatuas. . . trinmpliali efflgie, * statues 
with triumphal omaments.' The series 
of statues in niches in the colonnades 

round the forum Augusti began with 
Aeneas and came down to the time of 
Augustus. Ovid F, 5, 563 hinc videt 
Aenean oneratum pondere caro Et tot 
luleae nobilitatis avos, See also the list 
in Vergil Aen. vi. Gellius 9, 11 mentions 
Valerius Corvinus among them. See 
luv. I, 12^ deinde forum iurisque peri- 
tus Apollo atque triumphales, Dio says 
they were of bronze {x"'^^^^)* 55» '®7> 
but Lampridius of marble [Alex, Sev, 
28, 6 exemplo Augusti qui summorum 
virorum statuas in foro suo e marmore 
collocavit additis gestis], There were 
not it seems equestrian statues, i.e. in 
chariots, as was the fashion in other 
places [luv. 8, 3; 7, 125; Plin. N, H. 
unde et nostri currus naii in iis qui 
triumphavissent, Serum hoc, et in his 
non nisi a dvvo Augusto seiuges\ The 
car set up in the middle of the forum 
seems to have been meant as a trium- 
phal emblem for all alike. M. A. c. 
35. For the inscriptions see Vell. Pat. 
2, 39 Ditms Augusius prcuter Hispanias 
aliasque gentes, quarum titulis forum' 
eius praenitet etc. For extant speci- 
mens see C, I, L, i, pp. 281 — 292. 

Pompei...statnam. This was the 
statue in the Curia Pompei^ at the foot 
of which lulius Caesar fell. It was 
saved from the fire by which the Curia 
was destroyed after the murder. Suet. 
Caes. 88 ; App. B, civ, 2, 147. It has 
been supposed to be the same marble 
statue which was found in 1553, and is 
now in the Palazzo Spada. But this is 
not proved, and the more general 
opinion is that the statue in the Curia 
was of bronze. 

regiam sc. porticum, cp. c. 76. The 
porticus Pompeiana was outside the 




marmoreo lanp superposuit, translatam e curia, in qua C. 
Caesar fuerat occisus. 

Pleraque pessimi exempli in perniciem publicam aut ex 32 
consuetudine licentiaque bellorum civilium durave- ^ 


5 rant aut per pacem etiam extiterant ; nam et grassa- sion of 
torum plurimi palam se ferebant succincti ferro, quasi ^"ga"<l" 
tuendi sui causa, et rapti per agros viatores sine 
discrimine liberi servique ergastuHs possessorum supprime- 
bantur, et plurimae factiones titulo coUegi novi ad nuUius 

xo non facinoris societatem coibant. Igitur grassaturas 
dispositis per opportuna loca stationibus inhibuit, iiiegal 
ergastula recognovit, collegia praeter antiqua et ^socia- 
legitima dissolvit. Tabulas veterum aerari debitorum, 

theatre. It was a large court, sur- 
rounded by a cloister supported by rows 
of colunms. It was also called the 
Hecatostylon^ and is so named on the 
marble Plan. The court was adorned 
with rows of sycamore trees, fountains, 
and statues.../V;/i/A' dona nemusque du' 
plex^ Mart. 2, 14, lo. tu ntodo Pompeia 
lentus spatiare sub umbra^ Ov. A, A, 
I, 67 ; cp. Cic. de Fat, c. 4. 

marmoreo lano, *a marble^acch' or 
rather double arch with four ways... 
lanus quadrifrons. 

82. grassatomm, 'foot-pads/ are 
thus dehned in the Dig. 48, 19» ^8, § 15 
grassatores quipraedae causa idfaciunt 
proximi latronibus habentur. Cp. c. 

Bucciiicti ferro. This was additional 

aggravation, Dig. 1. c. et si cum ferro 

aggredi instituerunt^ capite puniuntur. 

ergastiilis . . . supprimebantur, * were 

kept shut up in the slave prisons.' The 

ergastula were primarily prisons for re- 

fractory slaves, who worked in the fields 

in chains and were shut up during the 

night in separate cells, often under- 

ground, Livy 2, 23; T,^t Columella i, 

6 § 3. The abuse here mentioned, of 

conhning free men in these places, caused 

Tiberius later on to hold a visitation of 

ergastula throughout Italy, Tib. 8 quo- 

rum domini in invidiaf>i venerant quasi 

exceptos supprimerentnon solum viatores 

sed et quos scu:ramenti metus ad eius 

modi latebras compulisset. Cp. Colum. 

I, 8 and id ut ergastuli mancipia re- 

cognoscant, ut explorent...num villicus 

aut alligaverit quemquam domino ne- 

sciente aut revinxerit. But the scandal 

went on till Hadrian abolished them 
altogether, Spartian. ^o^r. 1% ergastula 
servorum et liberorum tulit. For the 
enormous number of these plantations 
of slaves (often criminal or treated as 
criminal) throughout Italy, see Lucan 
7, 402 ; Tacit. Ann. 4, 27 ; luv. 8, 180; 
14, 24; Seneca de Tr. 3, 32; Pliny 
H. N. 18, §§ 21 and 36 ; Plutarch Tib. 
Gr.S; Appian B. civ. i, 7; Florus 2, 
7, 3. Mommsen [^. //. 3, p. 79, E. T. 
lesser ed.] regards the system of slave 
plantations as having been brought by 
the Carthaginians into Sicily; and,con- 
necting the word ergastulum with ipyd- 
tofiaif considers that its mongrel forma- 
tion shows that it originated somewhere 
where Greek influence was felt but 
Greek civilisation was imperfect. 

Bopprimere conveys the notion of 
'putting out of the way,* causing to dis- 
appear, Dig. 48, 8, 3, § 4 qui naufragum 

per opportuna loca. Cp. Tib. 37 
inpfimis tuendae pacis a grassaturis et 
latrociniis seditionumque licentia curam 
habuit. Stationes militum solito fre- 
quentiores disposuit, Thus luvenal [3, 
307] speaks of the Pomptine marshes 
and the Gallinaria pinus being so 
guarded. Cp. id. 10, 22. Augustus 
had begun these precautions as early as 
B.c. 36, see App. B. civ. 5, 132. 

coUegia...dl8Bolylt. Dio 54, 2 rtof 
T€ (TUfffftTlwy ra /jAv iroyTeXcus Kar^Xvffe 
t4 de vpds t6 ffuxppoviffrepov ffvviffreCKev 
(b.c. 22). The law by which this was 
done {lex lulia de coliegiis) was not 
otherwise mentioned in any extant docu- 
ment until the discovery of an inscrip- 




vel praecipuam calumniandi materiam, exussit ; loca in urbe 
publica iuris ambigui possessoribus adiudicavit ; 

debtore?^ diuturnorum reorum et ex quorum sordibus nihil 
aliud quam voluptas inimicis quaereretur nomina 

abolevit, condicione proposita, ut si quem quis repetere vellet, 5 

tion by Mommsen in 1847. C /. Z. 6, 
3193, Wilmanns 1544 dis*manibvs* 


Bvs • SEN ATVS • c • c • c • (coire convocari 


CAVSA. The collegia were very nume- 
rous, embracing almost every brahch of 
industry or art, but those which were 
considered dangerous were the coUegia 
opificum and the coUegia sodalicia^ organ- 
ised for political purposes at elections. 
The dimculty no doubt was to dis- 
tinguish between the innocent and the 
mischievous. The SCtum of B.c. 64 
attempted to distinguish between those 
that were lawfiil and those that were not, 
Ascon. ad Cic. in Pison. p. 6 Z. lulio C 
Marcio Coss, SCio collegia sublata sunt 
quaeadversus rem publicam videbantur 
esse. But Clodius in 6.C. 58 apparently 
overrode this SCtum by a lex, and new 
coUegia immediately came into existence 
[Cic. pro Sest. § 55]. lulius again at- 
tempted the same distinction \Jul. 42], 
ciincta collegia, praeter antiquitus consti- 
tuta distraxit: and the iex lulia of 
Augustus seems to have effected the 
object by requiring every collegium to 
have a hcense from the Senate or the 
Emperor, — thus the clause often appear- 
ing in Roman inscriptions ex s.c. coire 
lictt [see e.g. Wilmanns, 1737], but the 
rule does not seem to have applied to 
other towns in Italy or the provinces. 
The *ancient colleges' may be those 
mentioned by Plutarch as having been 
established by Numa [M/x;f . 17]. There 
isa considerable literature on the subject, 
Mommsen de Collegiis (1843), ^^ Cohn 
zum rbmiscken Vereinsrecht (1873), Dr 
H. Msinederprae/ectus/abrumiiSS^j^i W. 
Lieberman^Mr Oeschichte und Organisa- 
tion des romischen Vereinswesens (1890), 
with Mr E. G. Hardy's review [Class. 
RevieWy vol. 5, p. 420]. Marquardt 
12, 167 ; Bruns, Fontes^ pp. 315 — 325. 
legitlxna does not seem to refer to any 
law naming certain coUeges, but to their 
object, those whose objects were con- 
stitutional : this would exclude political 
clubs, and perhaps associations con- 

nected with foreign religions. ' 

ta1mIa8...debitonim. Dio C3, 2 [13, 
1. 28] KoX rds ky>((m.% rdt irp6t ro dfffi^nov 
vpd r^s irpbs T(} 'Axrli^ fidxVf Tcvo/xA^at, 
ir\V ff2f ireplTiL olKoSofi^fjMTa dx^Wa^cy, 
Td T€ iraXaid <rv/i/36\ata t<3v rt} KOivi} ri 
6<f>€iKbvTiaif iKawrev, The debts might 
be from muUae or confiscations, or even. 
from state loans [see c. 42]. 

▼el praedpuain. . .materiam, ' far the 
most frequent excuse for vexatious ac- 
tions.* praecipuam is qualiiied by vel 
as though a superlative adjective. Cf. 
lul, 21 cuius vel praecipua opera...BibU' 
lum impugnaverat. For sudi calumniae 
in favour of the trea.sury, see Nero 32 ; 
Domit. 9. 

iuris amlilcrnl, i.e. when it could not 
be clearly proved whether they were 
public or private property, the presump- 
tion was allowed to go in favour of tne 
actual holder. There were regular com- 
missioners, holding office for two years, 
to decide such questions (*escheators'), 
called curatores /ocorum pub/icorumt see 
Wilmanns 854 T • qvinctivs •. . .c • cal- 



Bordibiu, *misery,* with a general 
reference, however, to the custom of a 
reus being sordidatus. Cp. Vit. 8 reis 
sordes, damnatis supplicia dempsit. Cic. 
ad Att. I, i6, 2 satius esse illum in in- 
/amia relinqui ac sordibus quam infirmo 
iudicio committi. 

nomina abdevit, had their names re- 
moved from the public /a^/o^of accused 
persons. The tabulae pubUcae in such 
revenue cases hung up in the treasury, 
Domit. 9 reos^ qui ante quinquennium 
proximum apud aerarium pependissent 
universos discrimine liberavit, nec repeti 
nisi intra annum eaque conditione per- 
misitj ut accusatori qui causam mn 
teneret exilium poena esset. 

repetere ... suMret. See passage 
quoted above. For the technical mean- 
ing of repetere^ of a renewal of a charge, 
see also Dom. 8 Comeliam...absolutam 
olim, dein longo intervallo repetUam 
atqtie convictam de/odi imperavit. The 




par periculum poenae subiret. Ne quod autem maleBcium 
negotiumve inpunitate vel mora elaberetur, triginta amplius 
dies, qui honoraris ludis occupabantur, actui rerum accom- 
modavit. Ad tris iudicum decurias quartam addidit 
5 ex inferiore censu, quae ducenariorum vocaretur iu- jvJ^^. 
dicaretque de levioribus summis. ludices a vicensimo 
[quinto] aetatis anno adlegit, id est quinquennio maturius quam 

right however was usually confined to 
those cases where the accuser had died 
or for some reason had been prevented 
from proceeding; and moreover the 
new accusation must be within 50 days. 
Dig, 48, 2, 3, § 4. 

par ... poenae. The calumniator 
risked incurring the same punishment 
as the accused would incur if cast in his 
suit. Cod. 9, 46, 10 quisquis crinun 
intendit non impunitam fere mrverit 
licentiam mentiendi: cum ccdumnianHs 
ad vindictam poscat simUitudo suppUcii; 
just as in an action for property the 
adsertor risked a fine of a third of its 
value if convicted of ccdumnia, Gaius 
Instit, 4, 175. 

maleficlum nesrotiumye, 'action for 
damages or on a disputed claim.* This 
answers to the two great divisions of 
actiones of lustinian [Inst, 4, 6], those 
in personam and in rem, The former 
would include (among other things) 
maleficium^ where some wrong or fraud 
was all^ed and a remedy sought ; the 
latter would coincide with negotiumj ali 
questions between two or more litigants 
who were at issue as to some right or 
liability. For negotium in the sense of 
lawsuit cp. Ccd, 40 si quis composuisse 
vel donasse negotium convinceretur. 

elaberetor, *should be allowed to fali 
through,' 'should escape the hands of 
the law.' Cp. Tib. ^^etsiquemreorum 
elabi gratia rumor esset^ subitus aderat. 

triginta...aocommodaylt, that is he 
allowed actions to be brought on thirty 
additional day$, which had before been 
feriae. In the Dig. 48, 2, 3f § 4 it 
is laid down ubique triginta dies utiles 
observandi sunt. Now days on which 
ludi were held were not utiles. Au- 
gustus did not interfere with the regular 
feriae, on which ludi stati or conceptivi 
were held : but the days closed to law 
business had a constant tendency to in- 
crease, and he here withdraws from 
them 30 days taken up by ludi hono' 
rariif i.e. games given as an extra 
indulgence by magistrates to the people, 

Marquardt 12, p. 349. 

actui remm, 'for the prosecution of 
legaLbusiness,' * term-time/ Fliny Ep, 9, 
25, 3 nunc me rerum actus modice sed 
tamen distringit. Claud, 15; Nero 17. 

adtrisiudicamdecariaB. Thejudices 
uptoB.c. 122 had all been Senators, from 
B.c. 122 to 81 ihey yrtrt equites. In that 
year a law of Sulla reinstated the Sena- 
tors. It was the reaction after the death 
of SuUa that introduced the three decu- 
riae. By the lex Aurelia (b.c. 70) the 
jury was to be composed of three decu- 
riae^ Senatores^ equites and tribuni aera- 
rii, The lex lulia of B.C. 46 did away 
with the decuria of the tribuni aerarii 
[lul, 41 ; Dio 43, 25]. Antony in B.c. 
44 made a third decuria of those who 
had served as centurions, or in the 
cavalry or in the legio A-lauda in any 
rank [Cic. i Phil, § 20; 5, § 12 ; 13, § 3]. 
The lex Aurelia had, it appears, not 
barred centurions as long as they had a 
certain census (raised perhaps by the 
lex Pompeia in B.c. 55), but Antony*s 
law abolished this qualification. What 
exactly Augustus did is somewhat ob- 
scure. Mommsen [StcuUsr, 3, p. 335, 
no. 2] holds that he composed the three 
decuriae of equites exclusively, adding a 
4th decuria of men of a lower census, 
But the point of view as to the iudicia 
was changed. It was no longer an 
object for one order or the other to 
serve on them. The measure of Au- 
gustus was a relief to the Senators, and 
his reform seems to have been a level- 
ling up, as by some means the majority 
of those on the cdbum iudicum had 
come to be of a census lower than the 
equestrian. Pliny A^. -^. 30, 131, § 30 
divo Augusto ordinante decurias maior 
pars iudicum in ferreo annulo fuit, 
iique non equites sed iudices vocabantur, 

ducenarlorum, men whose census 
reached HS 200,000 but was below the 
equestrian (HS 400,000). See Claud, 
24 procuratores ducenarii. 

a vicenglmo [quinto]. The mss. 
have tricensimo. But the lex Servilia 




solebant. Ac plerisque iudicandi munus detractantibus, vix 
concessit ut singulis decuriis per vices annua vacatio 

^^5qjj esset, et ut solitae agi Novembri ac Decembri mense 
33 res omitterentur. Ipse ius dixit assidue et in noctem 

nonnumquam, si parum corpore valeret, lectica pro tribunali 5 
collocata vel etiam domi cubans. Dixit autem ius 

judge. ^^^ diligentia modo summa sed et lenitate, siquidem 
manifesti parricidii reum, ne culleo insueretur, quod 

nonnisi confessi adficiuntur hac poena, ita fertur interrogasse : 

certe patrem tuum non occidisti ? Et cum de falso testamento xo 

(b.c. 104) fixed the lowest age at thirty, 
and if.Augustus anticipated that by 5 
years he must have fixed it at twenty- 
five (xxx and xxv may easily have been 

mimiui detractantibiui. The work 
was now, as observed above, a burden 
rather than a privilege. See passages 
cited by Mayor on luv, 7, ij6. It was 
to relieve this burden that Caligula 
added a ^th decuria [ut Uvior labor 
iudicantibus foret ad quattuor prioris 
quintam decnriam addidit^ Cal. 16]. 

80litaea^...Deceiiilirl. Themonths 
of November and December were 
already much occupied with ludi and 
other celebrations, December especially, 
with the Satumalia, was a generaL holi- 
day. [See luv. 7, 98; infr. 71.] The 
total suspension oiiudiciapublica during 
them therefore was perhaps no great 

83. ipse ius dizit. The criminai 
jurisdiction of the Emperors was un- 
iimited, though they frequently named 
a consilium of Senators and equites to 
assist them. [See Tac Ann. 3, 10; 
14, 62; Pliny Ep. 4, 22; 6, 22.] Some 
of the early Emperors were remiss in this 
duty, and accordingly Suetonius gene- 
rally notices their habit in this respect, 
see Claud. 14 [cp. Dio 60, 4]; Nero 14 
— 15; Dom. 8. This power {jius dicen- 
di) was in strict accordance with pre- 
cedent in the case of the dictators, 
triumvirs, and other extraordinary 
magistrates, see Mommsen Staatsr. 4, 
p. 461. Willems, DroitpubliqtUy p. 458. 

in nocteni, *up to night-fall. The 
Roman business day ended commonly 
at noon or an hour later, Mart. 4, 8, 4 
sexta quies lassis septima finis erit, and 
law business began from 8 to 9 A.M.... 
exercetraucostertiacausidicos. After dark 
the business of the courts could not pro- 

perly be continued [Pliny Ep, 4} 9» § 9 
cu:tionem meam^ utproelia solet^ nox dire- 
mit\ just as a meeting of the Senate by 
ancient custom was suspended by night- 
fall, the legality of a decree passed after 
it being disputed, Gell. 14, 7, § 8 post 
haec deinceps dicit (Varro) senatus con- 
sultum ante exortum aut post occcuum 
solemfactum ratum nonfuisse, 

domi. Thus lulius heard the case of 
Deiotarus at his own house. 

lenitate, see infr. c. 51. Dio [55, 7] 
attributes much in this way to the 
influence of Maecenas. 

parricidii. Whether the word is 
derived from pater caedo or not, two 
things are plain: (i) that it once applied 
to any murder, cp. Festus s. v. parricid. 
of a law of Numa, si qui hominem 
liberum dolo sciens morti duit parici- 
das esto\ (2) that in later times it was 
regarded as so derived and used for 
* parricide. ' 

culleo, the punishment of the par- 
ricide. See Ner. 45; Dio 61, 16; 
lustin. Inst. 4, 18 § 6 poena parricidii 
punietur...insutus culeo cum cane et 
gcUlo gallinaceo et vipera et simia et inter 
eius ferales angustias comprehensus^ 
secundum quod regionis qualitas tulerit, 
vel in vicinum marcy vel in amnem 
proiicietur, ut omni elementorum usu 
vivus carere incipiaty ut ei caelum super- 
stitiy terra mortuo auferatur. See also 
passages collected by Mayor on luv. 8, 
214. Cic. pro Ros. Am. § 70. 

nonnisi confessi. This must have 
been a provision of the lex Pompeia 
(B.c. 55), for the punishment existed 
before, see Livy Ep. 68 (b.c. 102) ; Val. 
Max. 1, I, 13; Oros. i, 16, 23. The 
alternative to confession was to stand a 
trial and receive a perhaps lighter sen- 
tence, cp. Capitolin. Anton. Pius 8. 10 
usque adeo suh eo nullus percussus est 




ageretur omnesque signatores lege Cornelia tenerentur, non 
tantum duas tabellas, damnatoriam et absolutoriam, simul 
cognoscentibus dedit, sed tertiam quoque, qua ignosceretur 
lis, quos fraude ad signandum vel errore inductos constitisset. 
s Appellationes quot annis urbanorum quidem litigatorum prae- 
tori delegabat urbano, ac provincialium consularibus viris, quos 
singulos cuiusque provinciae negotiis praeposuisset. 

senator ut etiam parricida confessus in 
insula deserta poneretur^ quia vtvere illi 
naturae legibus non licebat, 

Big]iatores...tenerentur. The Lex 
Comelia de falsis or testatnentaria of 
Comelius SuUa related to all kinds of 
frauds connected with wills. The wit- 
nesses to a forged will (of which seven 
were required) were liable to the same 
penalty as the actual forger, — the pre- 
sumption being that all engaged were 
acting in concert. lustin. Inst. 4, 18, 7 
iteni lex Cornelia de falsis^ quae etiam 
testamentaria vocatur, poenam irrogat ei, 
qui testamentum vel aliud instrumentum 
scripserit, signaverit, recitaverit^ subie- 
cerit^ quive signum adulterinum fecerit, 
sculpserity expresserit sciens dolo malo. 
Dig, 48, 10, 2. What Augustus seems to 
have done is to give a generous inter- 
pretation to the saving clause sciens dolo 
malo, enabling a witness to prove that 
he had not been aware of the nature of 
the deed when he signed it. The pre- 
sumption would still be against him till 
he had proved this. 

cognoBoentilras, *the jury/ but also 
of magistrates hearing a case, lul» 38 ; 
Claud. 15 and 33; Nero 15. 

tertiam quoque. This is not the 
tablet with N.L. on it, the custom of 
giving a non liquet verdict having fallen 
into desuetude [see Qvxxo pro Cluent. 
§ 76]; it appears to have been a tablet 
specially prepared for this occasion, 
but how marked we do not know. 

appeUationeB. Though the exact 
juridical foundation of the appellate 
jurisdiction of Augustus is not clear, 
it . grew naturally from his tribunicia 
potestasy as well as his proconsuiare 
imperium in the provinces. Among the 
powers voted to Augustus in B.c. 30 — 
29[Dio5i, 19] were that ^KKKnjfrbv re 
[sc. dlKTiy, cp. 52, 22] diKd^w koI yffij^bp 
Twa abToG iv vaai Tois diKaffTrifdoit 
wrrcfi ^AOrivas <f>4p€a$ai.. For some 
time however there seems to have been 
a variety of practice. Caligula [c. 16] 
magistratibus liberam iurisdictionem et 

sine sui appellcUione concessit. Nero 
gave an appeal from the iudices to the 
Senate [Ner. 17«/ omnes appellatumes 
a iudicibus ad senatum fierent\ But 
this seems either only to refer to private 
suits, Tac. ^««. 14, 28, or not to exclude 
the appeal to the Emperor which still 
existed side by side with it. Again by 
a constitution of Hadrian there was no 
appeal from the Senate to the Emperor. 
But these arrangements appear to have 
only applied to Rome or Italy, not to 
the provinces, from which the appeals 
to the Emperor continued to be made. 
This appellatio was a natural result of 
the old prffvocatio ad pofulum^ which 
ceased to be practically used when 
trials were before quaestiones as com- 
mittees of the populus. The last record- 
ed case was that of Rabirius in B.C. 
63, — but the provocatio in that case 
was not against the verdict ofiudices, 
but against the sentence of duomri 
capitaUs on a charge o{ perduellio, an 
antiquated procedure which had been 
practically superseded by a quaestio de 
maiestate. Against an irresponsible 
sentence of duoviri there was of course 
still a right of provocatio [lul. 11]. 
Now that the comitia had lost all signi- 
ficance, the appellatio to the Princeps 
naturally took the place of the old 
provocatio ad populum. 

delegalMit. In later times this be- 
came a regular system. The Emperor 
either judged an appeal himself or re- 
ferred it to a iudex datus or iudex dele- 
gatus, who as representing him gave a 
decision which, uke his own, might be 
without appeal if so stated in his com- 
mission. Cod. Th. 1 1 , 30, 1 6 ; Willems, 
Droit publique, pp. 459, 462 ; Dig. 49, 

conBularibuB 'viri8...praepoBulBBet. 

Officials called legati iuridici, or simply 
iuridici, are found in the provinces in 
the next century [Marquardt 9, p. 576; 
Mommsen Staats. i, p. 262]: whether 
they are to be connected with this 
arrangement of Augustus is uncertain. 





34 Leges retraetavit et quasdam ex integro sanxit, ut sump- 
tuariam et de adulteriis et de pudicitia, de ambitu, 
Uon!^^* de maritandis ordinibus. Hanc cum aliquanto seve- 
rius quam ceteras emendasset, prae tumultu recusan- 
tium perferre non potuit, nisi adempta demum lenitave parte 5 
poenarum et vacatione trienni data auctisque praemiis. Sic 
quoque abolitionem eius publico spectaculo pertinaciter postu- 
lante equite, accitos Germanici liberos receptosque partim 
ad se partim in patris gremium ostentavit, manu vultuque 
significans ne gravarentur imitari iuvenis exemplum. Cumque *<> 

losephus Quirinus, who was legatus Au- 
gusii in Syria [Rushforth 23], says that 
he was i>Tb Kadaapos 8iKaio5&nis rov iOvovs 
dxearaKfUifoSt and the same title is given 
in inscriptions to other men who were 
/egati ot provinces, and is therefore 
apparently oniy a somewhat inaccurate 
version of the ordinary legatus [Wil- 
manns 11 59, cp. C.I. G, 4238]. 

34. Iege8...8aiudt, *he revised the 
laws and in some cases enacted new.* 
Augustus refers in general terms to his 
legislation and restoration of old customs 
before mentioned [c. 31] in the M. A. 
c. 1 legibus novis latis complura exenipla 
maiorum exolescentia iam ex nostro usu 
reduxi et ipse multarum rerum exempla 
imitanda posteris tradidi. During his 

{>rincipate the forms of the comitia for 
egislation were generally maintained 
[Dio 53, 21], thou^ a SCtum of B.c. 19 
gave him the right of making laws to be 
called leges Augustae. Of those carried 
by him we hear of de collegiis B.c. 22 
[Dio 54, 2]; de equitibus B.c. 15 [Dio 
54» 30]; de Senaiu B.c. 9 [Dio 53, 3]; 
de ambitu B.c. 8 [Tac. Ann. 15, 20] ; de 
emancipaiione A.D. 3 [Dio 55, 13]; de 
Vestalibus A.D. 5 [Dio 55, 13]; de 
vicesima hereditatum a.d. 6 [Dio 55, 
^5 » 5^» ^8]* -^so some which we can- 
not date, — leges sumpiuariae [Gell. 2, 
24, 14]; leges iudicmriae [Macrob. i, 
10, 4]; lie peculaiu [Dig, 48, tit. 13]. 
The laws on marriage, and the relation 
of the sexes generally, consisted of a 
series of enactments to be r^[arded per- 
haps as separate chapters of the same 
law: (i) B.c. 18 — 17 de adulieriis coer- 
cendis; (2) de pudicitia [Dig. 48, tit. 5 ; 
Ulp. tit. 13—14; Hor. Od. 3, 24]; (3) 
de mariiandis ordinibus [Dio 54, 16 ; 
55, 2; Hor. C. Saec. 20]; (4) an 
amplification of the above passed in the 
consulship of M. Papius Mutilus and 

Q. Poppaeus Secundus (a.d. 9) and 
hence called the /ex Papia Poppaea 
[Dio 54, 16; 56, I ; Tac. Ann. 3, 25 ; 
15, 19; Ulp. tit. 14]. 

praetumiQta...potait. Thehardships 
of the law most felt were (i) the tax on 
coelibes and their inability toinherit by 
will, (2) the disabilities inflicted on orbi^ 
who between certain ages could only take 
half an hereditcts or legatum^ the remain- 
der going to the treasury : it was in fact a 
' death duty * of 50 p.c. on childless or 
unmarried men and women. Attempts 
were often made to modify it, cp. Tac. 
Ann. 3, 25 relaium deindede moderanda 
Papia Poppaea, quam senior Augusius 
post lulicu rogaiiones inciiandis coelibum 
poenis ei au^ndo aerario sanxerat. Dio 
56, 6. Plut. de Am. proi. 2 'Fia/juduy 
ToWol yafAovoi xal yevifiooty, obx tva 
K\rjpop6fiovs ItxjuoWj d\V tva KXripoyofxetv 

poena Fest. uxorium pependisse di- 
citur qui quod uxorem non habuerit 
aes populo dedit, This was a tax of 
great antiquity, see Val. Max. 2, 9, i, 
who says that it was levied by the 
Censors of B.c. 404. Augustus revived 
and increased it. 

yEcatione trienni, *a three years' 
freedom from the obligation to marry 
after the death of a husband or wife.' 
Ulp. tit. i\ feminis lex lulia a morte 
viri anni irtbuit vacaiionem^ a divortio 
sex mensium : lex autem Papiaa morte 
viri btennU, a repudio anni et sex men- 

aooitos Oennanici...exemplum. As 
Germanicus was born B.c. 15 he was 
still iuvenis [Gell. 10, 25] at the time of 
the passing of the law (a.d. 9), but he 
had already been Quaestor (a.d. 7) and 
had served in Pannonia under his uncle 
Tiberius, retuming in a.d. 10 to an- 
nounce the success of the expedition 




etiam inmaturitate sponsarum et matrimoniorum crebra 
mutatione vim legis eludi sentiret, tempus sponsas habendi 
coartavit, divortiis modum imposuit. 

Senatorum affluentem numerum deformi et incondita turba 35 
s (erant enim super mille, et quidam indignissimi et j^ ^^^^ 
post necem Caesaris per gratiam et praemium adlecti, of the 
quos orclhos vulgus vocabat) ad modum pristinum ^^^^^' 
et splendorem redegit duabus lectionibus: prima ipsorum 

[Dio 55, 31]. The date of hismarriage 
with Agrippina (b. b.c. 12), daughterof 
Agrippa and lulia, is not known, but 
she seems already to have had several of 
the nine children which she eventually 
bore to herhusband [CaL 7]. 

Imnaturltate BponBamm, i.e. by 
contracting a nominal marriage or be« 
trothal with a child, in order to evade the 
law. Such betrothals were not other- 
wise uncommon : Augustus himself was 
married to a daughter of Fulvia, while 
she wasquite a child, and never lived with 
her ; and he caused Tiberius to betroth 
himself to Vipsania, daughter of Agrippa, 
when she was on]y a year old, Nepos 
Ati.H). But as a mode of evading the law 
Augustus attempted to suppress it by the 
r^ulation that no sponsalia were to be 
taken account of that were not followed 
by marriage in two years...TOvr* ^irrvif 
SeKiriv irdin-tas iYYvoffOai t6v yi n 6,t* 
aMjt droXa^avra* dtodcKa ydp rait 
KopOLs it riiv Tov ydfMV uipay irri xXiipfti^ 
KaOdvep etTov, vofil^aXf Dio 54, 16. 
Other ways, however, were found of 
accomplishing this evasion and obtaining 
the rights reserved to the parent of three 
children, so that rewards for information 
were offered under the /ex PapiaPoppata 
[Tac. Ann, 3, 28 ; Suet. Ner. 10]. 

(liyortiis...lmpoBiiit, principally by 
the regulation that the dos was to be for- 
feited by the party in fault. This was no 
new principle, see Cic. Top* § i^si viri 
cttlpa factum est divortium etsi mulier 
nuntium remisiiy iamen pro liberis ma- 
nere nihil oportet, But Augustus seems 
to have increased the stringency of the 
r^ulation in regard to capricious di- 
vorces where no distinct crime was 
chaigeable on either side. Moreover the 
observance of certain forms of divorce 
was enforced. Dig, 38, 11, i, § i Lex 
lulia de adulteriis^ nisi certo modo divor- 
tium factum sit^ pro infecto sit, See 
Marquardt 14, pp. 91 — 95. 

86. S6natomin...numeni]ii. The 

normal number of the Senate up to the 
time of SuIIa was 300 [Livy ep, 60], 
though that number was not strictly 
adhered to, being sometimes in excess 
[1 Maccabees, 8, 15], and sometimes 
somewhat short [App. B, civ. i, 35]. 
Sulla raised it to about 600, though this 
number does not appear to have been ad- 
hered to strictly [Willems le Shtat i, p. 
405] ; and the actual attendance of 200 
members was looked upon as fairly satis- 
factory in Cicero*s time \ad 2, i, 
i]. lulius Caesar largely recruited its 
ranks, not it would seem from any re- 
gard to its dignity, rather the reverse, 
— putting men of all sorts into it, even 
peregrini. [Suet. Ccus. 41 senatum sup- 
plevii. id. %operegrinisinsenaiumadleciis 
Ubellus propositus est : * bonum factum ; 
ne quis senaiori novo curiam monstrare 
Tfetii.*'] It was done by a lex Cassiaj 
Tac. Ann. 11, 25. At his death the 
members seem to have reached 900, 
Dio 43, 47 irafirKrfOeis iirl HiP yepovalavj 
fAridiv diaKplv<af fiifr* et tis (rrpaTuarris 
fiiJT* ef Tis dx€\€vOipov irais riy, iai- 
ypa^ey, uotc ipojcoalovs t6 K€0d\aiov 
a^(OP yevioOoA. 

ordnoB, a name applied to men freed 
in virtue of a will. lust. Inst. 2, 24, 2 
qui direcio tesiamenti liber esse iubeiur, 
ipsius tesiaioris fU liberiusy qui etiam 
orcinus appdlatur, 

dnalmB lectionibnB. In i^^^tMonumen- 
tum^ c. 8, Augustus says Senatum ter 
legi. The occasions were ( i ) In B. c. 29, 
when, finding the number had risen to 
I ooo,he induced 50 to resign, and expeiled 
140 others, acting with Agrippa [Dio 52, 
42]. (2) In B.c. 18, when he tried an 
elaborate system of selection by nomi- 
nating a certain number, who were to 
name others, who again were to name 
more, up to about 300; but the system 
breaking down he made up the list him- 
self to 600 [Dio 54, 13]. Suetonius, 
however, seems to reverse the order of 
these lectiones. (3)» In B.c. 11 [Dio 54, 




arbitratu, quo vir virum legit, secunda suo et Agrippae ; quo 
tempore existimatur loric& sub veste munitus ferroque cinctus 
praesedisse, decem valentissimis senatorii ordinis amicis sellam 
suam circumstantibus. Cordus Cremutius scribit, ne admissum 
quidem tunc quemquam senatorum nisi solum et praetemptato s 
sinu. Quosdam ad excusandi se verecundiam compulit 
servavitque etiam excusatis insign^ vestis et spectandi in 
orchestrS epulandique publice ius. Quo autem lecti pro- 
batique et religiosius et minore molestia senatoria munera 
fungerentur, sanxit, ut prius quam consideret quisque^ure ac 'o 
mero supplicaret apud aram eius dei, in cuius templo coiretur, 
et ne plus quam bis in mense legitimus senatus ageretur, 
Kal. et Idibus, neve Septembri Octobrive mense ullos adesse 

35]. Dio also mentions a fourth, in 
A.D. 3, but that was done through com- 
missioners {jtres Tnri), see c. 37 [Dio 55, 
13]. Mommsen, res^. p. 35, rejects the 
third of them. 

lorlca BUb yeste, *under his tunic/ as 
in the case of Cicero, Plut. Cic, 14 toO 
5i dwpaKOS iTlTTjdes hTi<f>aiM4 ri vapa- 

\l6ffaS iK TUV iafJMf TOV X^"^^^^^'"^^^ 

[54» i^] refers to the wearing of the 
lorica by Augustus, as owing to the dis- 
turbed state of the times, in B.c. 19 — 
18 t6v OcjpaKa ov (rtrb rj ffroXy iroXXaicis 
Kol is airrb rb ffvvidpiotf iffiuv etx^y. 

Ck>rdii8 CrematiuB [for similar inver- 
sion of names see Sall. /ug. 27; Tac. 
Agric, i\ Cremutius Cordus offended 
Sejanus by saying of the decree for 
putting up his statue in the restored 
theatre of Pompey, tunc vere theatrum 
perire^ Seneca ad Marciam (d. of Cre- 
mutius) 11 y 4. The pretext for his 
prosecution was that in his history of 
the civil war and the life and times of 
Augustus (irepi tC^v t(} A6yoi^q> vpax' 
OivTwv) he had praised Brutus and 
Cassius and spoken of them as ' the last 
of the Romans.' He ended his life by 
starvation. Dio 57, 24 ; Tac Ann. 34 
— 35 ; Suet. Tid. 61. According to 
Suetonius and Tacitus this compliment 
referred to Cassius alone, and is attri- 
but^ by Plutarch to Antony [Plut. 
Brut. 44]. The Senate ordered his 
works to be destroyed, but they were 
nevertheless secretly circulated,and were 
subsequently licensed again by Caligula 
[Suet. Cal. 16]. 

praetemptato sinu, lest a dagger 
should be concealed under the folds of 

the toga. Cp. Seneca de Clem. i, 9, i 
(of Augustus* plot against Antony) cum 
hoc aetatis esset quod tu nunc es...iam 
pugiones in sinum amicorum ahscon- 

ad ezcuBandi bo ▼erecundiam i.e. 'to 
resign.* In the lectio of B.c. 29 he induced 
certain senators to resign, and for those 
who did so he reserved certain honorary 
Senatorial distinctions, Dio 52, 42 r6 pi» 

•KpQiTOV TfVT^^KOVTd VOV hr€tff€V iOeXovTiis 

iKffTTJvai, Tov ffwedplov Kot aiT(3v ijTl- 

pjbiff€ piJiv otbiva. 

Benatoria munera fangerentnr. 
Roby § 1223. The later writers imi- 
tated the construction of the prae- 
Ciceronians. Cp. Tac. Ann. 3, 2 
magistratus Campani suprema erga me- 
moriam Germanici munerafungebantur. 

in cuius templo, Aul. Gell. 14, 7, 7 
(Varro) confirmaTnt, nisi in loco per 
augurem constituto, quod templum ap- 
pellaretur, senatus consultum factum 
essety iustum id non fuisse. Propterea 
et in Curia Hostilia et in Pompeia et 
post in lulia, cum profana ea loca fuis- 
sentt templa esseper augures constituta, 
ut in iis senatus consulta more maiorum 
iustafieri possent. 

Kal. et IdibuB. Suetonius does not 
mean that a meeting of the Senate could 
only be held on these days, but that on 
these days alone were meetings to be 
positively required by law, — legitimus 
senaius [for this meaning of legitimus 
cp. Cicero Verr. 2, 2, 128 mensis legiti' 
mus {ad comitia hahendc^\ It was to 
secure a minimum, not to limit the num- 
ber of meetings. This had become 
necessary because the tendency to shirk 




alios necesse esset quam sorte ductos, per quorum numerum 
decreta confici possent ; sibique instituit consilia sortiri 
semenstria, cum quibus de negotiis ad frequentem senatum 
referendis' ante tractaret. Sententias de maiore negotio non 
s more atque ordine sed prout libuisset perrggabat, ut perinde 

public duties was growing, Dio 55, 3 
rds r^s yepovffias (dpas iv ftttro^i iiJiUpais 
yiyifeffOai ^icAeuaev, — iTCid^ ykp oitbkv 
vpbTepov dKptpCos irepl a&rQv iriraKTO 
Kai Tives diii tovto iroXXdicis {KTTipi^ov B60 
PovXdiS Kard /iTjva Kvpias dTidet^cvt (Sore 
is a^rAj iTrdvayKeSy o(Js ye Kal 6 vdfios 
iKdXetf ffvfupoiTav, [See also for the 
slack attendance Cic. Q, Fr, 2, 12; 3, 
2; ad Att. 12, 40.] The regulation 
was maintained with some slight varia- 
tion as to the days in some of the 
months to the ^th century, see Momm- 
sen, C /. Z. I, 371. Originally it 
seems that the Senate often met daily 
or on any day on which the chief 
magistrate desired to consult it, with no 
regard to the distinction of diesfasti and 
nrfasti. Gradually, however, certain 
days became closed to it, — such as days 
of public mouming or days devoted to 
comitial business (though all dies comi- 
tiales were not so excluded), — and these 
days seem first to have been formally 
defined by the lex Papia (?B.c. 71) 
and the lex Gabinia (b.c. 67). See 
Caes. B. ctv, 1, 5; Aul. Gell. 14, 7; 
Willems, le Shtat, 2, pp. 149 — 151. 

Septembri OctoMye. The unwhole- 
some autumn, when the deadly auster 
prevailed, no doubt made it difficult to 
secure the presence of Senators. Horace, 
Epist. I, 7, 5; 16, 6; Sat, 2, 6, 18; 
luv. 4, 56; 6» 517; 14, 130. October 
also, as the time of vintage, was incon- 

per quomm. . .poBsent. The lex lulia 
(b.c. 9) named the minimum number of 
Senators necessary for passing senatus 
consulta of various kinds. Dio 55, 3 
Tbv T€ dptdfibv t6v is T^v K^pitifftv tQv 
doyp4,T<av dvayKaiov Ka0' ^Kaxrrov etSos 
a^Qv...8t€vofw0iT7fff€. The earliest in- 
dication of such a minimum which we 
have is in the SCtum de Bacchancdibus 
(b.c. 186) where 100 members are 
named as necessary for a decree of dis- 
pensation. In B.c. 172 the number 
required for a SCtum on the games 
vowed to Jupiter is mentioned as 150 
[Livy 42, 28]. In B.c. 67 (or 70) a 
plebiscitum of Comelius required the 
presence of 200 senators for a SCtum 


dispensing any one from the laws [As- 
conius in Cic. Corn, p. 58]. These 
numbers represent roughly a third of 
the whole. It seems also from many 
passages in Cicero^s letters that a defi- 
nite number were required for a SCtum 
for the designation of provinces \Att. 
5. ^; 5> \\fam. 8, 5; 8, 8; 8, 9], and 
in other matters, though the number re- 
quired in all cases is not known, a 
member might at any time demand a 
count (might say numera). See Cic. 
fam. 7, I ; 8, 11; Att. 5, 4. Festus,... 
*numera senatum* ait quivis senator 
consuli cum impedimento vult esse quo- 
minus faciat senatus consultum...Si tot 
non sint quo numero licet perscribi sena- 
tus consultum. If no such motion were 
made it seems that the smallness of the 
number did not hinder the passing of a 
SCtum. [Willems,/(f5Ajo/,2,p. 167—9.] 

consilia sortiri semenstria. This 
*privy council* or *cabinet* was no part 
of the constitution, but was a measure of 
convenience adopted only by Augustus 
and Tiberius. It was first established 
B.c. 27, consisting of the two consuls, 
one praetor, aedile, tribune and quaestor 
and 15 other senators, Dio 53, 21. In 
A.D. 13, when the Emperor*s age made 
attendance in the Curia painful, a similar 
council representing the Senate was em- 
powered to meet at his house, consisting 
of 20 Senators, with Tiberius, the consuls 
of the year, the Emperor's sons or grand- 
sons by nature or adoption, and such 
others as he might himself select. Dio 
55» ^8. 

8ententia8...perrogabat, 'on busi- 
ness of greater importance he passed 
the qucstion round, not according to 
precedent and in order of seniority, but 
as he pleased.* The old order had been 
{i) consu/ares, (2) praetorii, (3) aedilicii^ 
(4) tribuniciij (5) quaestorii. Of the 
consulares those who had been dictators 
or censors took precedence of all except 
the princeps Senatus, and the consuls 
designate (when there) came before all 
other consulares [Cic. 5 PhU. § 35]. 
But in the last century several innova- 
tions had crept in. In the first place 
the precedence of the censorii seems 




quisque animum intenderet ac si censendum magis quam 
adsentiendum esset. 
36 Auctor et aliarum rerum fuit, in quis: ne acta senatus 
Adminis- publicarentur, ne magistratus deposito honore statim 
trative in provincias mitterentur, ut proconsulibus ad mulos s 
reorms. ^^ tabernacula quae publice locari solebant certa" 
pecunia constitueretur, ut cura aerari a quaestoribus urbanis 
ad praetorios praetoresve transiret, ut centumviralem hastam 
quam quaesturam functi consuerant cogere decemviri cogerent. 

not to have been preserved, for Cicero is 
asked for his vote before Catulus [ad 
Att. ly 13]; and the presiding magistrate 
shewed his preference or dislike by call- 
ing on the consulares (provided always 
that he b^an with them) in what order 
he pleased, Gell. 14, 7, 9 novum morem 
institutum rrfert ( Varro) per ambitumem 
gratiamgue ut isprimus rogaretur, quem 
rogare vellet^ dum is tamen exgradu con- 
sulari esset, Thus Augustus in order to 
put a slight on Lepidus called on him 
last of the consulars \y<rT6.Ttfi tG>v {txaTcv- 
K&ruv Dio 54, 1 5], but not after the other 
orders. See Willems, ie S^nat^ 2, p. 180 
sqq. For perrogare, see Pliny £p. 6, 
22 perroguri eo die sententiae non po- 

adBentiendum, to assent, that is, to 
his seniors. 

36. ne aota. . .pablioaxentnr, revers- 
ing the measure of lulius, see on c. 6, 
p. 10. 

nemagl8tratu8...mltterentar. This 
was part of the arrangements made for 
the provinces in 6.C. 37, Dio 53, 14 
KOivjji di dif Toxnv airott dmjy^pevffe 
fATfddva irpb vivTt ^tQv fierd t6 4v tJ 
ir6X6i d/i^ai KXrfpoikrOai. It was a 
restoration of the rule laid down in 
Pompey's /ex de iure magistratuum [B.c. 
52, Dio 40, 56], which had been either 
repealed or ignored by lulius. 

admuloB...oonBtitueretur. Dio 53, 
15 t6 pAv ydp irdXai ipyo\a§ovvTh Ttves 
irapd Tov ttifjuxrlov irdvTa a<pl<n r& irp6s 
T^v dpxw ^povTa Tapeixov iirl Sc-di} 
Tov 'Kalaapos irpQTov airrol iKcivoi Taxrbv 
TL XafipdveiM 1lp^a»T0. Thus we hear 
of Ventidius Bassus (afterwards consui 
suifectus for B.c. 43) victum sese aegre 
qtmesisse eumque sordide invenisse com- 
parandis mulis ab vehiculis quae magis- 
tratibuSf qui sortiti promncias /orent^ 
prcubenda publice conduxisset, Aul. Gell. 
15, 4. This business however brought 
Bassus into the notice of Caesar, and 

must have been lucrative. The mules 
and vehicles formed part of the procon- 
sul^s vcuarium in the ornatio prffvinciae^ 
see Suet. Caes. 18; Cic. deleg. agr. 2, 
§32; inPis.%S6. 

ad praetorloe praetoresre. The 
management of the aerarium Satumi 
was lirst transferred by Augustus to 
praetorians with the title oipraefecti in 
B.C. 28 [Dio 53> 2 8i5o KaT* (tos iK T(av 
iffTpaTfrynK&nav aipeurSai iKiXevaeVy Tac. 
Ann. 13, 29 Augustus sencUui permisit 
deligere prcufectos\ In B.c. 23 two of 
the praetors of the year were assigned 
by lot to this office [Dio 53, 29; Tac. 
/. f.]. Claudius gave it back to the 
quaestors [Suet. Claud. 24; Tac. Ann, 
13» ^8]; but Nero once more appointed 
praetorian praefecti [Tac. l.c.\ Hence 
in an inscription of about B.c. 1 5 we hear 
of praetor aerarii [Wilmanns 11 24], 
but in the reign of Domitian and on- 
wards, of praefectus aerarii Satumi 
[Wilmanns 1150, 1152 — 3, 1162 etc.]. 

quaeotoreB urbani. The two quaes- 
tors who remained in Rome. As mana- 
gers of the aerarium they would give 
out contracts for buildings in Rome, ' 
Wilmanns 60P • servilio • l •antonio- 

COS • (B.C. 41) A • D • III K • SEXT • LOCA- 

eentnmylralem hagtani, *the cen- 
tumviral court,' Mart. 7, 63, 7 hunc 
miratur adhuc centum gravis hasta 
virorum. Gaius, Instit. 4, 16 festuca 
autem utebatur quasi hastae loco^ signo 
quodam iusti domini, quod ffiaxime sua 
esse credebant^ quae ex hostibus cepissent; 
unde in centummralibus iudiciis hasta 

quaeBturam ftmctl, for this con- 
struction see on c. 35, p. 80. 

deeemvlrl, sc. stlitibus iucUcandis^ 
Dio 54» 26 ol 8iKa ol ifrl tG>v diKo^mfpliav 
tQv is Tout iKaTbv dvipas K\i^povfJi4vu>v 
diroSeiKvijfjLevoi. This arrangement was 




Quoque plures partem administrandae rei publicae caperent, 37 
nova officia excogitavit : curam operum publicorum, viarum, 
aquarum, alvei Tiberis, frumenti populo dividundi, praefec- 
turam urbis, triumviratum legendi senatus, et alterum recog- 

made in B.a 13. Later on the Praetor 
summoned and presided over the court 
[Pliny Ep. 5, 9], and their numbers were 
increased to 180, who sat in three or 
four divisions [ib, 6, 33]. A list of the 
chief cases coming before the centum- 
viri is given by Cicero de Or, i, § 173. 

87. ciiram...alyei TlberlB. These 
things had been formerly the business 
of the Censors, Cic. de Leg. 3> § 7 ^^- 
sores urbis templa vias aquas aerarittm 
vectigalia tuento, The roads were first 
restored by rich Senators, Augustus 
himself undertaking the Flaminia [Dio 
53, 22]. Regular curatores however 
were afterwards appointed. The cura 
is a res ab imperatore delegata [Frontin. 
de aquis init.]. The new curae here 
mentioned, established in virtue of 
Augustus' censorial powers, were : 

(i) The ri/ra/K^r opemm publioonim. 
Hefirst appears inexisting inscriptionsas 


TVENDORVM [C. /. Z. 9, 3306J, and 
afterwards under various modifications 
curator aedium sacrarum et operum 
publicorum [Wilm. iii^a], operum 
locorumque publicorum [id. 636], operum 
publicorum [id. 1163, 11 86]. 

(2) vianim [id. 1124 viar*cvr> 
EXTRA • V • R • (about B.c. 1 1) : id. 1 137 


A.D. 31)], see Dio 54, 8, a6. 

(3) aqnamm. The first measures 
of restoration or extension of the water 
supply of Rome were those of Agrippa, 
who erected the Aqua lulia in B.c. 33 
and the Virgo in B.c. 19. But in B.c. 
1 1 a Senatus Consultum was passed for 
further restoration of rivi^ specus^for- 
nices...quos Augustus Caesar se refec- 
turum impensa sua senatui pollicitus 
esty aq. 125. Cp. M. A. c. 4 rivos 
aquarum compluribus iocis wtustate la- 
bentes refeci. In this ^rear the permanent 
cura aquarum was established, which 
often occurs in later inscriptions [see 
Wilm.'i2i8, 1220, 1230C]. 

(4) ahrei TilieTiB, see on c. 30. Au- 
gustus carried out the terminatio of B.c. 
8 himself, which had been begun by 
the consuls of that year [C, I. L. 6, 
1235 f. ; Kushf. pp. 26—29]. The 

r^til^i* appointment of curaiores seems 
however to date from a.d. 15 after a 
greatflood. Dio57, i^ir^vredcJ/SovXev- 
tAj «rXijpcoro^;, cp. Tac. Ann. 1 , 76. The 
office of curator alveiet riparum Tiberis 
continued to be of great importance 
and is frequently found among the 
honours of consulars in inscriptions 
[Wilm. 848, 1147], and mostly with the 
addition of cloacarum urbis^ as in the 
inscription in honour of the younger 
Pliny [Wilm. 1162, see also id. 850, 
1165, 1172]. 

(5) flnimenti divldimdl The office 
oi curatorfrumenti is found inan inscrip- 
tion in honour of C. Memmius, son of the 
consul for B.c. 34 [Wilm. 11 13]. The 
usual title in the succeeding period is 
praefectus frttmenti dandi ex s. c. 
[Wilm. II 23, 1132, 1139 etc.]. Dio 
54, I (b.C. 22) iKi\€v<r€ Bdo av5paf twp 
vpb irivT€ TTOV dcl irQv i<rrpaTfrpiKbrr(a» 
irpbs rijv rov alrov biavofji^v icaT* ^roj 
aipe7<r^a(. Augustus at a season of dearth 
himself undertook the curatio annonae, 
M. A. 5 (b.c. 22), which was a wider 
office than that of merely distributing 
com {frumentatio)f which he also did 
in B.C. 23. M. A. c. 15. 

praefeetnram utUb. Another in- 
stance of the use of old names in the 
new scheme of govemment. We hear 
oi^pratfectus urbis from regal times and 
in the early republic, appointed to per- 
form the urban duties of king or consul 
inhis absence, — holding elections [Livy 
I, 60; but vid. Dionys. 4, 84], summon- 
ing the Senate [Livy 3, 29 ; cp. Gell. 
14, 7, 4], administering justice [Livy 3, 
24]. With the appointment of a prae- 
tor, who stayed at Rome (b.c. 367) 
this became unnecessary, yet it was 
still kept up in the almost honorary 
appointment of some pontifex or young 
noble while the consuls were holding 
the Feriae Latinae [see Nicol. Dam. 
vit. Aug. 5; Suet. Ner. 7; Dio 41, 14; 
49, 42]. The essential feature was that 
the imperium of the praefectus was 
equal to that of the magistrate of whom 
he was a deputy. lulius appointed 
several [Suet. Ccus. 76 praefecti pro 
praetoribus^ Momms. Staatsr. 2, p. 351 
sq.]. Augustus, in virtue of his consular 





noscendi turmas equitum, quotiensque opus esset. Censores 
^ creari desitos longo intervallo creavit. Numerum 

Censors ** 

appointed praetorum auxit. Ex^it etiam, ut quotiens consu- 
B.C. 22. latus sibi daretur, binos pro singulis collegas haberet, 
nec optinuit, reclamantibus cunctis satis maiestatem eius s 
imminui, quod honorem eum non solus sed cum altero gereret. 

or other imperium availed himself of 
the now antiquated custom at irregu- 
lar intervals : (i) Maecenas, whether 
formally holding the title or no, per- 
formed the duties in b.c. 36 — 35 [Dio 
51, 16; cp. 52, 21]. (2) M. Yalerius 
Messala Corvinus was appointed (in B.c. 
25 according to Eusebius Ckron.), but 
only held it for 6 days [cp. Tac. Ann, 
6, 11]. (3) in B.c. 21 Agrippa for a 
time performed the duties of the office 
if he did not take the title [Dio 54, 6, 
11]. (4) in B.c. 16 Statilius Taurus was 
appointed (Maecenas being out of 
favour, and Agrippa in Syria, Dio 54, 
19). But it was not apparently till the 
reign of Tiberius that a permanent 
arrangement was made, — L. Calpumius 
Piso holding the office from a.d. 17 to 
A.D. 32 [Suet. Tt6, 42 ; Tac. Ann. 6, 
10 — 11]. The office thus established 
remained at any rate till the ^th century 
[Wilm. 641 ; 1223]. 

triumylratum. . . eqnltum. ( i ) For 
the special revisions of the Senate, see 
c. 35. From B.c. 9 it seems that the 
list was annually revised and put up on 
an album [Dio 55, 3], but in A.D. 4 at a 
lectio extraordinaria Augustus was as- 
sisted by a board of mree Senators 
selected by lot from 10 whom he named. 
Dio 55> 13 ^kKo. ^vXevriit ots fuDuaTa 
irlfia irpopa\6/x€vos Tpeis dir' a&rQif 
^^ercurrds diriBet^eif ots 6 kKripos etXeTOt 
cp. tV/. 52, 7. See Mommsen, resg. p. 

35- ^ 

(2) The equitest divided for politi- 

cal purposes into 1 8 centuries, were for 

ceremonial occasions organised in six 

squadrons or turmMy Tac. Ann. 2, 83; 

Pliny, N. H. 15, § 19. The triumviri 

employed by Augustus in the recognitio 

equitum [see below, c. 38, p. 86] are not 

mentioned elsewhere, and Suetonius 

seems to mean that they were not em- 

ployed except on special occasions 

\quotiensque opus essetj. 

oen8oreB...creavlt. From the dicta- 

torship of lulius there had been only 

one appointment of Censors (b.c. 42) 

and they had not acted [C. I. L. i , p. 

466]. Under Augustus the various 
censorial functions, the lectio senatus, 
the recognitio equitum^ iudicatioet termi- 
natio locorum publicorum, were exer- 
cised either by himself, now as consul, 
now as having consulare imperium, 
or by the consuls. This might be de- 
fended on constitutional grounds by the 
fact that the censorial powers had origi- 
nally belonged to the consulship ; if no 
Censors were appointed the old powers 
of the consuls revived. Augustus re- 
fiised to accept a life-censorship, and even. 
allowed two Censors to be elected in B.C. > 
22, who however did not exercise their ' 
functions [Dio 53, i koX t&tc di) 6 A(!f- 
yowTTOSy Koivep iKeiviav alpeOivTUVj iroXXd 
tQv tls odTods &vriK6vTuv firpa^e]. These -^ 
were the last private citizens to hold ; 
even nominally the office; Claudius and 
Vitellius both took the title and exer- ; 
cised the office [Suet. Claud. 16 ; Tac. ■ 
Ann. II, 48; 12, 4] as also did Ves- 
pasian and Titus [Suet. Vesp. 8; Tit. 
6]; but Domitian adopted the title of • 
censor perpetwusy and from that time 
the office, with its complete control 
over the Senate, became part of the 
imperial power [Dio 67, 4]. 

numerom praetorum. The r^Iar 
number of praetors up to the time of 
luliushad been eight ; he raised them to 
ten, fourteen, and sixteen [Dio 42, 51; 
43» 47 ; 49». 51]- Augustus apparently, 
finding the normal number eight, raised 
it to ten, but would not go beyond that. 
^io 53» 3* ffTpaTTiyoits 5^ica, 6s o^div 
(ti 7r\€i6v<av Se^ficvost cp. Vell. 2, 89. 
As the legati of the provinces were pro 
praetore by virtue of their appointment 
a large number oi praetorii were no 
longer needed. The two additional 
praetors were appointed to preside over 
the treasury. See on c. 36. He how- 
ever afterwards raised the number, or 
allowed it to be raised for once, to 
sixteen [Dio 56, 25; </|^. i, 2 § 32]. 

Mnoe. This would in fact have been 
to lower the consulship; for he would 
have wielded the real power, his cbl- 
leagues would have been omamental. 




Nec parcior in bellicS virtute honorandS, super triginta 38 

ducibus iustos triumphos et aliquanto pluribus trium- Su"mSi7 
phalia ornamenta decemenda curavit. 

Liberis senatorum, quo celerius rei publicae assuescerent, 
s protinus a virili toga latum clavum induere et curiae 
interesse permisit, militiamque auspicantibus non |^to^,s. 
tribunatum modo legionum, sed et praefecturas 
alarum dedit ; ac ne qui expers castrorum esset, binos plerum- 
que laticlavios praeposuit singulis alis. 

38. lnBtoB triumpboB ... coravit. 

This account is not consistent with 
what Suetonius himself says of the 
habits of Augustus as to military re- 
wards [c. 25], nor with his statement 
that the omamenta triumphalia were 
first granted to Tiberius for his German 
victories B.C. 15 — 9 [Suet. Tib, 9]. Nor 
again are anything like thirty triumphs 
recorded in the Fasti, even if all are 
counted after the death of lulius. After 
B.c. 30 in fact only seven triumphs are 
there recorded: M. Licinius Crassus 
ex Thraecis et Getis (b.c. 28) ; M. Va- 
lerius Messala Corvinus ex Gallia (6.c. 
27); Sex. A.^^v\t\vis ex Hispania {r,c, 
26) ; L. Sempronius Atratinus ex Afris 
(b.c. 21); L. Comelius Balbus ^^ ^^ij 
(b.c. 19); and two of Tiberius ^x Ger- 
t/ianis [B.c. 7; A.D. 12). To these may 
be added the triumph of C. Cassius de 
Morinis [Dio 51,21]. In fact Augustus 
seems to have been very chary of this 
honour, and interfered with triumphs 
voted to Tiberius in B.C. 12 [Dio 54» 31] 
and Drusus in B.c. ij [Dio 54, 35]; 
and Agrippa, who knew his master*s 
sentiments, persistently declined to ac- 
cept a triumph or even the ornamenta 
triumphalia [Dio 54, 11, 24]. But 
others were less scrupulous, and this last 
honour was somewhat easily bestowed 
..,tQ>v hk dXXb;!' Ttv^j oirx, Sri rA aifrd, 
aint} TTfAffffovTes, dXX* oi fUv X|^rAs 
ffvXXafi^dLvovTes ol di ir6\eis (rracrta^oi^- 
<ras JcaraX\<i(r<royr£f, koX iwup^yovTo tQv 
viKtiTyifAiav koL iire/jLTov a&rd. 6 ydp 
Ath/owFTos Kol Tavra dif>06vus Turl n^v 
ye Tpum^v ixdpii^eTo Kal dt^fJUHriaii Ta<f>aXs 
irXelffTovi Baovs iTlfia. The ornatnenta 
are enumerated in Livy 30, 15. 

liberlBsexiatonim. The tradition that 
Senators brought their sons with them 
into the curia is ridiculed by Polybius 
3, 20 ; referring it seems to the story of 
Papirius Praetextatus, said to have been 
narrated by the elder Cato [Gell. i, 23 ; 

Macrob. i, 6, 18]. It appears, how- 
ever, that they accompanied their 
parents, but remained at the open doors 
as the plebeian tribunes had ori^nally 
done [Valer. Max. 2, i, 9; Willems, 
le Sinaty 2, p. 163]. 

It is to be observed in regard to this 
privilege granted by Augustus to the sons 
of Senators that, though they were not 
senators, they nowbelonged (as far as the 
3rd degree) to the ordo senatorius : dig, i , 
9, 10 liberos senatorum accipere debemus 
non tantum senatorum jiliost verum 
omnes qui geniti ex ipsis exve iiberis 
eorum dicantur. Thus we hear hence- 
forth of iuventus utriusque ordinis 
[Suet. Tib. 35], of a man senatorii ordi- 
nis qui nondum honorem capessisset 
[Tac. Ann. 13, 25], whereas in the 
mouth of Cicero hic ordo [2 Phil. § 2] 
is only another expression for the 
Senate, and ordo senatorius [pro Flacc. 
§ 43] is the *rank of Senator.* 

a Tirill toga, see on c. 8. 

latam claYum...ali8.. According to 
this arrangement of Augustus there were 
two courses open to a man wishing 
to arrive at the Quaestorship and so 
to Senatorial rank. (i) Civil, — ^byserv- 
ing one of the offices included in the 
vigintivirate, i.e. iiiviri capitales^ xmri 
stlitihus iudicandis^ iiiviri monetales^ 
iwiri viis in urbe purgandis [Dio 54, 
26; Tac. Ann. 11, 29; Ovid, Tr.\^ 10, 
29 — 36]. (2) Military, — in which the 
steps were (i) praefectus or tribunus 
cohortisy (2) praefectus alae or tribunus 
legionis\6\Mt\,. Claud. 25]. But a mem- 
ber of the senatorius ordo began where 
the eques left off, i.e. as tribunus legio- 
nis laticlavius. This was what Sueto- 
nius means by mllltlani atuifkicantilraB, 
*serving in the army for the first time,* 
with a view to obtaining office and 
admission to the Senate : cp. Seneca Ep, 
47 § 10 Varianaclade multos splendidis- 
sitfu natost senatorium per militiam 





Equitum turmas frequenter recognovit, post longam inter- 
capedinem reducto more travectionis. Sed neque 
£^uites. detrahi quemquam in travehendo ab accusatore passus 
est, quod fieri solebat, et senio vel aliqua corporis 
labe insignibus permisit, praemisso in ordine equo, ad respon- 5 
dendum quotiens citarentur pedibus venire; mox reddendi 
equi gratiam fecit eis, qui maiores annorum quinque et triginta 
retinere eum nollent; impetratisque a senatu decem adiu- 

€Uispicantes gradumf fortuna depressit; 
Dio67, 1 1 v€o»UrKOi\oi6\vo% KaXoi^adTpot 
/cexiXca^i^KCtfs ^ povXelas iXrlSoL, Some 
confosion however is caused by these 
laticlaini being spoken of loosely as 
equites until they had attained the 
Senate, which was not their official 
designation, see Dio 55, 2 {nrb rtav 
linriwv rSnf re ii Hfv IxvdSa djcpifi&s 
TcKo^Tun^ Ktd tQv ix tov PovXcvtikov 
yivovs 6vTiav. [For the laticlavii tri- 
buniy see Suet. Dom, lo; Wilmanns 
II 76, II 81, 1186 etc, — ^from which it 
appears that the laticlavii usually served 
the civil as well as the military ofBce 
before attaining the Quaestorship, as 
according to Dio [54, 26] was obligatory 
on equites from B.c. 13. The opposite 
of laticlavius was angusticlaviust Suet. 
Oth, 10.] 

e4iiitum...trayeetioxii8. There were 
two ceremonies connected with the 
equites in ancient times: (i) the tra- 
vectio^ held annualiv on the Ides of July 
[Livy 9, 46; Valer. Max, 2, 2, 9; 
Dionys. 6, 13]; (2) The recognitio 
equitum, held periodically by the Cen- 
sors [Livy 38, 28; 39, 44]. The latter 
had fallen into neglect with the decay 
of the Censorship, and Augustus in 
reviving it combined it with ihetravectio, 
establishing an annual probatio equitum 
[i^iTOjins Dio 55, 31]. This applied, 
not to all who possessed the census 
equester^ but to those of that order who 
had the equus publicus, — granted now 
and henceforth by the Emperor in virtue 
of his censorial powers. See Ovid, Tr. 
2, 89 (cp. 241) 

At memini vitamque meam moresque 


illOf quem dederas^ praetereuntis equo, 

But though the Emperors retained this 

right [Dio 53, 17], their exercise of it 

was fitful and intermittent, see Suet. 

7^^.41 ; Claud. 16; Calig. 16; Lamprid. 

Alex. Sev. 15. These equites equo 

publico^ still divided into 18 centuriae for 

politicsil duties, were for ceremonial 

purposes organised in six turmae^ com- 
manded by seviri [Tac. Ann. 2, 83; 
Wilmanns 1220, 1619 etc.]. 

ab aoooBatore, as in the old cen- 
sorial reviews. 

et 8e]iio...peniii8it. In the republi- 
can reviews each knight passed the 
censor leading his horse by the bridle 
[Plut. Pomp. 22; Valer. Max. 4, i, 10]; 
but in these imperial reviews the knights 
apparently rode past, and it was there- 
fore a special act of grace to allow one 
incapable of riding from age or corpu- 
lence to approach on foot, whilst send- 
ing his horse on by some attendant. 
Such a man had formerly been allowed 
to give up his horse, which, though 
properly a relief and not an ignominia 
[Aul. Gell. 6, 22], was yet at times 
treated as such, as for example by Cato 
[Festus s.v. statcC\. 

mox red(leiidi...nollent 'later on to 
those who, being over 35 years of 
age, did not wish to retain their horse, 
he granted a dispensation from form- 
ally surrendering it,* i.e. he allowed 
them to remain equites^ without appear- 
ing at the ceremonial procession, and 
without apparently being liable to be 
elected into the Senate if they had the 
requisite senatorial census. The mea- 
sure seems to be that referred to by 
Dio 54, 26 Twv vjckp xivTt koX TpidKOV- 
ra (tti yeyov&nav ovk iiroKvirpayiUivvi<r€y 
Toifs de ivTbt tc ttjs ipUKlas rajJnys ovTas 
Kol t6 Tlfirip.a ^ovras povXcwrat Kartf- 
vdyKaffc, x^^P^^ 4 ^^ ^'^ dvdxi^pos rjv (in 
theyearB.c. 13), cp. t^.c.^o. Itwasdiffi- 
cult to get enough men willing to serve in 
the Senate, and equites rather than do 
so would abjure their equestrian rank 
(equum reddere). Accordingly Augustus 
granted an exemption after 35, but 
compelled those under that age to be 
ready to serve as senators (if properly 
qualified), and, as it seems, to appear in 
the yearly procession as a sign of their 
eligibility. It is apparently this dis- 
pensation of which Ovid availed himself 




toribus, unum quemque equitum rationem vitae reddere coegit 39 
atque ex inprobatis alios poena, alios ignominia notavit, plures 
admonitione, sed varia. Lenissimum genus admonitionis fuit 
traditio coram pugillarium, quos taciti et ibidem statim lege- 

5 rent ; notavitque aliquos, quod pecunias levioribus usuris 
mutuati ' graviore foenore coilocassent. Ac comitiis 40 

tribuniciis si deessent candidati senatores,ex equitibus 
R. creavit, ita ut potestate transacta, in utro vellent ordine 
manerent. Cum autem plerique equitum attrito bellis civilibus 

10 pettrimonio spectare ludos e quattuordecim non auderent metu 
poenae theatralis, pronuntiavit non teneri ea, quibus ipsis 
parentibusve equester census umquam fuisset. 

to avoid the Senate [7r. 4, 10, 35 curia 
restabat ; clavi tnensura coacta est ; 
tnaius erat nostris viribus illud (mus\ 
But Claudius [c. 24] semUoriam dig- 
nitcUem recusantibus equestrem quoque 
ademit. For flEUiere gratiain see on ch. 
1 7 . Mommsen {StcuUsr. vi^ p. 88 note ( i ) ] 
points out that it must mean * exempt ' 
and not *permit,' and that therefore 
nollent must be changed to mcUlent^ or 
retinere be taken to refer only to the 
retaining of the horse in the procession, 
not to the equestrian rank. 

39. raUonem vltae reddere. The 
investigation by these senatorial xviri 
preceded the procession. The public 
stigma of rejection at the review was 
thus avoided except in special cases. 
See Cal, 16 pcUam adempto equo quibus 
aut probri cUiquid aut ignominiae in- 
essety eorum qui minore culpa tenerentur 
nominibus modo in recitatione praeter- 
itis, For such an enquiry see Macr. ScU, 

3» 4» «5- 
sed varia, 'and that too of different 

degrees of severity.' For Bed = ica2 

raOra (nearly) see c. 74. 

pugillares (or adj. pugUlares cerae)^ 
small waxed tablets or memorandum 
books, used especially for noting down 
iirst thoughts or ideas. Suet. Ner. 52 ; 
Plin. Ep, I, 6, I. Made of wood 
[Mart. 10, 4, 3], of ivory[k/.5], of parch- 
ment [id, 7]. They might perhaps be 
given without exciting particular remark. 

quod peconias . . . coUocassent. This 
mode of making profit (though at the 
root of the modern system of banking) 
seems to have been regarded as speci- 
ally discreditable. Cf. Vesp, 16 nego- 
ticUioncs quoqne vel privato pudatdas 
propalam exercuU^ coemendo quaedam. 

tantum ut pluris postea distraheret, For 
coUocare of investing money cp. Tib, 
48 cum sanxisset ut foenercUore»' duas 

partes patrimonii in solo coUocarent, 
Tac. Ann. 6, 23. 

40. BideeB8ent...8exiatores. See on 
ch. 10, p. 20. ita ut...manerent, 'with 
the privilege of remaining either senator 
or eques at the expiration of their office.' 
If a man was not already a Senator, 
the Tribuneship made him a life- 
member. But for various reasons men 
avoided such membership. Dio 54, 26 
o^X ^^^^ o^ di^eirotoOvro roxi ^ovXeu- 
TiKoO d^i(t>fuiTOSf dXXd Kal xpoaKaTeiXe- 
yfUvoi Tjdri i^wfivwTo. The perpetual tri- 
buniciapotestas of the Emperor rendered 
the tribunate no longer an object of 
desire, and it was necessary to force the- 
ex-quaestors to draw lots as to who 
should undertake the duty, Dio l,c. iyf/Ti- 
if>lffdrj &a, eireidij fArjSels iri ^dltas T^y 

• driftapx^ V^ft» «X^PV Tives ix tQv rcra- 
fU€VK6T<av...Ka$iffT<avTai; then to allow 
those of senatorial fortune who took it 
not to remain in the Senate [id, 54, 30], 
and finally to aliow all equites to hold 
it without previous ofhce [id, 56, 27]. 

e qnattuordecim. The lex Roscia 
theatralis [b.c. 68, Livy ep, 99; Hor. 
Ep, I, I, 62 ; luv. 3, 155] had a special 
clause referring to those equites who 
had become bankrupt [Cic. 2 Phil, 
§ 44]. The lex luiia theatraiis '[Plin, 
N,H, 33, § 32], while defining apparently 
more strictly the qualification admitting 
to the seats, abolished the clause as to 
bankrupts. Domitian, finding the law 
evaded, made still more stringent regu- 
lations on the snbject. See Suet. Dom, 
8; Martial 5, 8, 14, 24; 8, 5. 
ipais parentilmsye. Under Tiberius 




Populi recensum vicatim egit, ac ne plebs frumentationum 

Census ^ausa frequentius ab negotiis avocaretur, ter in 

frumen' annum' quaternum mensum tesseras dare destinavit ; 

*^' sed desideranti consuetudinem veterem concessit 

rursus, ut sui cuiusque mensis acciperet. Comitiorum quoque s 

pristinum ius reduxit ac multiplici poen"a coercito 

ambitu, Fabianis et Scaptiensibus tribulibus suis die 


in A.D. 2 1 the ius anuli (the distinctive 
mark of the ordo equester) was con- 
fined to one qui ingenuus ipse, patre^ 
avo paterno HScccc census fuisset et lege 
lulia theatrcUi in xiv ordinidus se- 
dissett Pliny /. r., a tightening up of 
the regulation in the opposite direction 
to the measure of Augustus. 

tenerl ea, sc. poena^ cp. Cic. Q, F, 2, 
3, 5 ut ea poena quae est de vi tene- 

populi reoensaxn . . . egit, * he dre w up a 
revised list of the people by vici,' or per- 
haps *street by street. ' This was for the 
purpose of making out a list of the citi- 
zens actually residing in Rome entitled 
to share in the frumentatio, and must not 
be confounded with the census of all citi- 
zens (see c. 27). Cp. Suet. luL 41 re- 
censum populi nec more nec loco solitOy sed 
vicaiim per dominos insularum egit at' 
que ex viginti trecentisque milibus accipi- 
entium frumentum e publico ad centum 
quinquaginta retrcucit. Yet, if we may 
trust his epitomator, Livy seems to have 
confusedthis reviewof luliuswith a regu- 
lar census [ep, 115], though the number 
given (150,000) is manifestly absurd as 
referring to all cives at that time. The 
yroxApopulus in this connexionhas its old 
meaning of the * people of Rome' strictly 
speaking, cp. p. 94. The lex lulia muni- 
cipalis imposed a penalty on the giving 
of corn to any whose names were on 
the property-returns lists. See Bruns, 
fontes, p. 102. 

tesBeras. The tickets or tallies en- 
titling the holders to their portion of 
the corn. Pers. 5. 73 libertate opus est 
non hac qua^ ut quisque Velina Fubli' 
cis emeruity scabiosum tesserula far pos- 
sidet. The tally was apparently some- 
times transferred to another for a price 
[luv. 7, 174], which was possible be- 
cause the tessera bore no name of 
recipient, but only a number, see speci- 
men in Orelli 3360 Ant, Aug. Lib. ii 
(on one side), Fru, N, LXi (on the 
other), i.e, AntoniniAug, liberalitcLS ii, 
Frumentum numero LXI. 

oomitioram...pri8tinum ins. The 
restoration of the regular forms of the 
comitia refers to innovations introduced • 
by lulius, who nominated the consuls 
and half the other magistrates himself, 
lul, 41, though the form of election 
seems to have been gone through, the 
dictator issuing recommendatory notices 
. . . Caesar dictcUor illi tribui, Commendo 
vobis illum et i/lum, ut vestro suffragio 
suam dignitatem teneant, But though 
Augustus professed to leave the comitia 
free, and really did so in some cases, 
his nominations were still all-powerful. 
I^io 53, 21 6 re dijfjLos 4i rds dpxou,p€<rlai 
Kal t6 TrXijdos ad ffwcKiyero ' oi> fjAvTOi 

Kal iirp6.TT€Tb Tl d fJLTJ KOX iKclpifi TfpeffKtV, 

Toi>s yow Ap^opTas toi>s /x^p a^bs iKXeyb- 
fievos irpoc/SdXXero, roi>s di iTrl r<^ $i^/u^ 
T(} Te 6fd\<fi KaTd t6 dpx^-^ov iroioOfJi.evoi 
iTrefieXeiTo Sirtas /ii^' dveiriTi^eioi fjLTfT* ck 
TrapaKe\ej6<re(as TJ Kal deKturfioO dvoBeLKvi- 
uvTai, One of the first acts of Tiberius 
was to put an end to the farce and 
transfer the elections to the Senate. 
Tac. Ann, i, 15 tum primum e campo 
comitia ad patres translata sunt ; nam 
ad eam diem^ etsi potissima arbitrio 
principisy quaedam tamen studiis tri- 
buum fiebant, Caligula made a vain 
attempt to restore them \€cU. 16]. 

coercito ambitu. Penalties for bri- 
bery were already enforced by numerous 
laws. The lex lulia (B.c. 18) seems to 
have really been less severe, for it only 
excluded the guilty party from office for 
five years. Dio 54, 16 6 5' Au^owrros 
AXXa Te ivofiodiT7f<re Kal roi/s 5eKd<ravTds 
Twas iirl Tais dpxais is irivTe inf aifTiav 
etp^v. Augustus avoided prosecutions 
for bribery, but in B.C. 8 made a regula- 
tion whereby candidates for office de- 
posited a sum of money, to be forfeited 
m case they were found guilty of ambi- 
tus, Dio 55, 5. 

tribiilibns. In spite of all laws a 
certain payment to the members of a 
man's own tribe seems to have been a 
matter of course. See lul. 19. For 
other favours to tribesmen more or less 







comitiorum, ne qjiid a quoquam candidato desiderarent, singula 
milia nummum a se" dividebat. 

Magni praeterea existimans sincerum atque ab omni 
colluvione peregrini ac servilis sanguinis incorruptum 
5 servare populum, et civitatem Romanam parcissime tions on 
dedit et manumittendi modum terminavit. Tiberio ^^^- 


pro cliente Graeco petenti rescripsit, non aliter se 
daturum, quam si praesens sibi, persuasisset, quam iustas 
petendi causas haberet; et Liviae pro quodam tributario 
lo Gallo roganti civitatem negavit, immunitatem optulit affir- 
mans, facilius se passurum fisco detrahi aliquid, quam civitatis 
Romanae vulgari honorem. Servos non contentus multis 
difficultatibus a libertate et multo pluribus a libertate iusta 

within the law, see Horace Ep. i, 
13» '5; Cicero pro Planc, § 47; pro 
Mur, § 73. 

Fabianls et Scaptiensibiis. Augustus 
belonged to the Fabian tribe as an 
adopted member of \\\&gens lulia. The 
tribus Fabia was one of the 17 most 
ancient rural tribes, and named, as ail the 
earliest were, from some man or herd, 
not from a locality [Hor. Ep, i, 6, 52; 
C, J. L, 3, 4029, 451 1]. The trtbus 
Scaptia (to which Augustus had apparent- 
ly belonged as an Octavius) was added in 
B.c. 332, and named from a Latin town 
of uncertain site [Livy 8, 17; Pliny 
iV. ^ 3 § 68; Dionys. Hal. 5, 4]. 

nommum, c. 46 fin. a 8e=^^ suo^ 
luL c. 19; Cic. Att. 5, 21, II homines 
non tnodo fwn recusare sed etiam hoc 
dicere, se a me solvere ; quod enim prae- 
tori^dare consuessent, quoniam ego non 
acceperam, se a me quodam modo dare. 
So a me dedi Plaut. 7>. i, 2, 145; but 
de suo offerd)at c. 45; de vostro vivite 
Plaut. Truc. 5, 61 ; de mea pecunia id. 
Men, 2, 2, 17 ; de suo datur Sen. Ben, 

7. 4» i- 
al)...incorraptum. For o^, indicating 

that from which a thing is preserved or 

protected, cp. Cicfam, 13, 50 Curium 

aJ) omni incommodo detrimento molestia 

sincerum iniegrumque conservare. The 

foreign elements in Rome are frequently 

commented on ; cp. Luc. 7, 404 nullo- 

que frequentem \ cive suo Romamy sed 

mundi faece repletam, luv. 3, 61 — 3. 

Augustus in restricting the extension of 

the civitas was reversing the policy of 

his uncle, who granted it to the whole 

l^ion Alauda [Suet. lul, 24], to all 

medical men and professors of fine arts 
\ib, 42], as weil as to many individual 
Gauls \ib. 76]. Antony appears to have 
carried on the policy still more liberally 
[Cic. 2 Phil. § 92], nor did Augustus 
him.self refuse the extension of the civi- 
tas in certain cases [ch. 47]. He how- 
ever became aiarmed at the mixed state 
of the population, and left it among the 
posthumous charges to his successor to 
be sparing in such grants, Dio 56, 33, 
/U17T' au ii Ti]v TToXiTeiay ffvxvoif^ iffypd- 
0(iMr(, tva iroXi) rb didipopov alrrois irpos 
ToOs uiny/c6oi;s J. 

flsco. Suetonius here uses the word 
to mean the Emperor^s treasury as op- 
posed to the aerariumi though it seems 
probable that the word was not used in 
that sense as early as the time of Augus- 
tus. The distinction however was begun 
in practice, and into ihe Jiscus went the 
tributum from imperial provinces, and 
it accordingly suffered by a provincial 
becoming a civiSf and thereby escap- 
ing the iributum, The two treasuries 
were both practically under the control 
of the Emperor (though the aerarium 
was nominally under the Senate), and 
Dio professes that he is unable to 
distinguish clearly between them, see 
55, 16 X67V pjbf ydp tA 5t} fjt^ui dwb tG>v 
iKclPov dtreKiKpiTo, (py(p 5i Kal Tavra 
TTpds T^v yvdiifji.riv airrov dvrjXlffKCTOf cp. 
ib, 22. See p. 31. 

senroB . . .adipisceretur. The regula- 
tions of Augustus as to manumission 
were contained in the /ex Aelia Sentiay ^ 
A.D. 4; and the lex Fui>ia Caninia T 
^ Dj 8 r By the first, among other things, *^ 
if the manumittor was under 20 or the -^ o 



[40 — 

removisse, cum et de numero et de conditione ac differentia 
eorum qui manumitterentur curiose cavisset, hoc quoque 
adiecit, ne vinctus umquam tortusve quis uUo libertatis genere 
civitatem adipisceretur. 

Etiam habitum vestitumque pristinum reducerc s 
drX" studuit, ac visa quondam pro contione pullatorum 
* turba, indignabundus et clamitans: En Romaftos, 
rierufn dofninos, gentemque togatam! negotium aedilibus dedit, 
ne quem posthac paterentur in foro circove nisi positis 
lacernis togatum consistere. i 

41 Liberalitatem omnibus ordinibus per occasiones frequenter 


manumitted under 30, or if the slave 
had been punished for a crime, fuU 
rights {libertas tusia) could not be ob- 
tained. By the second a testator was 
prevented from manumitting by will 
more than afixed proportion of hisslaves. 
See Dio 55, 13; Gaius /«j/, i; 6, 
iS;7>27. yinctiu tortiunre. Suchmen 
occupied the position of iheperegrini de- 
diticiif — * pessima liberias eorum . . . nec 
ulla lege aut senatus consulto i//is ad 
Romanam civitatem datur^ lust. Inst. 
I, 5, 3. The difference between any li- 
liertas and a luBta libertas generally 
arose from the mode of manumission. 
The r^;ular method was that per vin- 
dictam before the praetor; less formal 
were inter amicos, per viensam^ per 
epistolam^ and in these cases the position 
of the emancipated was dubious, and 
his patronus had at least a lien on his 

pullatoniiiL, i.e. wearing the lacema 
(orpallium) which was dark, infr. c. 44 ; 
cp. Mart. 4, 1, I : 
spectabat modo solus inter omnes 
nigris munus Horatius lacernis^ 
cum plebs et minor ordo maximusque 
sancto cum duce cafididus sederet: 
toto nix cecidit repente coelo^ 
albis spectat Horatius lacemis, 
The knights, as a mark of respect to 
Claudius in the theatre, lacernas de- 
ponuntf Suet. Claud, 6. To wear the 
toga in a law court marked the civis 
from the peregrinus^ id, Claud, 15; 
Pliny Ep, 4, 11. And to appear in 
public places without the toga had long 
been thought indecorous for a man of 
rank. Thus it was objected to Africanus 
in Sicily, cum pcUlio crepidisque in 
gymnctsio inambulare [Livy 29, 19I; 
and to Antony by Cicero that he went 

through the cdoniae of Gallia Cisalpina 
cum Gallicis et lacernis [a Phil. § 76]. 
Augustus looked on the habit of shirk- 
ing the t(^a as a sign of the decadence 
of Roman feeling and dignity. But the 
tendency was too strong for him. We 
constantly hear of its disuse, — luv. i, 

119*1 .^* '7^' ''' ^^4' Martial i, 49, 
31; 12, 18, 17; and Hadrian had to 
renew the same order, Spart. Hadr, 22 
senatores et equites semper in publico 
togatos esse iussit, nisi si cena reverte- 

BomanoB...togatam. Veig. Aen, i, 

in foro ciroove. . .ooiuifltere, * to stand 
about in forum or circus.' The pro- 
hibition apparently did not apply to 
those who passed through either one or 
the other elsewhere. But they were not 
to appear there for business or to lounge 
about with the lacema, Cp. Hor. S, i , 
6, lA^fallacem circum vespertinumque 
pererro Saepe forum, For confiiBtere 
cp. Sen. de vit, beat, 214 ista quae spec- 
tantur, ad quae consistitur, Roth for- 
merly read circave^ but restored circove 
(which has good MS. authority) from Ly- 
dus de mag. R, i, 12 Ibbvra ydp 0i7<n 
t6i^ Aih/ovffTOP iv Iwodpofdi^ rivas T<a» 
*F(afJMl<aif iirl rb ^ap^apiKdv iffroKfUvovs 
dyavaKTrjffaif k.t,\. 

41. UberaUtatem...ezliibult. The 
author of the appendix to the Monu- 
mentum reckons the benefactions of 
Augustus as in round numbers HS 
2,400,000,000, about equivalent to twenty 
millions sterling. In cc. 15 — 17 of the 
Afonumentum Augustus gives ihe de- 
tails, but as he also states only the mini- 
mum number of recipients in some cases, 
we only get a rough total after all. They 




exhibuit. Nam et invecta urbi Alexandrino triumpho regia 
gaza tantam copiam nummariae rei effecit, ut foenore 
deminuto plurimum agrorum pretiis accesserit, et foctiaas^ 
postea quotiens ex damnatorum bonis pecunia super- 
5 ilueret, usum eius gratuitum iis qui cavere in duplum possent 
ad certum tempus indulsit Senatorum censum ampliavit ac 
pro octingentorum milium summa duodecies HS taxavit, 

(i) Distributed to at least 250,000 citi- 

(a) B.C. 43, ex testamento 
patrisy 300 HS apiece ... 75,000,000 
(3) B.c. 29, ex manibiist 
400 HS apiece 100,000,000 

(c) B.c. 24, congianum^ 

400 HS apiece 100,000,000 

(d) B.c. 12, congiarium^ 

400 HS apiece 100,000,000 

(2) B.c. 5 to 320,000 citi- 

zens, 240 HS apiece ... 76,000,000 

(3) B.c. 2 to 200,000 citi- 

zens, 240 HS apiece ... 48,000,000 

(4) B.C. 29 to military colo- 

nies, ex manibiis 1 20,000,000 

(5) B.c. 30 and 15 to Ital- 

ians for lands for soldiers 600,000,000 

(6) B.c. 30 and 15 to Pro- 
vincials for lands for 

soldiers 260,000,000 

(7) allowances to disbanded 
soidiers, B.c. 7 — 2 400^000,000 

(d) four subventions to the 

aerarium publicum 150,000,000 

(9) to the aerarium mili- 

tare 170,000,000 

The first four items give a minimum. 
Besides this he provided in B.c. 23 for 
the 12 monthly distributions of com 
(/rumentationes) ; and after B.c. 18 he 
at different times gave relief to numbers 
of provincials(sometimes 100,000, some- 
times more), by distributing tesserae, 
entitling them to corn or exemption 
from tribute in times of distress, the value 
of which tesserae he made good to the 
treasury : M.A. 17 (this passage of the 
Monumentum is defective, especially in 
the Latin). For instance in B.c. 12 
the province of Asia was visited by 
serious earthquakes, and Dio [54, 30] 
says that he paid the whole year^s tri- 
bute into the treasury, which is reckoned 
at 96,000,000 HS (4000 talents). 

Saia, the royal treasure of the Ptole- 
mies in gold, silver and jewels. The 

immediate effect of this enormous influx 
of gold is described by Dio [51, 21]... 
Tri.vra a re a&rbs wf>€iK4 rww dir48fttK€ 
KoX a dXXoi 4iruK/>€i\ov odK iffifrpa^ev.,. 
TOffovTO yh.p t6 irX^^os T(av xPVf^Ttav $td 
xdmfs 6fioi(as tijs iroXeuts ^w/nio-c» uiaTe 
T^L fi^y KTT^fiaTa 4iriTLfiri$Ti»ait rd 8i 
BavelfffiaTa &yair7jTws ifrl dpaxf^i 
irpoT€pov 6vTa totc iirl r^ rpiro- 
fiopl(p aifTTJs yeviffdai, Money was 
so plentiful that prices went up and 
interest sank from 12 to 4 p.c. 

In du]iliim. The u^ual terms on 
which a gratuitous State loan was made, 
see Tac, Ann, 6, 23 donec tuiit opem 
Caesar,..fa£ta mutuandi copia sifu u- 
suris per triennium^ si deditis populo in 
duplum praediis ccpvisset, The usus or 
usufructus of money, like that of pro- 
perty, is opposed to ownership. 

Benatomm cenBam...tazaylt. Wil- 
lems \U Sinat i, 189 — 192] has satis- 
factorily shown that there was hitherto 
no legal Senatorial census, although in 
the later period of the Republic, a certain 
amount of property was looked upon as 
necessary for a Senator [Cic. adfam, 13, 
5 § 2]. Augustus first made a certain 
census legally necessary for eligibility to 
office, and therefore to the Senate. Sue- 
tonius here puts the minimum at 800,000 
sesterces, i.e. double the ordinary eques- 
trian census, and says that he afterwards 
raised it to 1,200,000, or the census of 
three knights. This is perhaps partly 
confirmed by luv. 14, 326 sume duos 
equites, fac tertia -qucuiringenta, . But 
Dio says that the first arrangement was 
an equestrian census, 400,000, after- 
wards raised to 1,000,000. See 54, 17 
t6.s t€ «{^xo-s aaraai Tois 8iKa fivpMwv 
oMaif ix^^*' "^^ ^PX^^ 4k twv v6fuav 
8vvafUvois ivayyiXKeiv iTrirpe^^ev, Toa- 
ovTov y6.p t6 Pov\€vtik6v TlfMffM rifv 
frpumfv ctvai ^o^ck, iireiTa Koi is irivT€ 
KoX €tKwn fwpidSas irpoi^aye, cp. id, 26. 
(The money in Dio is reckoned in de- 
narii, and must be multiplied by 4 to 
state it in sestertii.) Mommsen [Staatsr, 




supplevitque non habentibus. Congiaria populo frequenter 
dedit, sed diversae fere summae: modo quadringenos, modo 
trecenos, nonnumquam ducenos quinquagenosque nummos ; 
ac ne minores quidem pueros praeteriit, quamvis nonnisi ab 
undecimo aetatis anno accipere consuessent. Frumentum 5 
quoque in annonae difficultatibus saepe levissimo, interdum 
nullo pretio viritim admensus est tesserasque nummarias 
42 duplicavit Sed ut salubrem magis quam ambitiosum prin- 
cipem scires, querentem de inopia et caritate vini populum 
severissima coercuit voce, satis provisum a genero suo Agrippa 10 
perductis pluribus aquis, ne hontines sitirent, Eidem populo 
promissum quidem congiarium reposcenti, bonae se fidei esse 
respondit ; non promissum autem flagitanti turpitudinem et 
impudentiam edicto exprobravit affirmavitque, non daturum 

2, p. 148] prefers the statement of Dio, 
(i) because of another passage [54, 30] 
in which he says that tribunes were 
elected from equites with senatorial 
census [iK tG>v Ivtt^uv tuw fJLrj iKaTTov 
Tr4vT€ Kal etKOffi fwpiaJSas KeKTTifiivwvl, (2) 
because of the frequent instances of im- 
perial donations of 1^000,000 HS to en- 
able a man to be a Senator, see Tac.^»;i. 
I» 75 J Mart. i, 103 ; (3) because of the 
custom of fixing the dowers of ladies of 
high rank at the same sum, with a view 
of securing the husband the Senatorial 
census, Tac. Ann. 2, 37 ; luv. 6, 137 ; 
'o, 335 ; Mart. 2, 65 ; Seneca ConsoL 
12, 6. Still we must note that as a 
minimum only had to be made up, and 
as these persons were not likely to have 
nothing of their own, this last argument 
is not decisive. 

duodedes HS. The reading sestertio 
is probably a wrong representation of 
the symbol HS. It often occurs in 
classical texts to suit the construction, 
as Nep. Att, 14 in centics sestertio. It 
is more probable that we ought to write 
sestertiiim in all cases, the whole expres- 
sion standing as an indeclinable sub- 
stantive. See Ramsay R.A. p. 472. 

BuppleYit. See Suet. Nero 10 ; Vesp, 
1 7 ; Spart. Hctdr, 7 Senatoribus qui 
non vitio suo decoxerant^ patrimonium 
pro liberorum modo Senatoriae posses' 
sionis explevit. 

ooiigiarla...nuxiimoB. Seenoteabove 
on liberalitatem, 

nuxnmoB, sc. sestertios: when nummus 
stands for any other coin it has some 

qualifying adjective, Ramsay R.A. p. 

minores paeros. This was meant as 
a means of providing for and encourag- 
ing large families, but was not a special 
provision for boys and girls like the 
benefactions of Trajan and Hadrian 
[Plin. paneg. 26 ; Spart. Hadr. 7]. 

finmentum. See note above. Be- 
sides his benefaction of com in B.C. 23 
there mentioned, we have other indica- 
tions of the care bestowed on this matter. 
See Dio 53, 2 (b.C. 28) ry ttXtJ^ci Terpa- 
TrXdaiov tov ffiTov iveifji^. Vell. Pat. 2, 
94 (b.c. 23) Ti. Claudius Nero quaestor 
maximam dijfficultatem annonae ac rei 
frumentariae inopiam Ostiae atque in 
urbe mandatis vitrici moderatus est. In 
B.c. 22 the people begged him to under- 
take the curatio annonae on the same 
terms as Pompey, Koi b tovto fih dvay- 
Kaitas idi^aTO koX iK^Xevffe 56o Avdpas tu>v 

Vpb TriVT€ TTOV del iTWV iffTpaTTfyi^KbTUJV 

irpds TTfv Tov (tItov diavofJi^ Kar Ihos 
aipeiffdai, Dio 54, i. 

te8Bera8...daplicaYit. Dio 55, 26 
( A. D. 6) iiriduKe ydp Kal irpoiKa 6 ACyov- 


6<rov del iXdfjL^opov. The tesserae num- 
mariae appear to have been given when 
com was sold cheap, when it was dis- 
tributed gratis tesseraefrumentariae were 

42. Agrippa...aqul8. Seep. 29, fin. 
pp. 65—6. 

congiarium {congius^ the 8th of an 
ampkora) was properly applied to dona- 
tions of wine or oil, l\ut came to mean 




se quamvis dare destinaret Nec minore gravitate atque 
constantia, cum proposito congiario multos manumis- coiourabie 
sos insertosque civium numero comperisset, negavit manu- 

.« . j. a. • missions. 

accepturos quibus promissum non esset, ceterisque 
5 minus quam promiserat dedit, ut destinata summa sufficeret. 
Magna vero quondam sterilitate ac difficili remedio, cum 
venalicias et lanistarum familias peregrinosque omnes, exceptis 
medicis et praeceptoribus, partimque servitiorum urbe expu- 
lisset; ut tandem annona convaluit, impetiifn se cepisse scribit 
^ofrumentationes publicas in perpetuum abolendi, quod earum 
fiducia cultura agrorum cessaret: neque tamen perseverasse, 
quia certum haberet post se per ambitionem quandoque restitui, 
Atque ita posthac rem temperavit, ut non minorem aratorum 
ac negotiantium quam populi rationem deduceret. 

any public donative whether in kind 
or money. 

multOB manimilBBOB. This transac- 
tion, fraudulent because the recipients 
bargained to carry the presents to 
their emancipators, is enumerated a- 
mong the abuses of emancipation by 
Dionys. H. 41, 24 o2 d' {tt\¥ iXevOcplav 
<pipWT(u) iva rbv ^fuxrlq. 5i86fJi.eifOP (titov 
Xafi^dvovTei xard fi.i)va Kal et tu dWrf 
Trapd Twv ^ovfjuhuiv yiyvotTo rots dvopois 
Tuv voXiTUV (piXa^dponrla iff^pwn. toU de- 
8<i>K6<n Tijv i\€v0€plav. Cp. Pers. 5, 73. 

qulbUB promisBum non esset, because 
when the promise was made they were 
not citizens and therefore had no claim. 
Cp. Plin. paneg. 25 datum est his qui 
past edictum tamen in locum erasorum 
subditi fuerant ; aequatique sunt ceteris 
illi etiam quibus non erai promissum, 

ma«:na...expullBBet, in a.d. 6 Xc/ids 
Iffx^pbi ivv), ojffd* i)v airrw to6s t€ 
fAovo/MXovvTas KoX rd avdpdiroda rd <avia 
vTT^p vevriiKovTa koX ivTaKoalovs ffTaSlovs 
i^bxrd^vai ^k re ttjs depairelas Kal t6v 
AOyovffTov Kol Toi^s SXKovs t6 TrXeTov 
diroTrifx\//aa0at...T>io 55, 26. 

laniBtarom fBmiliaB. Cic. pro Sulla 
§ 54 ; Suet. lulius 26 Tirones neque in 
ludo neque per lanistas sed in domibus 
per equites Romanos...erudiebai, For 
familias see C, I.L,^, r 189 A • svetti • 


medidB et praeceptoribUB. These 
were generally Greeks, but were natu- 
rally regarded as occupying a special 
position, and lulius indeed had given 

them the civitas; Suet. luL 42. But 
that measure must have only applied to 
the existing professors, as they are now 
reckoned 2x^0x1^ peregrini^ whom it was 
always possible to expel from Rome 
though they were generally excepted, 
Plin. N.H. 29, § 16; App. B. civ. i, 23; 
Cic. deoff. '^f^ ^T\ Plut. C. Gracch. 12. 

wsr^^XL^cirossL—servorumy lul. 47. 

quod earum flducia . . . ceBsaret. The 
mischief of these interferences in the 
corn market had been long understood, 
see Cic. pro Sest. § lo^ frumentariam 
legem C. Gracchus ferebat, lucunda 
res plebi Romanae: victus enim suppe^ 
ditabatur sine labore. Repugnabant 
bonif quod et ab industria plebem ad 
desidiam avocari putabant et aerarium 
exhauriri videbatur. App. B, civ. 2, 

120 t6 re fftrrfpifftovj tois irivrffft x^P^' 
yotffMvov iv fjMvfi 'Fiafi-Qy t6v dpy6v Kal 
TrT(jrxe(>ovTa Kal Taxv^pyov ttjs ' IraXfas 
Xeuv is Hiv * FufjLifv irdyeTat. Livy [6, 

121 alludes to the desertion of districts 
in Italy in his day, ioca quae nunc, vix 
seminario exiguo militum relictOy ser- 
vitia Romana ab soKtudine vindicant, 

oertum liat)wet...re8titui, ^because 
he felt certain about its being restored/ 
or * he held its restoration certain.* For 
the present infinitive used as the object 
of a verb of saying or thinking, even 
when the action is in the future, cp. 
Plautus Aul. 108 dividere argenti num- 
mos dixit in viros^ *he spoke about 
dividing,' *he said he was going to 
divide. Roby Z. G. 1346. 

atque ita...deduceret, <and accord- 
ingly he thenceforth so arranged the 




43 Spectaculorum et assiduitate et varietate et magnificentia 
omnes antecessit Fecisse se ludos ait suo nomine 

and^ies. ^^^^^^» P^^ ^^^^ magistratibus, qui aut abesseht aut 
non sufficerent^ ter et vicies. Fecitque nonnumquam 
vicatim ac pluribus scaenis per omnium linguarum histriones s 

business as to take account of the 
interests of farmers and merchants no 
less than those of the city populace.* 
rationem ducere alicuius is fairly com- 
mon in Cicero, see pro Rosc. Am, iiS ; 
pro Sest, 23; Verr, i, .n6 etc. It 
probably in the first instance belongs to 
calculation or accounts» Verr. i, 129 
qui non tam caeli quam caelati argenti 
rationem duceret, But deducere seems 
to mean (1) *to sum up,' *to arrive at a 
total,' Manil. 3, 354 sic erit ad summam 
ratio deducta priorem ; (2) *to bring 
into the account,' lustin. instit. 4, 6, § 23 
in qua cutione earum etiam rerum, 
quaefugiendo servus abstulit, aestiniatio 

aratmTim, 'farmers,* or, in a more 
restricted sense, the cultivatorsof public 
lands for a loth of the produce \decuma'\, 
There were none such in Italy now, and 
aratores in its technical sense seems to 
have been confined to the holders of 
public lands in Sicily, or those who 
tarmed the tithes from it [Marquardt, 
10, p. 238. Cic. Verr. 2, §§ 32, 63, 
147 etc.] 

populi, of the urban populace, cp. c. 
40« p. 88. 

i8. f6ClBM...ait, in the M. A. c 22 
from which these words are quoted. 
The 6rst games were in B.c. 44 (Sept. 
24) in celebration of the victories of 
lulius, which the Dictator had intended 
^to celebrate himself on the completion 
pi the temple of Venus Genetrix. 
Appian B, dv. 3, 28; Dio 45, 6; Cic. 
fam. II, 27, 28; C. /. L. I, p. 397. 
Another occasion was that of the ludi 
martiaUs in B.C. 2, see M. A. 1. c. 
The other two are not recorded. Ovid 
alludes to his exhibitions as splendid, 
Tr. 2, 509 inspice ludorum sumptus^ 
Auguste, tuorum. The exhibiting 
magistrate is said ludot fiaceire, see Cic. 
Brut. % 78 hoc prctetore ludos ApoUini 

qul alMMent. If the praetor, or other 
magistrate to whom it fell to exhibit the 

fames, was for any r^i^on away from 
Lome, they were still hc'd in his name: 
see the case of M. Brutus, Cic. 2 Phil. 


f6eitqiie...liUtrtoiie8, cp. lul. 3p 
ludos etiam regionatim urbe tota et qut- 
dem per omnium linguarum histriones. 
The substitution of ylcatlm ibr regio- 
naiim follows the new arrangement of 
Tnci mentioned in c. 30, cp. c. 40. For 
bletrlo see Livy 7, 2 Vemcuulis 
artificibus^ quia hister Tusco verbo ludio 
voccttur^ nomen histrionibus inditum. 
plvrllmB BcaeiiiB, *in several theatres,* 
that is, in which tragedies, comedies or 
satiric dramas wcre exhibited. Vitruv. 
5, 8. The question of the meaning of 
omiiiiim lingnaram is difficult. If we 
are to believe Strabo [5, 3, 6] rtav 
"OffKiav iKKcXoiwbrunf if 5id\€KT0S fiiyei 
irapd Tcis 'Pw/iafotf, iSoTC Kal iroiiJ/Aara 
irKri»ofiaT€io$ai Kard Tiva dyw¥a frdrpiov 
Kal fufto\oy€ia0aif we might interpret it 
to mean Greek, Latin and Oscan, com- 
paring Cicero [fam. 7, 1] who, congra- 
tulating a friend on his absence from 
Rome during the games, says — non 
enim te puto Graecos aut Oscos ludos 
desidercuscy praesertim cum Oscos vel in 
Senatuvestro speetare possis. Andthough 
it is generally held to be untrue that 
Atellanae or Mtmi were produced in 
Rome in Oscan [Tac. Ann. 4, 14], still 
these passages make it probable that 
either Oscan or rustic Latin Cantica 
may have occasionally been introduced* 
as well as Greek [Nero 39]. The graf 
fti at Pompei show that the dialect 
survived in central Italy. See however 
Mominsen R. H. 3, p. 455 note. 

After histriones something is lost, 
referring to gladiatorial exhibitions. 
M. A. c. 22 ter gladiaterium dedimeo 
nomine et quinquiens filiorum meorum 
aut nepotum nomine; quibus muneribus 
depugnaveruntcirciterdecemmillia. And 
later on in recording his venationes he 
says that they were in circo aut inforo 
euit in amphitheatriSf omitting the 
Septat in which they at this time took 
place. Dio 5^, 10 \ioPT€s i^rfKoyra koI 
hiaKbaiM iv T(fi linrodpbfufi ia<l>dyyiffa»^ 
hirKofijaxio. re iv tois aiirrois, cp. Suet. 
C/aud. 21. Accordingly Perizonius 
proposed to read [munera] non in foro 
etc. Roth would insert circensibus 
gladiatoribusque muneribus frequentis- 




* * * non in foro modo, nec in amphitheatro, sed et in circo 
et in Septis, et aliquando nihil praeter venationem edidit; 
athletas quoque, extructis in campo Martio sedilibus ligneis ; 
item navale proelium, circa Tiberim cavato solo, in quo nunc 

s Caesarum nemus est. Quibus diebus custodes in urbe dis- 
posuit, ne raritate remanentium grassatoribus obnoxia esset 
In circo aurigas cursoresque et confectores ferarum, et non- 
numquam ex nobilissima iuventute, produxit. Sed et Troiae 
lusum edidit frequentissime maiorum minorumque ^^.^ 

lo puerorum, prisci decorique moris jexistimans, clarae 
stirpis indolem sic notescere. In hoc ludicro Nonium Aspre- 

sime editis interiecit plerumque hestiarum 
Africanarum venationesy and this is 
approved by Mommsen, res g, p. 94. 

ampbiflMatro, of Statilius Taunis, 
see c. 29. Dio 51, 23 Biarpbv ri Kvvrf' 

yenatkmom. We have the records 
of several of these wild-beast slaughters. 
(i) In B.c. 12, at the dedication of the 
theatre of Marcellus, 600 African beasts 
were killed, and a tiger for the first time 
exhibited [Dio 54, 26; Plin. JV, H. 17, 
65]* (^) ^^ B.c. 2 there were killed 
260 lions and 36 crocodiles [Dio 55, 10]. 
(3) In A.D. II, in games presided over 
by Germanicus, 200 lions perished [Dio 
56, 27]. (4) Pliny [A^. H. 8, 64] says that 
on one occasion Augustus exhibited 420 
wild animals from Africa, but does not 
mention the year. For what Cicero 
thought of such butcheries, see ad fam, 

atlilaitas. For the athletic contests 
in the ludi Circenses, see Festus s. v. 
Quinquertium, But though such exer- 
cises were constantly practised on the 
Campus Martius [Hor. Od, r, 8 ; Ovid 
Tr, 3, 12, 19 — 24) theshows oiaihletes 
in the Campus, with specially erected 
wooden seats, were probably rarer, and 
as the name indicates, were Greek rather 
than Roman, lul, 39. In B.c. 188 M. 
Fulvius gave games to celebrate his 
i^tolian victory: muiti artijices ex 
Grctecia venerant honoris eius causa, 
Athietarum quoque certamen tum primo 
Romanis spectaculo fuit, et venatio data 
leonum et pantherarum^ Livy 39, 22. 

navale inroeliimL M. A. 23 navalis 
proeli spectaculum populo dedi trans 
Tiberim^. in quo loco nunc nemus est 
Caesarum, cavato in longitudinem 
mille et octingentos pedes ; in latitudi' 
nem mille et ducenios» lulius [c. 39] had 

a naval battle with Tyrian and ^gypt- 
ian ships. In the spectacle of Augustus 
(b.c. 2) the corabat bf the Athenians 
and Persians was represented. Dio 55, 
10 KoX vavfMxio. iv Tt} x*^PV ^ V '^^ ^^^ 
fri orifieid riva dctxvvTai UefHrQv koX ^Adij- 
vaUav hroLifOrf. Cp. Claud. 21 ; Ner, 
12, 27 ; Tit, 7 ; Domit. 5 ; Mart. de Spect. 
38. The pond was called naumachia 
as well as the show. Some traces of it 
have been recently discovered. 

The nemiis Caesarum was in the 
transtiberine region, Tac. Ann. 12, 56 
ut quondam Augustus structo trans Ti- 
berim stagno. It is called by Dio [66^ 
25] rd d[\<ros tw Taiov tov re Xomclov, 
The place seems before to have been 
called Ccuideta (caudex). The term 
nemus Caesarum was subsequent to 
the death of Lucius (a.d. 2) and 
Gaius (a.d. 4), therefore in the Monu- 
mentum he says in quo loco nimc nemus 
est Ccusarum, words which Suetonius 
has copied. 

rarltate remanentlQm. On the vast 
numbers attending the games, see Mayor / 
on luv. II, 197; Suet. /«/. 39 fin. '; 

ex noWMiwtina luyentnte. Dio 48,' 
33 iv T€ Tifi irp6.TO&rov frei (B.C. 41) 
.iifpla T€ iv rj tQv * AiroWtaveltov Ixvo- 
dpofdq. dvdpet is Tifv lirirdBa reXoOrret 
KaH^Xov, For similar conduct on the 
part of lulius and Caligula, see Suet. 
/u/. 39; Cat. 27. 

Trolae huum. The game of Trofa 
has been described by Vergil [Aen, 5, 
574 sq.]. One occasion on which it 
was held was at the dedication of the 
theatrum Marcelli (b.c. 13), Dio 54, 26. 
See also Clctud. iv, Of the two di- 
visions of minor. and maiores, see /u/. 
39; Tib,6. 

NoniumAsiirenatem. c.56. The Hbnii 
Asprenates are often mentioned as a 




natem lapsu debilitatum aureo torque donavit passusque est 
ipsum posterosque Torquati ferre cognomen. Mox finem 
fecit talia edendi, Asinio Pollione oratore graviter invidioseque 
in curia questo Aesernini nepotis sui casum, qui et ipse crus 
fregerat. s 

Ad scenicas quoque et gladiatorias operas et equitibus 

Romanis aliquando usus est, verum prius quam 
hibUions. senatus consulto interdiceretur. Postea nihil sane 

praeterquam adulescentulum L. Icium honeste natum 
exhibuit, tantum ut ostenderet ; quod erat bipedali minor, to 
librarum septemdecim ac vocis immensae. Quodam autem 
muneris die Parthorum obsides, tunc primum missos, per 
mediam arenam ad spectaculum induxit superque se sub- 
sellio secundo coUocavit. Solebat etiam citra spectaculorum 
dies, si quando quid invisitatum dignumque cognitu ad- «s 
vectum esset, id extra ordinem quolibet loco publicare: ut 
rhinocerotem apud Septa, tigrim in scaena, anguem quin- 
quaginta cubitorum pro comitio. 

consular family under the early empire. 
See Dio 56, 22; Velleius Pat. 2, 120; 
Tac. Ann. i, 53. 

torque, generally a military reward, 
see c. 25. But it was also given in 
games. See Capitolin. Maximin, 2 
and 3. 

Aainio Polllone. See c. 29. 

ad Bcenica8...1nterdiceretar. (i) at 
the games celebrated by Marcellus as 
aedile, b.c. 23 6pxv<^^ ''"*''« liriria 71/- 
vaiKd T€ iiTKpajf^ h i^v dpxryrrfMv eVa- 
^a^cii'. Dio 53, 31. (2) A.D. II, Toif 
Ivw^ffiv, t Kal davfMffeiev d» ri^, fi.ovo- 
fjMxeiv iT€T pdirq. Id, 56, 25. He goes 
on to explain that these equites preferred 
the risk of the arena to the certainty of 
a punishment which they had incurred. 
(3) The SCtum seems to have been 
made at his own suggestion in B.c. 22, 
Dio 54, 2 ^T6tdi7 r€ KoX Imrw koX ywat- 
K€i iirnpajfeTs iv ry tpxfiffTpq. Kal t6t€ ye 
diredcl^avTo, dinjydpevfffv o^ 8ti toU 
^iratffl T&v povXevrQvf Sirep ttov Kal Trplv 
iK€K(b\vTO, dXXd KoX Toh iyy6voiSf Tots 
^ iv TXi liTTrddi SijXov 5rt ^^cra^o/t^i^ots, 
pLTidiv frt ToiovTo dpw. Vitellius re- 
peated the prohibition, Tac. If. 2, 62. 

lilirarum Mptemdecim. For in- 
stances of such marvels, see Athenae. 
1^1 552 b. For the fashion of keeping 
dwarfs and other monstrosities, c. 81 ; 

Tid.6j; Domit. 4; Mart. 14, 212; and 
Mayor on luv. 8, 32 ; Marq. 14, p. 177. 

Farthorum otMddes. In b.c. 30 
Phraates sent his son as a hostage to 
Rome, v\6v Ti Tiva tov ^padTov iv €if€p- 
y€fflas fjuip€i irap* oAtov Xa^dv U tc rijv 
'FfbfjLt^v dv^ay^ Kal iv 6firip€lgL ^irotijeraro, 
Dio 51, 18. Strabo 16, i, 28 says that 
there were four sons so sent. 

ad spectaculum {=ut spectarentur)^ 
*for a show,* *by way of aifording a 
show.' Cp. ad ludibrium regem eum 
consalutari iussit^ Livy 36, 14. Roby 
L. G. § 1828. 

Citra...die8, 'though not during the 
days fixed for a spectacle.' For citra 
see c. 24. Roby § 1875. 

puUicare, *to throw open to the 
public,* c. 29, p. 63. 

tigiim. In B.c. 20 Koi d *lv6ol irpo- 
KijpvK€Vffdfi€voi irp6T€pov <l>L\lav t6t€ 
iffir€lffavTo, 6(apa irifi.ypavT€% oXXa rc Kal 
Tlyp€is, irpQTov t6t€ toU *Pca/ia/ots, vofju- 
fiw 5' 5rt KoX Tois *EXXiyo'ti', 64>0€lffas. 
That the tiger was first seen there by 
Romans or Greeks is probably true of 
the Indian tiger. The tiger so often 
mentioned in the poets [e.g. Vergil £ct. 
5, 29; G. 2, 151 etc.] was some variety 
of panther, which had before been 
brought to Rome for venationes, see 
Livy 39, 22 ; Cic. /am. 8, 3; 8, 4. This 




Accidit votivis Circensibus, ut correptus valitudine lectica 
cubans tensas deduceret; rursus commissione ludorum, qui- 
bus theatrum Marcelli dedicabat, evenit ut laxatis sellae 
curulis compagibus caderet supinus. Nepotum quoque 

5 suorum munere cum consternatum ruinae metu populum 
retinere et confirmare nullo modo posset, transiit e loco suo 
atque in ea parte consedit, quae suspecta maxime erat 

Spectandi confusissimum ac solutissimum morem correxit ^ 
ordinavitque, motus iniuria senatoris, quem Puteolis 

lo per celeberrimos ludos consessu frequenti nemo re- tions as 
ceperat. Facto igitur decreto patrum ut, quotiens l^, ^® 
quid spectaculi usquam publice ederetur, primus 
subselliorum ordo vacaret senatoribus, Romae legatos li- 
berarum sociarumque gentium vetuit in orchestra sedere, 

«s cum quosdam etiam libertini generis mitti deprendisset. 

is perhaps true also of the 'tiger' said 
to nave been sent to Athens by Seleucus 
[Athenae. 13, 590 a.], though his envoy, 
the historian M^^asthenes, had seen a 
head of the Bengal tiger, Strabo*i5, i, 
37 (circa B.c. 288) koX rlypeis 8* iv toTs 
npaaloiS i/yijffbf 6 'M.eyourBipi^ ficylffrovs 
ylyveffBoA axsHbv 84 n koX 8iir\ajfriovs 
\e6vTiaif «.r.X. 

temuui deduoeret, <he was conduct- 
ing the sacred cars,' i.e. in the pro- 
cession of the gods into the circus, with 
whichthe/WtrtV^Mj^wereopened. See 
luL *j6. Among the honours decreed to 
lulius were iensam et ferculum circensi 
pompa, Dio 43, 45 koX apfia SKoy h 
TMS linroSpofilois fieriL tQv Oeluv dyaX- 
fMTiav iriiiireadai (yv(aaav. Vesp, 5 
nunctahatur.,.Neronem diebus ulHmis 
monitum per quietem^ ut tensam lovis 
O. M. e sacrario in domum Vespcuiani 
et inde in circum deduceret. Cp. Cic. 
ad Att. 13, 44; Dionys. Hal. 7, 72. 

oommlssione ladomm,* at the opening 
of the games,' Cic. Att. 15, 26 o^ ipsa 
commissione ad t/te,,,omnia reliquorum 
in dies singulos persequare. The word 
committere properly applies to gladiators 
or other combatants, see \rdx. c. 45; 
lul. 40; de Gramm. 17 ; but also to the 
formal openingof any games, see Claud. 

quilmB theatmm Uaroelli. See on 
c. 29, p. 64. 

nepotum. Germanicus son of the 
elder Drusus, and Drusus son of Ti- 
berius, M. A. 22 ter munus ^adiato- 


rum dedi meo nomine et quinquims fili' 
orum meorum aut nepotum nomine. 

44. PuteoliB (Pozzuoli) being near 
Baiae, and thb villas of so many nobles 
and of the Emperor, wasnaturally a place 
in which games attracted more attention 
than in other country towns. Thus 
Nero gave an exhibition of gladiators 
there, Dio 63, 3. 

piibiU8...8enatori1mB. There seems 
to have been a doubt whether the lex 
Roscia was applicable outside Rome. 
^io 53» ^5 ^^^ icpoc8pia tois fiovXevraTs 
iv voiajf Ty dpxS »^0 is vavTa rd 
OiaTpa 486011 (b.C. 26). Tliis regula- 
tion applied to exhibitions away from 
Rome. But the privilege enjoyed by 
Senators in the theatre since B.c. 194 
had not extended to the circus even 
at Rome. This was regulated first 
in A.D. 5. Dio 55, 22 KoX r^ aifTtp 
to6t(p ^rei...rds liriroSpofdas x^P^^ f^ 
ol ^ovXevToX x^P^^ ^ ^ lirireTs airh tov 
XoiiroO irX^ovs €t8ov, 8 koX vQv yly- 
verai. In the circus however the 
regulation of Augustus seems to have 
been neglected and required renewing. 
See Suet. Claud. 21 circo..,exculto^ 
propria senatoridus constituit locay pro- 
miscue spectare solitis. Nero 1 1 circen- 
sibus loca equiti secreta a ceteris tribuit. 

legatOB...gentium. As, for instance, 
the envoys of Marseilles [lustin. 43, 5, 
10]. To H^rrcanus, his children, and 
envoys was accorded fi.erh. twv avr^KK-t\- 
TiKQv 0eo)p€Uf [los. Antiq. 14, 17]. The 
practice was afterwards renewed as a 




Militem secrevit a popula Maritis e plebe' proprios ordines 
assignavit, praetextatis cuneum suum, et prbximuni paeda- 
gogis, sanxitque ne quis pullatorum media cavea sederet 
Feminis ne gladiatores quidem, quos promiscue spectari 
soUemne olim erat, nisi ex superiore loco spectare concessit. 5 
Solis virginibus Vestalibus locum in theatro, separatim et 
contra praetoris tribunal, dedit. Athletarum vero spectaculo 
muliebre secus omnes adeo summovit, ut pontiiicalibus ludis 

special mark of honour, see Tac. Ann. 
i3f 54» Suet. Claud, 25; Dio 68, 15. 

xnllitem Becrevlt. In a.d. 32 lunius 
Gallio proposed farther that praetorians 
who had served their time should be 
aidmitted to the XIV ordines, but was 
rebuked by Tiberius, who said that he 
repperisse prorsus quod divus Augustus 
non providerit, Tac. Ann. 6, 9. 

marltis, * married men.' This privi- 
lege (apparently from the lex lutia de 
tnarit, ordin,) is referred to in Mart. 5, 
41, 8: it applied to theatre and circus 
alike, Dio 54, 30. e plebe : Suetonius 
uses plebs of citizens below the equestrian 
census, cp. Hor. Ep. i, i, 58 quad- 
ringentis sex septem milia desunty Plebs 

praeteztatis. For the praetexta of 
boyhood see Cic. 2 Phil, 44; luv. i, 
78; 2, 140; II, 155; Suet. CaL 24; 
Sen. de brev, vit, 6 § i pupillus adkuc 
et praetextatus, The paedagogi accom- 
panied their charges to all public places, 
such as lecture rooms [Hor. S, i, 6, 81], 
but especially to the theatres, as among 
the Greeks, Theophr. Char, 9. In later 
times it was thought best for prae- 
textaii not to go at all. Iulian*s paeda- 
gogus would not take him [Misopog, 
351 B]. 

puUatomm, see c. 40. It would 
include allperegrinij who were forbidden 
to wear the toga. media cayea. The 
whole auditorium is called the caveaf 
divided by praecinctiones into blocks. 
The lowest (nearest the stage) called 
ima or prima ccpvea, the next higher 
media cavea, the next summa or ultima 
cavea. Cic. de Sen, § 48 ut Tutpione 
Ambwio magis delectatur qui in prima 
cavea, delectatur tamen qui in ultima, 
Suet. Claud, 21, Claudiusdescendsfrom 
the shrine of Venus at the top into the 
orchestra per mediam caveam, 

ne gladiatores quidem. In the case 
of the theatre and other shows in the 
amphitheatre and circus the women's 

places had been in the high seats, cp. 
Ov. am, 2, 73 siye ego marmorei respexi 
summa theatri, eligis e multis unde do- 
lere veKs, Prop. 5, 8, 77 colla cave 
inflectcts ad summum obliqua theatri. 
But at gladiatOrial shows the woinen 
and men sat together, Plutarch Sull. 
c. 35. It was this exception that 
Augustus abolished. For the reason 
of separating men and women see Ovid 
A, A. i, 89; Tr, 2, 81 SQ.; R, A, 751. 
Cp. luv. II, 202; 6, 00— 81, 352 — 


VentalilmB, see on c. 31. sedes ves- 
talium Tac. Ann, 4, 16. They had a 
special place assigned them also at 
gladiatorial shows, Cic. pro Mur, § 73. 
oontra praetorls tribuxial. Thepraetor 
as editor ludorum occupied a seat of 
honour on the left of the scena^ and it 
was still called by that name though 
some other magistrate was editor, Suet. 
Ner. 12. The other magistrates who 
were not editores had also their fixed 
places [Dio 44, 43; 53, 27; Tac. Ann, 
16, 12], Marq. 13, p. 312. 

atbletarmn . . . summovit. Because 
the athletes were practically naked, 
Gymnasium, thermaey stadium est hac 
parte: recede. Exuimur; nudos parce 
videre zfiros, Mart. 3, 68. Nero how- 
ever invited the Vestals, quia Olympiae 
quoque Cereris sacerdotibus spectare con- 
ceditur [Nero 12]. Livia said of nudi 
o&dbf ApdpidvTuy rais ff(a<t>povoAffaxs ol 
TOLovToi dia4>ipovow, Dio 58, 2. 

muliebre Becas omnes, ^all of femi- 
nine sex.' The accus. of reference, 
which seems the almost constant con- 
struction of this word. The nom. is rare, 
Tac. Ann. 4, 62 ; Robv § 11 04. Roth 
however reads omne. Old editors mu/i' 
ebrem sexum omnem, 

pontiflcalilmB ludis. Casaubon sup- 

Eosed that these were games given on 
is becoming Pontifex Maximus (B.c. 
12). There is no other trace of them, 
or of such games being given elsewhere. 





pugilum par postulatum distulerit in insequentis diei matu- 
tinum tempus, edixeritque., mulieres ante horam quintam 
venire in theatrum^ non placere, Ipse circenses ex amicorum 45 
fere libertorumque cenaculis spectabat, interdum 

5 ex pulvinari, et quidem cum coniuge ac liberis personal 
sedens. Spectaculo plurimas horas, aliquando totos ^'^^^^^- 
dies aberat, petita venia commendatisque qui suam 
vicem praesidendo fungerentur. Verum quotiens adesset, 
nihil praeterea agebat, seu vitandi rumoris causa, quo patrem 

*o Caesarem vulgo reprehensum commemorabat, quod inter 
spectandum epistolis libeUisque legendis aut rescribendis 
vacaret, seu studio spectandi ac voluptate, qua teneri se 
neque dissimulavit umquam et saepe ingenue professus est 
Itaque corollaria et praemia in alienis quoque muneribus ac 

«sludis et crebra et grandia de suo offerebat, nuUique Graeco 
certamini interfuit, quo non pro merito quemque certantium 

except Plin. e^, 7, 14, 6 proximis sacer- 
dotcUibus Itiths, 

matutinii2n...ante horam qiUntam. 
The venaiiones took place early in the 
moming. See Ovid ^i?/. ii, 25 struc' 
toque utrimque theatro Ceu matutina 
ceruus periturus arena Praeda canum 
est, Hence the school in which bestiarU 
were trained was called ludus matutinus, 
Wilmanns 1273, 174I1 2611* There 
was a break for the prandium in all 
games etc. about this hour, Claud. 
34 bestiariis meridianisque adeo delecta- 
iatur, ut et prima luce ad spectaculum 
descenderet, et meridie dismisso adpran- 
dium populo, persederet. Marq. 131 p. 
288 — 9 note. 

46. oenacnliB, *from the upper part 
of the house * [so-called accordinp; to 
Varro L. L. 5, 162 from the habit of 
having the dining-room upstairs]. Cp. 
I^io 57* 1 1 of Tiberius, «eU roM ye rQiy 
tTTTTuv dyQvas i^ olKlas Kot a^rdf ruv aw- 
€\€vd4po)v ru^of ToXXaxif id>pa, Though 
some have explained cenacuta to mean 
'boxes' in the circus. 

pnlTlnarL The imperial box in the 
circus erected by Augustus. The exact 
ppsition of it is uncertain, but it was in 
full view of the spectators, Claud, 4. 

venia: because the absence of the 
Emperor was unpopular, Tac. Ann, 

I, 76. 

snam ▼loem...fUngerentur, see note 
c. 35, p. 80. Claudius [Claud. *j^prae- 

sedit mnnunquam spectaculis in Gai 
vicem, It may be said that vicem with 
gen. forms an adverbial expression which 
was constructively treated as an inde- 
clinable noun. Cp. Ter. Hautont, 749 
Menedemi vicem miseret me, 

UMllB, < petitions,' c. 53; lul, 81 UM- 
lum insidiarum indicem, ab obvioquodam 
porrectumt libellis ceteris, quos sinistra 
manu tenebat quasi mox lecturus, com- 
miscuit, reacribendlB, *in answering.' 
These *rescripts' in sdf^er times, when 
dealing with questions of jurisprudence, 
came gradually to form part of a body 
of law or constitutiones principum. 

vacaret. See on c. 4, p. 16. 

oondlaria [coroUarium formed from 
diminutive corolkt^ like the Greek or^- 
0aKOf meant a prize or additional pre- 
sent of money. Cic. Verr, 3 § 118 ut 
esset unde Apronio ad illos fructus 
arationum hoc corollarium numorum 
adderetur, ib. § \%\de scenicorum corol- 

de sno. See on c. 40, p. 89. 

Cbraeoo oertamSni, games on the 
Greek model, including athletics, chariot 
racing, and musical contests. They were 
not as popular as the Roman games, 
apparently. Cic. Att. 16, 5 sed tamen 
rumoris nescio quid ad/laverat com- 
missione Graecorum frequentiam non 
fuissCy qttod quidem me minime fefellit, 
Scis enim quid ego de Graecis ludis 





honorarit. Spectavit autem studiosissime pugiles et maxime 
Latinos, non legitimos atque ordinarios modo, quos etiam 
committere cum Graecis solebat, sed et catervarios oppida- 
nos, inter angustias vicorum pugfnantis temere ac sine arte. 
Universum denique genus operas aliquas publico spectaculo 5 

praebentium etiam cura sua dignatus est: athletis 
dSiplSie et conservavit privilegia et ampliavit; gladiatores 
ofthe sine missione edi prohibuit; coercitionem in histrio- 

players. . * 

nes magistratibus, omni tempore et loco l^e vetere 
permissam, ademit praeterquam ludis et scena. Nec tamen xo 
eo minus aut xysticorum certationes aut gladiatorum pugnas 

hOBorarlt, 'bestowed a present upon.' 
Vellei. 2, 129 populum cangiariis hano' 
rofvit, Macrob. Sat. i, 3, lo Laberius 
in fine ludorum anulo aureo honoratus 
a Caesare, 

legltimM atque ordlnazios, * recog- 
nised and classed as such,' of whom, 
apparently, a regular list was lcept, 
marking them off as professionals. This 
was so in Greece, see Polyb. 6, 47, 8 
wffirep yh.p otbk tQv TcxviTQv ^ tQv 
d$\7jTu>v Toi6s 7e fi^ vevefitifiivovs rj ffeocj' 
fjLoaKriK&ras irapUfiev els roi>$ d$\ifriKoifs 
dywvaSf odrw k.t.\. Thus we hear of 
an album of professional musicians, 
Nero 21. 

catervazloa, ordinary and inferior, 
men selected at hazard and untrained. 
Cp. gregoHm, *in an inferior manner,* 
Cal, 30. 

operas. . .praebentimn. Such as the 
designatores [Plaut. Poen, prol. 19] who 
showed people to their places. See 
Wilmanns 986, Mart. 5, 8, 14; 5, 23, 
27. Other persons employed in theatres 
and circus are enumerated in Dig, 3, 2, 4 
thymelicii xystici^ agitatores^ qui aquam 
equis spargunt^ ceteraque eorum mini- 
steria qui certaminibus sacris deservi- 

privllegia, sc. cirnlium munerum 
vacationem, Codex 19, 53 and also free- 
dom from the infamia, which attached 
to actors and gladiators. Marq. 13, p. 

sine missioiie, i.e. without the right 

of appealing to the editor (or, as be- 

came the custom, to the people), to be 

allowed to leave the arena alive if con- 

quered. Domitian limited the number 

of such permissions ; Mart. Spectae. 29, 

3 Missio saepe viris magno clamore 

petita est; sed Caesar legi paruit ipse 

suae; id. 12, 2p, 7 nuper cum Myrino 
peteretur missto laeso, 

coercitioaem...8oeiia. But Tadtus 
does not confine the immi^nity from 
fiogging to the outside of the theatre. 
Ann. I, 77 diTfus Augustus immunes 
verberum histriones quondam respond- 
erat. Marquardt [ 1 3» p* 3 1 8] prefers the 
statement of Suetonius. omni tempore 
et looo. Cp. Plaut. CisteU. epil. 4 
qui deliquit vapulabit\ id. Amph. prol. 
81 — 5. Lucian Pisc. 33 oL d0\o0^ai 
fuumyovv eldtOaffiy ijv tls hvoKpiT^s 
*Ad7pfctv...{firo8€5vK(ji)S fiif Ka\C}s ^oKpl' 
voiTO firfSi KaT* d^Utv tQv $€wv. id. 
Apol. 5 ToTs TpayiKots hiroKpirfus elKd- 
aovffiv ol i^w...Tlu\os ifApiarbSrifws... 
ylyvovTai...Kdl fuumyoOfJXvtA tlvcs ad- 
T&v tbs dv T(p OedTptp Bok^, 

ludiB, 'at the games,' abl. of time. 
So gtadiatoribust Cic. Att. 2, 19, 3; 
tudif et gladiatoribus ib, i, 16. 

xyBticorum. The xystus was a porti- 
cus, in which athletes practised during 
winter. Gatb, 15 si quid aut xystici 
donatum olim vendidissent \ Tertull. 
Spect. 30 tunc xystici contemplandi non 
in gymnasio sed in igne iaculatiy id. 20 
atrocitas arenae vanitas xysti ; Vitruv. 
5, II '^voTb/s Graeci appeilatione est 
porticus ampla laHtudine in qva aihletae 
per hiberna tempora exercebantur. For 
xysti in private houses and gardens see 
infr. c. 72. 

pngnas ... exegit. Gladiators who 
showed timidity or seemed to avoid 
fighting were urged on by blows and hot 
irons. See Quint. Declam. g^6/remebant 
ubiqueomnia adparcUu mortis^ hicferrum 
acuebat, iile incendebat ignibus laminas, 
huic virgae, inde flagella adferebantur ; 
Sen. Ep. 7, 5 occidCf verbera^ ure ! quare 
tam timide incurrit inferrum? quare 




severissime semper exegit. Nam histrionum licentiam adeo 
compescuit, ut Stephanionem togatarium, cui in puerilem 
habitum circumtonsam matronam ministrasse compererat, 
per trina theatra virgis caesum relegaverit, Hylan panto- 

s mimum, querente praetore, in atrio domus suae nemine 
excluso flagellis verberarit, et Pyladen urbe atque Italia 
summoverit, quod spectatorem, a quo exsibilabatur, demon- 
strasset digito conspicuumque fecisset. 

Ad hunc modum urbe urbanisque rebus administratis, 46 

lo Italiam duodetriginta coloniarum numero, deduc- 
tarum ab se, frequentavit operibusque ac vectigali- ^^i^dT 
bus publicis plurifariam instruxit, etiam iure ac 

parum audacterocciditf quare parum li- 
benter moriiur? plagis agitur in volnera, 

liiBtrlonuxn llcentiain. ' Cp. Tib, 37 ; 
Ner. 16 ; Dom. 7. 

togatariiim, *an actor in a fabuia 
togata.^ See Nero ii; Plioy N H. 7 
§ 49; luv. I, 3. The word does not 
appear to be elsewhere used, and some 
editors have proposed togatarum, 

In puerUem habitum clrcumton- 
sam, ^with the hair cut short to look 
like a boy.' Plutarch, de inst. muiierum, 
tells a story of Aristodemus, tyrant of 
Cumae, (hi rodi fUv dfilkyas ircudas rjffKCi 
KdfMus Kol xp^^o^wpeuf, Tds di &ri\€las 
"^dyKaj^e T6p£rp6xa^a KelpcffBai. 
The offence of this actor was of produc- 
ing (ministrasse, TibuU. 2, 2, 21) a ma- 
trona, — a Roman married laiiy. 

per trina theatra. The theatres of 
Pompey, Balbus, and Marcellus. Ovid 
A.A. 3, 394 msite conspicuis tema 
theatra locis. See c. 29. 

Hylan paatomimum. According to 
Suidas (s.v. opxv^''^) Augustus first in- 
troduced this form of dramatic repre- 
sentation, which consisted in some 
dramatic scene presented by one actor 
with the help of dances and gestures. 
See Lucian Satt. § 67 c^k direuc&rtas di 
Kol ol 'IrdKuorai rbv 6pxt<^v iraifrih 
fufiov KoKoOiruf &ir6 roO dpoffiiyov <rxfS6v. 
The first pantomimi were Pylades and 
Bathyllus [Dio 54, 17]. Hylas was the 
pupil of Pylades, and Macrobius records 
that when he had to represent the words 
rhv fjiAyav 'AyafUfu^ova he stretched 
himself to look his part, but Pylades 
exclaimed <r^ fiaKpiav ot fUyav Toteis 
[Sat. 2, 7, 13]; Marq. 13, p. 330. 

ezsibilabatur. Cp. Cic. Parad. 3 § 
26 histrio si paullum se movit extra 

numerum aut si versus pronunciatur 
syllaba una brevior aut longior exsibil- 
atur et exploditur. Pylades was after- 
wards recalled, Dio 54, 17 WvKd^v 
rwb. dpxiiirriiv did <rrd<rw i^eXijKafAivov 
Karifyayev, He was a Cilician, see 

diglto, *the middle finger,' infamis 
digitus, Pers. 2, 33 ; mediumque ostende- 
ret unguem luv. 10, 53 ; Mart. 2, 28 ; 
6, 70. It implied a charge of obscenity, 
see CcU, 56. Other ways of expressing 
contempt were to bend the fingers in 
shape of a stork's bill, or to hold them 
up to look like long ears. Pers. i, 58 
O lane, a tergo quem nulla ciconia 
pinsit, nec manus auriculas imitari mo- 
bilis albas, 

46. duodetriginta ooloniamm. M.A. 
28 Italia autem [xxviii] colonias, quae 
vivo me cdeberrimae et frequentisstmae 
fuerunty meis auspiciis deductas habet. 
For a list of these coloniae, see Momm- 
sen resg, p. 123. What was now meant 
by *colonies' was different from what 
the word had meant in former times. It 
was now practically the settlement of so 
many veterans, and often where a colony 
had already been settled, the illegality 
involved in this being got over by re- 
garding the new settlers as a suppie- 
mentum [Cic. 2 Phil. §§ 100 — 102]. 
Thus, of the twenty-nine Julian colonies 
in Mommsen's list, thirteen were old 
colonies — Ariminum, Beneventum, Bo- 
nonia, Capua, Castrum Novum, Dertona, 
Minturnae, Parma, Pisae, Pisaurum, Sora, 
Suessa, Sutrium. Since B.c.89 there was 
no question of political status involved, 
as all had the cizntas, but there was still, 
it appears, some difference of internal 
govemment between a coionia and other 




dignatione urbi quodam modo pro parte aliqua adaequavit, 
excogitato genere sufTragiorum, quae de magistfatibus urbicis 
decuriones colonici in sua quisque colonia ferrent et sub die 
comitiorum obsignata Romam mitterent. Ac necubi aut 
honestorum deficeret copia aut multitudinis suboles, equestrem 5 
militiam petentis etiam ex commendatione publica cuiusque 
oppidi ordinabat; at iis, qui e plebe regiones sibi revisenti 
filios filiasve approbarent, singula nummorum milia pro sin- 
gulis dividebat. 
47 Provincias validiores et quas annuis magistratuum im- xo 

municipia^ and the rank of a coUmia 
was desired, though loss of lands to 
existing coloni involved often led to 
riots. Observe that Italla now includes 
Gallia Cisalpina and Istria. Of the 
new colonies only one seems to have 
the distinctly military object of coer- 
cing natives, Augusia Pradoria (Aosia), 
but some others were in places of 
military importance in regard to the 
roads or the coast, such as Atesta 
(Este)y Brixia {Brescui)^ lulia Augusta 
Taurinorum ( Turin). But his selection 
of places for the most part must have 
depended principally on tfie fadlitiesthey 
presented for getting lands for the new 
coioni either by confecation or purchase. 
pro iMurte aliqna, *to some d^ee,' 
because he could not put all the coloni 
on equal terms with the urban voters, 
seeing that the joumey to Rome practi- 
cally made their suffrage inoperative, 
and it was only the decuriones (colonial 
senators) who had the privilege of thus 
having their votes taken at home and 
forwarded to Rome. For ius signandi 
in voting, see an instance in the Concil- Narbo C. /. Z. xii 6038 /. 15, 
Rushf. p. 44. 

urUclB, sc. Roman. deoiiriones, 
'^orxv^tL, de verb, sign. i, 239... ^m»/ in 
initio coloniSf cum deducerentur, decima 
pars eorum qui deducerentur consilii 
publici gratia conscribi solita sit, 

eqaestrem TntHt.lain. The equestris 
militia included service as tribunus co- 
Aortis, tribunus legionis, praefectus alae. 
An order which Claudius varied, Suet. 
Claud. 15, equestres militias ita ordina- 
vit ut post cohortem cdam, post alam 
tribunatum daret. When a man had 
served these {tribus militiis perfunctus) 
he was eligible for the quaestorship or 
other office (a militiis). The omcer 
wore the gold ring of an eques, . Wil- 

manns 1226. 1633-4. Marq. 11, 63-4, 
78. For petentiii cp. Ga/ba 14 summae 
equestris grcuius candidatus. Wilmanns 
1602 Tiber, Claudio Claudiano eq. Rom. 
mil.petit, petentl8...ordiiiabat'hepro- 
moted those who sought the rank of offi- 
cers.' For ordinabat see C, I. L, v 7866 
leg, III ItcUicae ordinatus ex eq, Rom, 

e plebe. See on c. 44. approlwrent, 
'established thdr worthiness to his 

nammonim 'sesterces.' See c. 40. 

47. provlnoia8...permiBit. For the 
principle of this division see Dio 53, 12 
X67^ yJkv dfrun ^ fji^v yepowrla dBcQi rd 
KdXkurra r^t dpxyjf KapTQrtu, abros Si 
Tobs T€ Trbyovs «reU rods KUfd&povs ixv '^^ 
OTpaTubras Tpiifyg. Cp. Strab.' 17, 3, 
25 iavT(fi fjykv 6orj OTpaTuarucris 4>povpas 
ixei xfi€^OLP...T(p di^fjup di T^v dXKrjv Soti 
elpTlvuci} Kal x^P^^ &ir\tav dpxeoOtu ^dUt. 
The first division in B.c. 27 was modi- 
fied more than once. At^stus first 
took Hispania Tarraconensis and Lusi- 
tania, all the Gauls (including Germa- 
nia), Coele-Syria, Phoenicia, Cilicia, 
Cyprus (Egypt was on a special footing, 
see c. 18, p. 42). But in B.c. 24 Cyprus 
andNarbonensis weregiven to the Senate 
ws fJLTjdiv tQv &ir\cav deopuhas [Dio 54, 
14]; in B.c. 21 Dalmatia was trans- 
ferred to the Emperor ujs 8ir\(av TUfw 
iL€l KoX di* iavTrpf koX dib, t^v t&v Hav- 
vovluv yeiTOvlav deofJL^vri [Dio 54, 34]; 
in B.c. 6 disturbances in Sardinia caused 
that province to be put under military 
govemment for three years [Dio 54, 28]. 
All provinces subseqtiently addoi were 
imperial [Dio 53, 12 fin.]. During the 
reign of Augustus this occurred in the 
case of the provinces of Galatia and 
Lycaonia in B.c. 25 [Dio 53, 26; Marq. 
9, p. 276 sq.], and Moesia [Dio 55, 
29; Ov. Tr. 2, 197]. 
periie. In the senatorial provinces 





periis regi nec facile nec tutum erat, ipse suscepit, ceteras 
proconsulibus sortito permisit ; et tamen nonnuUas j^iyjg;^,^ 
commutavit interdum atque ex iitroque genere pleras- of the 
que saepius adiit. Urbium quasdam, foederatas sed 

sad exitium licentia praecipites, libertate privavit, 
alias aut aere alieno laborantis levavit, aut terrae y^^l^^ 
motu subversas denuo condidit, aut merita erga 
populum Romanum adlegantes Latinitate vel civitate do- 
navit Nec est, ut opinor, provincia, excepta 

o dumtaxat Africa et Sardinia, quam non adierit. visits. 

comulares and praetarii drew lots for 
their year of omce, as in the republic, 
the law of B.c. 53, enacting a five 
years' interval between the consulship 
or praetorship and the provincial gov- 
emment, being maintained: but even 
in these the Emperor intervened in case 
of maladministration, l<rapL$fiovs yap 
rois idveffi Kal ovs dy iOeXi^-g K\ripowr6cu 
K€\Gki [Dio 53, 14]. In the Imperial 
provinces the leguii pro prtutore held 
office during pleasure [droc rk rwa kqX 
6ir&re rj$e\ep iffreWey Dio /.^ .]. Among 
the Senatorial provinces Africa and 
Asia were to have consulares as govem- 
ors, the rest praetorii, but in the pro- 
vinces themselves both alike have pro* 
coHsuIare imperium and are therefore 
often called proconsuls. 

foederatas. A comparatively small 
numberof Statesilli^ the provinces which, 
though debarredlrom making foreign 
alliances or wars, enjoyed intemal au- 
tonomy, could coin money and receive 
exiles. The terms on which they held 
this freedom varied according to the 
particular foedus^ one copy of which 
was kept at Rome, the others in tlie 
State conceraed. Marq. 7, 10&-104. 

libertate privaTlt. Instances re- 
corded are Cyzicus, Tyre, and Sidon. 
Dio 54« 7 Tobs T€ Kvj;tK7iyoi>s Sri 'Po^' 
fitUovs Tu>ds iv (rrdffei fuurTiyiixrwTes 
diriKTeipay iSov\ti)<raTO ' koX tovto Tods 
Tvplovs To6s re Zidwplovs dtd rds irrdcreis 
iTolTjaev, iv t^ ^vpL^ yevSfievos (B.C. 20). 
The decree concerning Cyzicus was re- 
voked in B.c. 15 [Dio 54, 35], and there- 
fore Strabo [12, 8, 11] speaks of it as 
firee; but Tiberius inSicted the same 
punishment on it in A.D. 25 obiectapub- 
lice Cyzicems incuria caerimoniarum 
divi Augustif additis violentiae crimi- 
nibus adversum cives Romanos, et ami' 
sere libertatem quam bello Mithridatico 

meruerant. Cp. Suet. Tib, 57. It there- 
fore seems that they had not forgiven 
the memory of Augustus. The freedom 
of Tyre and Sidon had been reserved 
by Ajitony, when he handed over Phoe- 
nicia to Cleopatra [los. Ant. 15, 4, i]. 
Latiiiltate. The imperfect citizenship 
thus designated derived its name and 
much of its nature from the old status 
of the Latin cities. Since the civil war 
[b.c. 90] it had ceased to apply to any 
cities in Italy south of the Po', and since 
B.c. 49 to those north of the Po; but 
it still existed in colonies and certain 
states in the provinces; and the £m- 
peror had the power of indefinitely 
extending it; Vespasian, for instance, 
gave Latinitas to all Spain. Pliny, 
ACZT. 5 § 30. Later on there was a 
distinction iaid down between maius 
and minus Latium: in virtue of the 
former aii decuriones and office-holders 
in their states obtained full civitas^ in 
the latter only magistrates [Gaius i, 


ezoepta. . . AMoa. If we may believe 
Nicolaus Dam. t i — 12, Augustus visited 
Africa with his uncle lulius in B.c. 45. 
After the defeat of Sextus (B.c. 36) Lepi- 
dus, who had come from Africa to Sicily 
nominally to help Augustus but had 
raised an opposition to him, was de- 
prived of his province, and Augustus 
might have thought it necessary to go 
there. He, however, contented him- 
self with appointing a new govemor, 
with a division of his troops [App. B. 
cpv. 5, 129]. 

flarrtlTiia. Corsica and Sardinia were 
long held by Sextus Pompeius, but his 
ships and forces there were betrayed to 
Augustus by his freedman Menodoms in 
B.C. 38. App. B. civ. 5, 78 — 80. For 
the storms atter the defeat of Sextus, see 
Dio 49, 34 ireid^ S re Zi^os droXt^Xei 





In has fugato Sex. Fompeio traicere ex Sicilia apparantem 
continuae et immodicae tempestates inhibuerunt, nec mox 
occasio aut causa traiciendi fuit. 

48 Regnorum quibus belli iure potitus est, praeter pauca, 

aut isdem quibus ademerat reddidit, aut alienigenis s 
contribuit. Reges socios etiam inter semet ipsos 
necessitudinibus mutuis iunxit, promptissimus affini- 

tatis cuiusque atque amicitiae conciliator et fautor ; nec aliter 
universos quam membra partisque imperii curae habuit, rec- 
torem quoque solitus apponere aetate parvis aut mente lapsis, lo 
donec adolescerent aut resipiscerent ; ac plurimorum liberos 
et educavit simul cum suis et instituit. 

49 Ex militaribus copiis I^iones et auxilia provinciatim 

KoX rd iv ri KtpOyi Karaffrdrttas idctro 
riK$€ fiAv is ^uceXtop un Ktd ^iceure rXev- 
<ro6fi€¥oSf iyxpotfiffas Si ivraOSa inrb rov 
X^ifJiMyos oMri irtpauitSri. 

48. regnomm. M.A. c. 2*j Armmiam 
maiarem interfecto rege eius Artaxe, 
cum possem facere pravinciam, malui 
maiorum nostrum exemplo regnum id 
Itgrani regis Artavasdis filio, nepotiau- 
tem Tigranis regis^per Ti, Neronem tra- 
eUre, qui tum mihi prwignus ercU. Et 
eandem gentem postea desciscentem et 
rebellantem domitam per Gaium filium 
meum regi Artobarzani regis Medorum 
Artabazi fiiio regendam tradidi et post 
eius mortemfilio eius Artavcudi. Quo 
interfecto Tigrane, qui erat ex regio 
genere Armeniorum oriundus, in id 
regnum misi, Other instances are 
Herod in ludaea [los. B, lud, 15, 10]; 
luba in Mauretania [Dio 53, 36]. Au- 
gustus in the Monumentum c. 33 says 
also that he made Vonones king of the 
Parthians, and Ariobarzanes king of the 
Medes, on the request or with the con- 
sent of the chief men of those nations. 
oontribnit. A word technically used of 
bringing a people into political con- 
nexion with another or under a ruler, 
Ambracia ...tum contribuerat se Ae- 
toliSf Livy 38, 3; Uxiorum gentem.., 
Susianorum ScUrapiae contri^it Curt. 

5i 3» i^- 
necessitndlnllmB . . . afflnitatls. Ex- 

amples are again found in the dealings 

of Augustus and Livia with the Herods 

[los. Ant, 16, 7, 8; 171 i, ^— o]. He 

was said even to have ofFered his own 

daughter lulia to Cotiso king of the 

Getae, see c. 66, 

nniyersoe. It is difficult to see the 

point of the antithesis, or what substan- 
tive is to be understood with universos, 
Perhaps it is safest to understand socios 
or populos, Augustus *took as much 
thought for the ^eneral interests of 
the empire as for mdividual members 
of it.' But the words which follow do 
not seem to illustrate his remark very 

reotorem. . .reeiiiiBcerent. On the 
analogy of the tutela of Roman law in 
the case of minors and insane or imbe- 
cile persons, see Cicero cU Sen, § 22 ; 
Hor. ScU, 2, 3, 318 <u/ sanos abeat tutela 
propinquos, id. Ep, i, i, 103 curatoris 
egere a praetore dati. lust. Inst. i, 23 
furiosi et prodigi, licet maiores XXV 
annis sint, tamen in curatione agna- 
torum sint ex lege xii tabularum, 

liberoB...educaTlt. So luba was 
r/Mt^elt iv 'IraM^, Dio 51, 15; and so 
Agrippa, son of Aristobulus was brought 
up at Rome with Drusus, son of Ti- 
berius [los. Ant, 18, 6, i]. Compare 
a similar policy of Agricola in Britain, 
Tac. Agr, 21. 

49. aiudlia. Under the republic 
auxilia meant all non-dtizen troops 
levied in provinces or fumished by kings 
or allied nations. In the milijtary 
system as reformed by Augustus it 
meant all bodies of troops in the pro- 
vinces other than the legions, however 
composed. Marq.i 1,183. Ofwhatsuch 
auxtlia consisted wUl be seen in Vell. 
2, 113 contractis in una castra x legi- 
onibus, LXX amplius cohortibus, xiv 
alisj et pluribus decem veteranorum 
miiibust ad hoc magno voluntariorum 
numeroyfrequentique equite regio... 

proyindatlm. At the time of the 




distribuity classem Miseni et alteram Ravennae ad tutelam 
Superi et Inferi maris conlocavit, ceterum numerum Legionsin 
partim in urbis partim in sui custodiam adlegit, ^^^e^ 


battle of Actium there were at least 
50 legions enrolled, all of which passed 
under the power of Augustus, who, 
making it a chief point in his policy to 
reduce the strength and expense of the 
army, partly by disbanding and partly 
by draughting off veterans to colonies, 
brought down the number to 18 or 23. 
[For the question between these two 
numbers, see Mommsen res g, pp. 67 — 
69; Marq. 11, 159 — 163; £. G. Hardy, 
^mmal of Philology 23, 45 p. 29 and 
the authorities there quoted.] What- 
ever the original number may have been 
it seems that after t(ie Pannonian rising 
and the fall of Varus, the number was 
23 or 25 [Dio 55, 23 TfLa, di ^ r&re Ktd 
eUcwri (rrpar&ireda, ^ios ye irepot \iyowri 
TivT€ KoX etxoaij woXirucii iTp4<p€To], and 
Tacitus [Ann. 4, 5] tells us of their 
distribution in a.d. 23, which seems 
not to have been changed since the 
death of Augustus : — the Gauls and 
Germany 8 ; Spain 3 ; Africa 2 ; Egypt 2 ; 
Syria 4; Pannonia 2; Moesia^; Dal- 
matia 2. Thus they were all in frontier 
provinces, the rest being provinciae 
inermes, in which the governor had only 
a detachment as body guard and for 
police, or depended on local militia 
[Marq. 11, 272 sq.]. The telling off of 
certain legions for permanent service in 
particular provinces proved afterwards 
a fertile source of disruption. 

claiweffn . . .BaYeimae. The war fleet 
of Rome had never been continuously 
maintained in efiiciency since the Punic 
and Macedonian wars. Pompey, in B.C. 
67, causeda large fleet of 500 vessels to be 
built for the war with the pirates, which 
he maintained also during the civil war. 
After the death of Caesar, the com- 
mand of the fleet was transferred to Sext. 
Pompeius [p. 31], and with it he main- 
tained himself till B.c. 36. To combat 
him Augustus commissioned Afrippa to 
build a neet in B.c. 37 [p. 32]. The fall of 
Sextus Pompeius put Augustus in pos- 
session of a large number of vessels, 
which he employed at Actium, where 
his victory added still more. He then 
organized the fleet on the same principle 
as the army, i.e. by fixing on two or 
more places as permanent stations, — 
Ravenna, Misenum, Forum lulii {Fr^* 
/tis)t Tac. Ann, 4, 5 Misenum apudet Ra- 

vennamproximum Galliae Htus rostratae 
naves praesidedantf quas Actiaca victoria 
captas in oppidum Forumiuliense miserat 
valido cum remige. The station at 
Forum lulii seems not to have been 
maintained long after the time of Au- 
gustus [Strab. 4, 1, 9]; but those at 
Ravenna and Misenum existed up to 
the 5th centuiy; the fleets are called 
in inscriptions classis praetoria Misen' 
ensis...Raiuennas\jC»I*L. 10, 317 — 350]. 
Ravenna, like the modem Venice, was 
built amidst tidal lagunes, three miles 
from the sea. Augustus not only con- 
structed a port {Classis) connected by 
a causeway with the old dty, but also a 
canal (fossa Augusta) from the Po to 
this pjort [Pliny N. H. i % 20]. By 
the middle of the 6th century this har- 
bour was already silted up [lordan. Get. 
29], and the lagunes of the ancient city 
have lon^ shared the same fate. Sue- 
tonius joins the fleet with his mention 
of the army, for those serving on board 
were reckoned as soldiers and shared in 
the privileges of soldiers: see the diplo- 
mata granting civitas to those remiges 
who had served their time in the fleet 
[C /. Z. 3, p. 844 sq. ; Wihnanns 2862 
— 3]. The importance of the nai^ 
stations of Misenum and Ravenna will 
be seen by reference to Tacitus Ann. 
H» <52; 15, 51; Hist. 2, 9, 100; 3, 6, 
4O) 50» 5^> ^* Pliny Fp. 6, 16 and 20; 
Plut. Ant. 32; Dio 48, 36; Vell. 2, 77; 
Mommsen Inscrip. R^. NeapoL pp. 

oetemm numemm : that is, all men 

under arms other than those in the 

legions, auxiliaries or fleet 

partlm In iizl>l8...adlegit. Tac. 

Ann. 4, 5 quamquam insideret urbem 

proprius mites, tres urbancte, novem 

praetoriae cohortes. The number of 

cohortes urbanae was however subse- 

quently raised to four [Tac. H. 2, 03; 

C. I. L. 3,853 (a diploma of Ves- 

pasian) item milititm qui in cohorti- 

bus novem praetorUs et quatuor urbanis 

miiitaverunt]. As to the strength of 

the cohortes also there is variation of 

testimony, Tacitus /. c. says that each 

had a thodsand men, Dio 55, 24 says 

1500, — oi Tijs TbXetas ^povpal i^axurxO^ 

T€ otrrei koX TerpaxS y^yefiJi/ihoi. See 

for a new discussion on the question 







dimissa Calagurritanorum manu, quam usque ad devictum 
Antonium item Germanorum, quam usque ad cladem Varia- 
nam inter armigeros circa se habuerat. Neque tamen 
umquam plures quam tres cohortes in urbe esse 
passus est easque sine castris, reliquas in hibernas 
et aestiva circa finitima oppida dimittere assuerat 
Quidquid autem ubique militum esset, ad certam stipendiorum 
praemiorumque formulam adstrinxit, definitis pro gradu 
cuiusque et temporibus militiae et commodis missionum, ne 
aut aetate aut inopia post missionem soUicitari ad res novas xo 
Aerarium possent Utque perpetuo ac sine difficultate sumptus 
miiitare. ^j tuendos eos prosequendosque suppeteret, aerarium 
militare cum vectigalibus novis constituit 

Mommsen in Hermes 14, 15 — 35, 160; 
16, 643 — 647; Epheni, Epig. 5, 118 
— lao. 

partimlnral. The tencoAoriespraetO' 
riae [Dio /. c. ci re (rcu/Aaro^i^Xa/ces fiipcoi 
om-es Kol d€KaxS reTayfj^voi] were an 
extension of the cokors praetoria of 
republican times attending each com- 
mander-in-chief [Polyb. 6, 40]. As 
Augustus was commander-in-chief of 
the whole Roman army, and had his 
principal residence at Rome, the prae- 
torian guard naturally had its head- 
quarters there also. But it was not 
until the administration of Sejanus that 
they were all stationed in a permanent 
camp near \i)xeporta VimincUts\^Tib, 37 ; 
Dio 57, 19; Tac. Ann, 4, 2]. 

Calagnrrltanorum. Calagurris Nas- 
sica or lulia (Caiahorra) in Hispania 
Tarraconensis was a municipium enjoy- 
ing the Roman civitas [Piin. N. H. 3 
§ 4]. Oermanorom. These appear to 
have been Batavians, Dio 55, 24 ^kvw. 
T€ lirireti MXeKTOif oU t6 tQv BaTao^v 
dirb TTJs Baraoi^as r^s ip t^ 'Pijyy yi^ffov 
^pojjxif Sri Sij KpdTUTTOi lirire^eiM eUrl, 
K€LTai, The Batavian body-guard was 
also employed by Nero, Wilmanns 15 18 

AN • XX • H • s • E. A body-guard of 
foreigners had been employed before, 
as the Ityreans by Antony, Cic. 2 Fhil, 
§§ i^and 112. 

Varianam, see on c. 23. 

pliire84iiamtre8...8lneoastri8. This 
refers to the praetorian cohorts, for the 
urban cohorts had already barracks in 

Rome near the forum Suarium, The 
three praetorian cohorts.thus billeted in 
Rome in tum performed the duties of 
guard at the imperial palace, Tac. Ann. 
ii 7> ^> 34* After the praetorian camp 
was formed one cohort at a time mounted 
guard at the palace, Tac. Ann. 12, 69; 
Hist. 1, 24, and wore the toga, id. Hist. 
I, 38 nec una cohors togata defendit 
nunc Galbam sed detinet. Mart. 6, 76 
llle sacri lateris custos Martisque togati. 

ad C6rtam...ad8trixizit, *he confined 
strictly to a fixed scale of service-time 
and aUowances.' Dio 54, 25 (b.c 13) 
KoX dUra^€ rd ^17 6ffa ol iroXtrai OTpa- 
T€6<ToiVTo Kal rd XPVM^'''^ ^^^ iravffdfie- 
yoi riji ffTpaTelaSt dvrl r^s x^P^^ V^ dei 
roT€ yroWf \t^\I/oimto. He goes on to 
say that the time of service fixed was 
12 years for praetorians and 16 for 
others. But either this was again altered 
or this number of years* service did not 
entitle a man to his retiring allowance, 
for it is stated in 55, 23 (a.d. 6) to be 
16 for praetorians and 20 for the legio- 
naries, cp. Tac. Ann. i, 17 and 78; 
M. A. c. 17. Mommsen thinks the 
change accounted for by the costly wars 
in Pannonia and Germany B.c. 12 — 8. 
There was a farther variation in other 
branches of the service. The cohortes 
urbanae served 20, the auxiiia 25, the 
classici 26 years. Marq. 11, p. 282. 

oommodia miaaionTim. See c. 24 
note, p. 53. 

aerarium mllitaxe. M. A. c. 17 it/. 
Lepido et L. Auruntio cos. (a.d. 6) in 
aerarium militare^ quod ex consUio meo 
constitutum est^ ex quoprcumia darentur 
miiitibus, qui vicena aut plura emeru* 




Et quo celerius ac sub manum adnuntiari cognoscique 
posset, quid in provincia quaque gereretur, iuvenes Postal 
primo modicis intervallis per militaris vias, dehinc ««J^cc* 
vehicula disposuit Commodius id visum est, ut qui a loco 
5 perferunt litteras, interrogari quoque, si quid res exigant, 
possint In diplomatibus libellisque et epistulis 50 

signandis initio sphinge usus est, mox imagine 

issent HS nUllUns et septingentiens ex 
patrimanio meo detulu Dio 55, 15 iirei 
tLifieit rdpos apiffKW rtffl» eifpUrKeroj 
dXXd KoX ravv iravres (frt koX ijyiTeTro 
i^pAvomot ioifyryKey 6 Aifyovaros XP4" 
fxara Kal inrkp iavrod Kal iwip Tipeplov 
is rd Tafueu», 6 koX frrpaTuaTiKhv ivwb' 
pMre. The establishment of this militarv 
exchequer was therefore connected with 
the change and settlement as to the 
years of service and retiring allowances. 
It was replenished from time to time 
by his own contributions [see c. 41], by 
voluntary subventions from subject or 
allied prihces and towns, and by a death 
duty of 5 p.c. on estates and legacies 
[Dio /. c* TTjy 5* elKwrrfiv tw re KXripiav 
KoX Tuv dwpeQv, of &u ol TeXevTcayTii Tiai 
rXrjv tQxv iravh frvrfye»Q>v ^ koX wevTJTutv 
KaTaXelirwri KaTeorioaTo], and the 
I p.c. excise on res venates seems also 
to have been paid to this account, Tac. 
Ann, I, 78. Two praetarii were put 
in charge of it. 

▼ectigalilraB novls. The legacy du- 
ties he maintained to be only a revival 
of an old tax, Dio /. c. 

mib mannm, *promptly' [^rd x^V^^^ 
Arist. Meteor. 2, 9, 13], cp. Seneca 
Ep, 71 § I res nostrae feruntur^ immo 
volvuntur; ergo consilium nasci sub diem 
debet: et hoc quoque nimis tardum est; 
sud manui guodaiunt, nascatur; Plancus 
ap. Cic. /am. 10, 23 § 2 adiunxi... 
Vocontii sub manu ut essent, *at hand/ 
*handy*: but Caes. B. Afr, 36 sub 
manum [with v. 1. manu]. 

InTenes. . .yeliicnla. Along the great 
military roads of Italy and the pro- 
vinces there seem to have been for 
some time posting houses where relays of 
horses and carriages could be obtained 
[Cic. pro Ros. Am, 7 ; Suet. lul, 57 ; 
Mart. 10, 104], but there was no pro- 
vision for postal service. Rich men 
kept tabellarii for the transmission of 
letters [see Mayor on Plin. Ep, 3, 17 
§ 2] ; the magistrates sent stcUores [Cic. 
ad fam. 3, 17, i]; and the companies 
oi publicani had their regular couriers 

[Cic. ad Att, 5, 15, 3; <^ Prov. § 15]. 
Poorer men had to take advantage of 
these. For the public post now orga- 
nised by Augustus, see Marq. 9, pp. 587 
— 591 who gives a lox^ list of the litera- 
ture of the subject The Emperor had 
a certain number oi speculatores attached 
to his staif for this service [c. 74]. 

yeblcnla, the light carriages or cisia 
used in the postal service, cp. CcU, 44 
magnificcu litteras Romam misit, tnoni- 
tis specutatoribus, ut vehiculo ad forum 
usgue et curiam pertenderent, 

60. diplomatilraB, documents issued 
by the Emperor or provincial govemor 
conferring privileges, immunities or the 
like. CcU, 38 ; Ner, 12. The term is also 
applied to bronze diptycka, such as the 
diplomata fixing \)iq privilegia militum, 
See Wilmanns 2861 ; C. I. L. 3, p. 843. 
llbellls, *petitions.* The Emperor is 
said signare libellos when he answers 
them, Pliny Ep. i, 10, ^ sedeo pro tribu- 
na/i, subnoto libellos. 

eplBtnlle. Gaius Inst. i, 5 constitutio 
principis est quod imperator decreto vel 
edicto vel epistuia constituit. Though 
this definition was hardly recc^ised in 
the time of Augustus. 

Inltlo ■plilngB...8na. Pliny [N. H. 
37 § 10] says that Augustus found two 
rings of his mother*s with sphinxes that 
were exactly alike, and that while he 
used one he lent the other to his agents 
durin|; the civil war [i.e. to Maecenas, 
see Dio 5 1 v 3]» The three seals, whether 
designedly or not, seem to have a refer- 
ence to three stages in his Ufe, — ^to the 
self-suppression and dark policy of his 
early manhood ; the world-wide empire 
gained after 31 B.c. ; and finally to the 
originality of the policy in his later 
years in which he represented in his 
own person all the popular powers 
which he pretended to maintain. The 
emblem of the sphinx seems to have 
given rise to unfavourable remark, 
postea ad evitanda convicia sphingis 
Atexandri Magni imagine signavit Plm. 
I.C. The Sphinx is tound on coins of 




Magni Alexandri, novissime sua, Dioscuridis manu sculpta, 
qua signare insecuti quoque principes perseverarunt. Ad 
epistulas omnis horarum quoque momenta nec diei modo sed 
et noctis, quibus datae significarentur, addebat. 
51 Clementiae civilitatisque eius multa et magna documenta s 

sunt Ne enumerem, quot et quos diversarum par- 
tolerance tium venia et incolumitate donatos principem etiam 
of personal \^ civitate locum tenere passus sit: lunium Novatum 

et Cassium Fatavinum e plebe homines alterum pe- 
cunia, alterum levi exilio punire satis habuit,-cum ille Agrippae i. 
iuvenis nomine asperrimam de se epistulam in vulgus edidisset, 
hic convivio pleno proclamasset, neque votum sibi neque 
animum deesse confodiendi eum. Quadam vero cognitione, 

Chios and Alexandria [Head Hist, 
Num. pp. 513, 730], but there is alsc 
a Cistophorus in the B. Museum with 
a head of Augustus and a Sphinx on 
the reverse. 

DlOBCiirldlB. There are some gems 
extant attributed to Dioscurides (Atoo'- 
Kovpibriii), see King*s Horace Odes i, 
a. Pliny N. H. 37 § 8 post eum Apol' 
lonides et Cronius in gloriajuere, qui- 
que Augusti imaginem simillime expres- 
sitf qua postea principes signanty Dios- 

iii8ecati...priiicipe8 except Galba 
[Dio 51, ^]. An example of its use by 
Hadrian is given in the records of the 
Arval Bretlu^n [Henzen p. 65; Wil- 
manns 3871] Z. Julium Catium ex litte- 
risJmp. Caesaris Traiani Hadriani Au- 
gustijratrem Arvalem cooptaverunt et 
ad sacra vocaverunt ibique tabulae aper- 
tae signo signatae quod exprimit Kaput 
Augusti..,{A.D. 11 8). For the generai 
use of portraits in rings, see Ovid Tr, 
I, 7, 6 in digito qui me fersque refers- 
que tuo, efigiemque meam fulvo com- 
plexus in auro, cara retegati quae potes 
ora vides, 

boramm. . .momenta,* the exact time,* 
lustin. 3, 14, 9 tam brevi horarum 
momento\ Pliny A^. H. 7 § 173 nullo 
horcu momento. 

qnilma . . . glgiilflcarentiir, *noting at 
what hour they had been despatched'; 
equivalent to quo significaret quidus mo- 
mentis dcUae essent, It is a case of the 
loose use of the subjunctive common 
with words of saying, rediit paulo post 
quod se obUtum nescio quid diceret Cic. 

Of^. i> 13; RobyZ. G. 1746. datae, 
Cic. Att. 4, 17 § 3 <i Quinto fratre eta 
Caesare accepi a, d. xiKcU. ifov. litteras 
datas a littoribus Britanniai a, d. xi 
Kal, Oct, 

61. (dementiae. See on c. 13, p. 26. 
Seneca \de Clem. 9 — 11] discusses 
the claim of Augiistus to this praise, 
contrasting the early severities with the 
mildness of the principate, and con- 
^yi^^^egovero clementem non voco lassam 
crudelitatem. It was a subject on which 
Augustus valued himself ; m M.A. 34 he 
says that the golden shield was given 
him clemenHae, iustitiae, pietatis causa, 
and was so inscribed. 

civilitatiB, *moderation,' 'constitu- 
tional conduct,' the proper dealing 
of citizen with citizen on equal terms, 
not acting as a monarch. Claud. 35 
primis imperii diebus ictctcUor civilitatis, 

Inninm...Patavinum, otherwise un- 
known. The men might have been 
convicted of maiestas. Cp. Tac. Ann, 
i, 73 primus Augustus de famosis li- 
bellis specie eius legis (i.e. de maiestate) 
tractavit. e jilebe. See on c. 44. 

ikgrippae inTenis, sc. Agrippa Pos- 
tumus, see cc. 9 and 64. 

confodiendi, *he wanted neither the 
wish nor the courage to stab him to 
death,' Roby L. G. 1394* Suet. Jul. 83 
tribus et viginti vulneribus confossus est. 

oog^tione. The hearing of a special 
case by a magistrate or the Emperor. 
Claud. 15 negantem cognitionis rem sed 
ordinarii iuris esse, ib, 13 cognitionibus 
magistrcUibus ut unus e consUiaribus in- 




cum Aemilio Aeliano Cordubensi inter cetera crimina vel 
maxime obiceretur quod male opinari de Caesare soleret, 
conversus ad accusatorem commotoque similis Velim^ inquit, 
koc mihi probes ; faciam sciat Aelianus et me lingnam habere, 

$plura enim de eo loquar ; nec quicquam ultra aut postea in- 
quisiit. Tiberio quoque de eadem re, sed violentius, apud se 
per epistulam conquerenti ita rescripsit : Aetati tuae, mi 
Tiberi^ noli in hac re indulgere et nimium indignari quem- 
quam esse^ qui de m£ male loquatur ; satis est enim, si hoc 

10 habemus ne quis nobis male facere possit. 

Templa, quamvis sciret etiam proconsulibus decerni 52 
solere, in nulla tamen provincia nisi communi suo Tempies 
Romaeque nomine recepit (nam in urbe quidem tohimseif. 
pertinacissime abstinuit hoc honore) atque etiam argenteas 

z5 statuas olim sibi positas conflavit omnis exque iis aureas 
cortinas Apollini Palatino dedicavit. 

GordnbaiBL Corduba was the seat 
of one of the four conventus iuridici of 
Hispania Baetica, and was a Roman 
colony (b.c. 133), in which it is said an 
unusual number of patricians had settled, 
of whom Aemilius Aelianus appears 
from his name to have been one. 

male oplnail de, *to express a bad 
opinion of,* *to abuse,' see c. 67 ; Cai, 

17 male de munere suo opinatos', lustin. 
i^> 5t 8 i^ unam cohortem eos qui de 
rege durius opinati fuerunt contribuit. 
So maU existimare, Macrob. Sat, 2, 4, 

18 Strabone male existimante de pervi- 
cacia CcUonis, 

aetati...indii]|f«re, *to give way to 
the impulses of our youth* (Horace's 
ccdida iuventa). Claud. 16 aetcUulae 
indulgere'. Tac. Germ, 19 mulier, non 
fonna non aetate maritum invenerit, 
So indulgere animo, Ovid Met, 13, 598. 

62. etiam ixroooiunillbiiB, as to 
Flamininus at Chalcis [Plut. T, Flam. 
16; see also Cic., i, i, o]. 
iiiBl...8iioRomaeqneiiomine. Tempfes 
to Rome had been known before, as at 
Smyma [Tac. Ann, 4, 56. See Rushforth 
p. 47 — 8]. The ioining the names of 
the Emperor witn that of Rome was 
therefore a natural step, which Augustus 
himself had already taken in dedicating 
the lulian heroum rf re *P(6/ii; koX t<p 
Tarpl T^ KcUo-api Dio 51, 10. For 
instances see C. I. G. 3524 (an Aeolic 
inscription near Cyme) M Upim tSx 
*'Pia/iai KoX a^oKpdTOpos, ^ew vlu;, OeQ 

'LePoffTQy i^i€phn fieyUrTUt koX irarp6f 
ras TarfAdoSi Jlo\ifJuayot tQ Itipftavos 
AaodUceos, That is, *when Polemo, 
son of Zeno of Laodicea, was priest 
of Rome and of the Emperor Augustus 
etc' Cp. i^. 3567 ; Tac. Ann. 4, 37. 

in urbe. As also in Italy, Dio 51, 
20 roif di 54 ^ois iauTif fikv Tivk.., 
Ttfxevlaai iT4Tpe}p€v...iv ydp rot rfp AffTti 
a^bTtp ry re (i\\y ^lraX/^ o^k i<rTtv Saris 
tQv i<p* droowv X&yov Ttybs d^twv MX- 
fiffffe toOto TOiijirat, Yet that such wor- 
ship did exist in Italy in his lifetime is 
proved by inscriptions at Pompeii, see 
Rushforth, pp. 54 — 57. After his death 
such shrines were dedicated in Rome 
and all over the empire. See c. 5 ; Tac. 
Ann. I, 10 ; Pliny N. JI. 1 1 § 04. 

argenteas stataas. Plin. N.IT. 33 
§151 argenti usum in statuas primum 
dizn Augusti tempontm adulatione trans- 
issefcUso existimatur, iam enim triumpho 
Magni PompH reperimus tralatam 
Pkamdcis qui primus regnavit in Ponto 
argenteam statuam, item Mithridatis^ 
et currus aureos argenteosque. Dio 53, 
22 o^ ybLD di6vafuu 9iaKf£vai...^ rd f*d- 
Xurra 6 A.1iyowrTos koX dvdptdirras nviit 
iavToO dfryvpovs Tp6t re tQv ^Xtov koX 
Tp6s Si^fjuav Tivwv yeyov&ras, is vbfuofUL 
KaTiKonfft. He had himself forbidden 
silver statues of men, Dio 54, 7. 

exqne iie, * and with the money coined 
from them.' 

ApOUliii Falatlno. See c. 29. oor- 
tinae, Plin. A^. ^. 35 § 14 ex aerefacti- 





Dictaturam magna vi offerente populo, genu nixus deiecta 

^^ ab umeris toga nudo pectore deprecatus est. Domini 

Dictator- appellationem ut maledictum et obprobrium semper 

^^' exhorruit. Cum, spectante eo ludos, pronuntiatum 

tavtre et cortinas tripadum nomine ac 
Delphicasy quod eae maxitne Apollini 
Delphico dicabantuK 

diotatiiram...deprecataBaBt. M.A. 
5 Dictaturam et apsenti et praesenti 
mihi dcUam a pqpulo et senatu M. 
Marcdlo et Z. Arruntio consulidus (b.c. 
11) non accepi. [The Latin text is de- 
fective, but is restored from the Greek.] 
The year B.C. 22 was one of distress, 
and the popular feeling called for the 
help of Augustus (who in accordance 
with the arrangement of B.c. 33 was not 
consul). Thepeoplebesiegedthesenate- 
house, clamouring that the Dictator- 
ship and praefectura annonae should 
be bestowed on Augustus. The latter 
he accepted...rf^ hk dtKTaropla» oit 
TfMtr/iKarOi dXXd Ktd rifv (oOTjra wpoo- 
Karepprf^arOt ireidii firidiva rp&irov dXXoif 
(T^df iTurxelv...iitiw'fiOri ' rijjv re yh,p i^ov' 
oUkv Kalr^v npiiiv koX iirkprom 6iKrdropas 
^wy, 6p&Cas r$ re iwl^Bovov koI rb fuarfrhv 
r^s ivucKifOciin aitriav i<f>v\d^TOf Dio 
54, I. Cp. Vell. if 89. It was, in 
fact, diametrically opposed to Augustus' 
policy of resting a practically absolute 
power on a constitutional basis, as 
Tiberius said of his tribunicia potestas 
[Tac. Ann. 3, 56] id summi fastigii vo- 
cadu/um Augustus repperit^ ne regis aut 
dictatoris nomen adsumeret ac tamen 
appellcUione cdiqua cetera imperia prae- 
mineret. He took the same course as 

to the perpetual censorship... dpxV o^- 
b€fda» rapd rd wdrpia idrj didofiivi^v 
dv€d€^dnriVf M. A. 0. Now the first 
measure of conciliation after the murder 
of lulius had been (on the proposition 
of Antony) to declare it illegal to pro- 
pose or accept a dictatorship, under the 
same penalties as the old constitution 
imposed on the attempt to obtain kingly 
power, 17 r6v iK rwvdi rivos {/rr€piS6vra 
y^rrotv€l rrpds rcav ivrvx^vrtav dycu- 
peiaOaL, App. B. civ. 3, 35 [cp. Plut. 
Popl. 12 iypayf/e ydp v6fiOv di^ev KpUrews 
KreTvai 5t56vra rbv pov\6fi€vov rvpav- 
vcTv]. This is what Cicero calls the 
abolition of the very name of the Dicta- 
torship, as it was in fact. See Cic. 
I Phi/. § 3; 2 /%tV.§ 91; 5 /%«/. § 10 ; 
Dio 44» 51. The Dictatorship as held 
by Sulla and lulius had of course been 
of a different nature from that known 

up to the end of the second Punic war, 
both in the method of appointment, 
length of tenure, and the jundical basis 
on which it rested [Mommsen Staatsr, 
3, 194 ; 4, 427], nevertheless the name 
was one known to the constitution, and 
some show of following precedents was 
made [App. B. cvv. i} 99; Cic. ad Att. 
9, 9 and 15 ; Caes. B. civ. 2, 22], while 
Antony's law of B.C. 44 was generally 
understood to make any Dictatorship 
illegal \dictaturae nomen in perpetuum 
de republica sustulisti, Cic. 2 Fhil. /.r.]. 
It does not therefore seem that it only 
referred to the irr^ular dictatorship, as 
has been stated, Class. Review, vol. 3, 
p. 77 (F. Haverfield). 

68. domlnl. Cp. Tib. 27 dominus 
appellatus a quodam denunttavit ne se 
amplius contumetiae causa nominaret, 
Domitian on the other hand accepted 
the title [Suet. Dom. 13], as had Cali- 
gula [Aurel. Vict. Ccusares]. Dio 55, 
12 5€orr&nis 5i r6r€ (A.D. 2) 6 AHyovoros 
i)ir6 rov 5i^fU)v bvofiaoOels o^dx Srrufs dirctre 
firi5iva roArip rrpbs iavrbv r<p rpoop^pMri 
xrioaoOai. Tertull. Apoi. 34 Augustus 
imperii fortnator ne dominum se quidem 
appellari mlebcU. The position taken 
up by Augustus was that, though in 
rank he was first, his powers were only 
those of any other magistrate [M. A. 6 
postidtempus (b.C. 1*1) praestiti omnibus 
dignitatifpotestatis autetn nihilo amplius 
habui quam quifuerunt mihi quoque in 
magistratu contegae]. It was natural, 
therefore, that he should avoid the title 
dominus, associated (i) with the master- 
ship of slaves, (2) withpolitical tyranny. 
See Cic. de Rep. 2, 20 videtisne igitur 
ut de rege dominus exstiterit...hic est 
enim dominuspopuliquem Graecityran- 
num vocant. 2 Phil. 108 Cinnam nimis 
potentem, Suliam postea dominantem, 
modo regnantem Caesarem videramus. 
Tiberius (\iyev 5rL 5€orr6rris fiiv rtav 
5oj&\(ov, abroKpdrcap 5i rOv orparuorQv, 
rQv 5i 5ij \oirrav rrp6Kpiros €lfd [Dio 57, 
8]. Brutus [Cic. £p. ad Br. i, i^, 6] 
sed dominum ne parentem quidem 
maiores nostri voluerunt esse. Pliny 
Panegyr. 45 sdo^^ ut sunt diversa natura 
domincUio et principaiusy ita non aliis 
esse principem grcUiarem quam qui 
maxime dominum graventur. 




esset in mimO : dominum aequum et bonum l et universi quasi 
de ipso dictum exultahtes comprobassent, et statim manu 
vultuque indecoras adulationes repressit et inse- i^^^^^ 
quenti die gravissimo corripuit edicto; dominumque ofadula- 

5 se posthac appellari ne a liberis quidem aut nepotibus ^^^^* 
suis vel serio vel ioco passus est, atque eius modi blanditias 
etiam inter ipsos prohibuit. Non temere urbe oppidove uUo 
egressus aut quoquam ingressus est nisi vespera aut noctu, 
ne quem officii causa inquietaret. In consulatu pedibus fere, 

lo extra consulatum saepe adaperta sella per publicum incessit. 
Promiscuis salutationibus admittebat et plebem, tanta 
comitate adeuntium desideria excipiens, ut quendam 
ioco corripuerit, quod sic sibi libetlum porrigere dubitaret, 
quasi elephanto stipem, Die senatus numquam patres nisi 

15 in curia salutavit et quidem sedentis, ac nominatim singulos 


non temere, see on c. i6, p. 34. Thefashion 
of meeting magistrates and commanders 
on their retum to Rome by a procession 
ivas an old one, see Livy 12, 6i ; Cic. €ui 

^if- 7f 5; ^ ^^^^' § lo^* Among the 
honours voted to Augustus in B.c. 30 
was ^t r^v v(i\i» iatdyri airf rds re 
UpeUki rdf deiirapdiyovs koI r^v /SovXV 
r6v re d^/iov /lerd re rQv ywaiKiav Kcd 
/lerii rQv riKvtav diravr^cu. [Dio 51, 
19]. When, however, a complimentaiy 
procession was voted to him on his re- 
tum from Gaul in B.c. 13 he avoided 
it, r^v dwdvrrffftv rov d^/iov koX r&re 
i^iimi' vvKrbs ydp is riiv irSKtp iaeKO- 
/lUaOrf Ihrep rov koI del u)S elire^...iTolei, 
Xva /ir/Sevl abrCtv d^y/pibs elti [id. 54, 35]. 
As to oi&ciiim for attentions of thischa- 
racter, see luv. 3, 126 and Mayor's note. 

inqoietaiet, only in Latin of silver 
age, see Ner. 34; Quint. 11, 3, 80; 
Plin. Ep. I, 9. 

adaperta seUa. RothforA/^^/^r/^i. To 
ride with the curtains of thelectica closed 
was a sign of pride. Cp. Cic. 2 Phil, 
§ 106 obviam ei processit..,fnagfia sane 
fnultitudo, At iste operta lectica latus 
per oppidufn est ut niortuus. Hence the 
joke of the peasant at Venusia which 
cost him so aear, Gell. 10, 3, 5. Mart. 
11, gS, 12 ftec zfiftdicavit (from trouble- 
some basicUores) sella saepius dusa. In 
the sella the rider sat, in the lectica re- 
clined. For a distinction between them 
see Suet. Claud. 35 ; Domit. 2 ; Seneca 
de brev. vit. 12, 6 ; Mart. 10, 10 ; 11, 98. 

per pabliimm (subst. 'public place') 
Ner. 9 lectica per publicum vehi. 

promiBOOis, * open to all ' as opposed 
to the practice of some subsequent 
Emperors, as Domitian, Pliny paneg. 
48, §§ 4 — 5 observabafUur faribus {Domi- 
tiant) horror et miftae et par metus ad- 
missis et exclusis...fton adire quisquam 
fton alloqui audebat tenebras secretumque 

salntationibiiB. The early moming 
salutatio is profiisely illustrated in all 
literature of the imperial period. Mart. 
4, 8 priffta salutantes atque altera con- 
terit hora. See the passages quoted by 
Mayoron luv. i, 128; 3, 127; 5, 19. 

Bic...dnbitaxet. Macrob. .Sii/. 2, 4, 3 
idem Augustus cum ei qttidam libellum 
offerret et modo proferret manum modo 
retraheret ^putas* inquit ^te assem ele- 
phanto dareV Quint. 6, 3, 59; Gal. 
de usu part. 176 iM^s iKelvtp rtp /Mpl(p 
airavra /uraxeipiierai,..dxpi rtov <r/uKpo- 
rdrcifv vo/uff/tjdrtav. Of elephants trained 
to beg, see Mart. Spect. 17 quod prius 
et supplex elephas te, Caesar, adorcU. 

nlki in onxla. To cause the Senate 
to wait on him at the palace would be 
looked on as treating it disrespectAiUy. 
Thus on his retum in B.c. 13 he greeted 
the people iv r<p wa\arl<p but summoned 
the Senate to the Curia [Dio 54, 2$]; 
and in his tdudatto Tiberius said of him 
[Dio 56, 41] iv raXs ioprais Kal rbv 
S^/utv oUdde Tpoff5e^a/iivov iv di rcus 
^Xait if/juip<us Koi ri/v yepov(rl<kv iv aitr^i, 
r<p Pov\evrrif^<p dffT<ura/Uvov. 




nuUo submonente; etiam discedens eodem modo sedentibus 
valere dicebat Officia cum multis mutuo exercuit, ticc 
and prius dies cuiusque sollemnes frequentare desiit, 

kindness. quam grandi iam natu et in turba quondam spon- 
saliorum die vexatus. Gallum Terrinium senatorem minus « 
sibi familiarem, sed captum repente oculis et ob id inedia 
mori destinantem praesens consolando revocavit ad vitam. 
54 In senatu verba facienti dictum est: Non intellexi^ et ab 
Behaviour ^^'^ • Cmtradicerem tibi^ si locum haberem, Inter- 
in the dum ob immodicas disceptantium altercationes e jo 

"*^' curia per iram se proripienti quidam ingesserunt, 
licere oportere senatoribus de republica loquL Antistius Labeo 
senatus lectione, cum vir virum legeret, M. Lepidum hostem 

•t quidtm Mdentis 'without their 
rising,* whereas lulius had received the 
Senate without rising himself, Suet. luL 
78, though the Senators were accus- 
tomed to stand up when he entered, 
Plut. Ccus. 66 eUnovToi 8i KeUaapos ^ 
PovMi ijuh vre^iffTfj OepaireOowra. 

niillo milimoiiente, without any no- 
menclator. Macr. Sai. 3, 4, 15 nomm' 
culatori suOy de cuius ohlivione qutreba- 
tur^ dicenti ^numquid ad forum man' 
das?* 'accipe* inquit *commendaticias 
quia illic neminem nosti.^ 

ofBcia, 'social attentions/ 'visits.' 
Nep. Att, 4 § 3 nikilo minus amicis 
urbana officia praestitit, 

gxandi iam nato, for the more com- 
mon grandis natu, see c. 89 ; Ner. 34. 

■ponflalionmi [for -orum see Seneca 
de Ben. 1,914]. The * betrothal * some- 
times preceded the actual marriage 
by several years, see Aul. Gell. 4, 4, 
Marquardt 14, p. 50. For the entertain- 
ment given at the betrothal, cp. Pliny 
Ep. I, 9 nam si quem interroges ^ hodie 
quid egisti?^ respondeat *officio togae 
virilis interfui^ sponsalia aut nuptias 
frequentavi! Seneca de Benef. 4, 39, 
3 surgam ad sponsalia quia promisi, 
quamvis non concoxerim; sed non si 
febricitavero. It was accompanied by a 
banquet, Pliny A^. ^. 9 § 11 LoUiam 
Pauiinam...mediocrium etiam sponsa- 
lium cena vidi zmaragdis margaritisque 
opertam. Cic. ad Q. Fr. 1, 5 (6) a. d. 
vii Idus Apr. sponsalia Crassipedi prcu- 
dui; huic cowvivio puer optimus Quintus 
. . .defuit. 

minn8...flunillarem. To a man who 
entertained him with a shabby dinner 

Augustus said wm putabam me tibi tam 
familiarem, Macr. Sat. 1, 4, 13. 

64. in eenata. Macrobius [5<z/. 2, 
4, 19 — 15] gives instances of Augustus' 
tolerance of repartees to himself. 

Bilocnmliaberem. Casaubon explains 
si tu omnia in republiea loca non occu- 
passest cp. Livy 4, 57 omnia loca obtinu' 
ere ne cui plebeio aditus esset. But it 
may have a more general meaning of 
*ground to stand on/ * opportunity/ as 
in Cic. Ati. i, 18 nactus tocum rese- 
candcu libidinis. 

de re pnUica, 'on the interests of 
the state.' Suet. lul. 38 M. Claudius 
Marcellus edicto pratfatus de summa 
repubUca acturum rettulit ad senatum. 

Antistina Labeo. (There is a doubt 
whether his praenomen was Marcus or 
Quintus.) Aul. Gell. 13, 12 in quadam 
epistula Atei Capitonis scriptum legimus, 
Labeonem Antistium legum atque morum 
populi Romani iurisque civUis doctum 
adprime fuisse. Tac. Ann. i, 75 Labeo 
incorrupta libertate. He wrote a com- 
mentary on the laws of the xil tables 
[Aul. Gell. 20, I § 13]; a work on 
the Vestal Virgins \id. i, n]; and 
other legal treatises \id. 4, 3], as wdl 
as works on grammarand philologyfii/. 
1 3, 10]. See also Pompon. in Dig. i, i, 
3, 47. Horace is supposed to refer to 
him in Sat. i, 3, 82 Labeone imanier, but 
this has with somereasonbeendoubted. 
See Palmer's note. 

enm vir vimm, see on c. 35, p. 79 

H. Lepidnm, see on c. 16, p. 35. 
exnlantem : in c. 16 he used the more 
accurate word relegavit. But exilium 

fo- 56.] 



olim eius et tunc exulantem legit, interrogatusque ab eo an 
essent alii digniores, suunt quemque iudicium habere respondit. 
Nec ideo libertas aut contumacia fraudi cuiquam fuit Etiam 55 
sparsos de se in curia famosos libellos nec expavit et magna 

5 cura redarguit ac ne requisitis quidem auctoribus, id modo 
censuit, cognoscendum posthac de iis, qui libellos aut carmina 
ad infamiam cuiuspiam sub alieno nomine edant. 

locis quoque quorundam invidiosis aut petulantibus 56 
lacessitus, contradixit edicto. Et tamen ne de inhibenda 

10 testamentorum licentia quicquam constitueretur, intercessit. 

was often used loosely to include the 
minor punishment of relegatio: thus 
Ovid often speaks of himself as exul 
[e.g. Tr. 3, I, i], but when he wishes 
to be more accurate he says of the edict 

[7>. 2» 135] 

quippe relegatuSi non exuly dicor tn illo 

privaquefortunae suntdata verba tneae, 

Lepidus' relegatio at Circeii also seems 

to have been varied by summonses 

to Rome [Dio 54, 13]. 

8uam...lia1)6re. Dio [54, 13] gives 
the answer somewhat difierentiy koX tI 
Seiybp ireirolriKa Karaffx^^ ^^ "^V (fvveSpUp 
Avdpa bv ffif dpx^epiojjf fri Kal vvv irepi- 
opi% 6vTa ; 

66. faxnosos 111)ell08, see on c. 51. 
Cp. Dio 5^, 31 (advice of Maecenas to 
Augustus) t6 yd.p 5t€ rts i\oi86priir4 oe 
7j Kol fT€p6v rt dvewiTi^deiov etire, /ii^re 
dKoda-ffS irore KaTrjyopovvT6s tivos iii^Te 
iTre^iXOfjS. But later on Aelius Satur- 
ninus was executed for libellous verses 
on Tiberius in B.c. ^3 [Dio 57, 22]. 
For a list of men punished by other 
Emperors for similar crimes, see Mayor 
on luv. I, 152. 

], *he not only did not 
shrink from them but took great pains to 
refute them and, without searching for 
the authors, merely made the foUowing 
regulation.* If the reading stands, et 
magna cura must mean that he con- 
descended to argument rather than re- 
pression ; but nec has been proposed for 
et^ in which case it would mean that 
'he neither feared them nor took any 
pains to refute them.' However, for 
nec foUowed by affirmative see Varro 
ap. A. Gell. i, 22 in conmvio legi nec 
omnia debent et ea potissimum quae si- 
mul sint ^{.ia^^Kyi etdelectent, Cic. 2 Cat, 
§ 28. Roby Z. G, 2200 and 2241. Mad- 
vig L. G. § 458. 

CQgiio8oendiiin edant . Tacitus 


\Ann, I, 72] says that Augustus first 
established a cognitio de famosis libellis, 
But Suetonius here adds the qualifica- 
tion of anonymity, — sub alieno nomine. 
Dio 56, 27 (A.D. 12) Kal fiaOCjv Sti 
/3(/3X/a drra ^0' Hppei TtyQv ovyypd<poiTOj 
^^rioaf a^TQv iiroiiioaTO koI iKcTvd re... 
KaTi<p\€^€ Kal tQv <rvvdivT<i)v airrd iK6- 
\affi Ttvas. The crime was one known 
to the law as far back as the xii tables, 
see Cic. de Rep. 4, 10 si quis occentavis- 
set sive carmen condidisset quod infami- 
am faceret flagitiumve alteri. Cp. Hor. 
Sat. 2, I, 82 ;{ mala condiderit in quem 
quis carfnina, ius est iudiciumque. 

66. ioci8...edicto. Macrobius Sat. 
2, 4, 19 soleo in Augusto magis mirari 
quos pertulit iocos quam ipse quos pro- 
tulit. He then gives several instances. 
To publish an edictum in answer to 
lampoons is curious ; but Augustus used 
the edictum as a means of familiar com- 
munication with the citizens on all sorts 
of subjects, some quite personal, see cc. 
3 1 and 8p. Claudius was the Emperor 
who camed this practice to the extreme 
length of absurdity, issuing as many as 
20 in one day, and among them ut uberi 
vifuarum proventu bene doliapicarentur^ 
and nihil aeque facere adviperae morsum 
quam taxi arboris sucum^ Suet. Claud. 
16. See others ib. 32 and 38. Also 
Cal. 45. 

testamentorum Ucentia, * the freedom 
of speech in wills.* Thus Fulcinius Trio, 
driven to commit suicide by informers, 
supremis tabulis multa et atrocia in 
Macronem ac praecipuos libertorum Cae- 
saris composuit, Tac. Ann. 6, 44; cp. 
Dio 58, .25. See Lucian Nigrin. 69 ort 
piav <p<av7iv ol *V<aiMitav wcudes d\rid7J 
rrap 6\ov Tbv piov irpoievTaXf t^v iv ratj 
Siadi^Kais \iy<av. For Nero*s dealing 
with the testamenta ingratorum^ see 
Suet. Ner. 32. 





Quotiens inagistratum comitiis interesset, tribus cum candi- 
atthe datis suis circuibat supplicabatque more sollemni. 
Comitia, Ferebat et ipse suffragium in tribu, ut unus e populo. 
Testem se in iudiciis et interrc^ari et refelli, aequissimo 
animo patiebatur. Forum angustius fecit, non ausus ex- 5 
torquere possessoribus proximas domos. Numquam filios 
suos populo commendavit ut non adiceret: si merebuntur, 
Eisdem praetextatis adhuc assurrectum ab universis in 
theatro et a stantibus plausum, gravissime questus est. 
Amicos ita magnos et potentes in civitate esse voluit, ut 10 
inthe tamen pari iure essent quo ceteri legibusque iudi- 
ludicia. ciariis aeque tenerentur. Cum Asprenas Nonius 
artius ei iunctus causam veneficii, accusante Cassio Severo, 

candidatlB buIb, *candidates recom- 
mended by himself/ thus Caesaris candi- 
dati was said of those who do not exert 
themselves to win anything, as being 
secure of their object. Quintil. 6, 3. 

Buppllcabatqiie may refer to words 
or respectful gestures, as in Ner. 13. 
For the conduct of a candidate in re- 
publican times see Q. Cic. de pet, 
cons. 42 opus est magno opere blan' 
ditia^ qucte, etiam si vitiosa est et turpis 
in cetera vita, tamen in petitione est 

In trlbu, Mss. have tribuhus. Erasmus 
read tribu^ rightly ; for though Augustus 
had belonged to two tribes, he would 
vote only in one ; see c. 40, p. 80 ; c.ioi. 

foram angustlus fedt. IVliddleton 
[Remains of Ancient Rome^ vol. 2, p. 9] 
illustrates this by observing that the 
symmetry of the plan of ^<^forum Au- 
gustiy in existing remains, is spoilt 'by a 
piece of it being as it were cut off in a 
sloping direction* at the east comer. 
For iheforum see c. 29, p. 62. 

numquam. . .ut non. For the limiting 
ut see pp. 59, 1 26. For ut non Cicero 
would have used quin. See Verr. 5, 

§ 55- . 

flllOB, his adopted sons Gaius and 

Lucius, sons of Agrippa and lulia. See 

cc. 26, 64. praetextatls, see c. 44. 

commeudavlt, i.e. for election. lul. 
41 commendo vobis illum et illum^ 

aSBurrectum, * the audience stood up 
in their honour.* The Emperor was ac- 
customed consulibus et cusurgere et dece- 
dere via. Tib. 3 1 . In the theatre the audi- 
ence rose to show respect for one enter- 
ing, see Cic. Att. 2, 19 inimici erant 

equitibus qui Curioni stantes plause- 
runt ; or sometimes in approval of the 
scene, Cic. de Am, § 24 (of Pylades and 
Orestes) stantes plaudebant in re ficta. 
Augustus was eager that the two young 
men should not be spoilt, Dio 54, 27 
khJl T<fi Si^/i(fi {iwiTifi7i<T€v) OTi kal Kp&rois 
Kal iiraijfoii airrb» [Vdtop'] iHiA7i<rav. id, 
55, 9 Idtjtjv 6 Avy ov<rTos t6v re Fdtoi' Kal 
Tbv Ao^Kiov a&roiis re /ii; irdvv, old iv 
iiyefiovlq. Tpe^fiivovSf ra iavrov ^dri ^17- 
\ovvTas. ..Kal irpbs ir<ivT<ov tGsv iv rj ir^Xet, 
rd fiiv yvdfiy rd di depairei^ Ko\aKevo- 
fiivois ^fyavdKTTiae, 

lta...ut tamen, *to be powerful and 
yet on no superior legal footing.' For 
ita followed by restrictive clause, cp. 
Cic. 2 Phil. § 85 ita eras Lupercus ut te 
consulem esse meminisse deberes. Ter. 
Haut. 783 ita tu istaec tua misceto, ne 
me admisceas, Plaut. Aul. 4, i, 5 ita 
dormitet, servom se esse ut cogitet, 

Asprena8NoniU8,seec.43. Quintilian 
[11, I, 57] speaks of the charge against 
him being without ground : it was alleged 
that he had poisoned 130 guests [Plin. 
A^. ^. 3 5 » § 1 04]. For inversion of names 
cp. c. 35 Codrus Cremutius, 

CasBlo Seyero. This man was a dis- 
tinguished orator though noted for the 
bitterness of his style [Quint. 6, i, 43; 
6» 3» ^7» 78 — 9; cp. 10, I, 116 ingenii 
plutimum est in eo et acerbitas mira; 
12, 10, II acerbitas Cassii"], [Tac.] de 
Orat. ^Gprimus contempto ordine rerum, 
omissa modestiaetpudoreverborum, ipsis 
etiam quibus utitur armis incompositus 
et studio feriendi plerumque deiectus^ 
non pugnat sed rixatur, Plin. N. 
H, 7, § 55 Cassio Severo...Armentarii 




diceret, consuluit senatum, quid officii sui putaret ; cunctari 
enim se^ ne si superesset, eripere legibus reunt, sin deesset, 
destituere ac praedamnare amicum existimaretur ; et con- 
sentientibus universis sedit in subselliis per aliquot horas, 

5 verum tacitus et ne laudatione quidem iudiciali data. Affuit 
et clientibus, sicut Scutario cuidam, evocato quondam suo, 
qui postulabatur iniuriarum. Unum omnino e reorum nu- 
mero, ac ne eum quidem nisi precibus eripuit, exorato coram 
iudicibus accusatore, Castricium, per quem de coniuratione 

lo Murenae cognoverat. 

Pro quibus meritis quantopere dilectus sit, facile est 67 
aestimare. Omitto senatus consulta, quia possunt His 
videri vel necessitate expressa vel verecundia. Equi- popularity. 

mirmillonis obiecta simiUtudo est, His 
bitter libels at length caused him to be 
banished to Crete, and finally he was 
punished (as he continued libelling) by 
deportatio to Seriphus and deprivation 
of property [Tac. Ann, i, 72; 4, 21], 
and his works were proscribed, though 
readmitted by Caligula [Suet. CaL 16]. 

consulalt seiiatTim. Dio 55, 4 ^Xy 
W Tii^i hUct\;V 4^e&Y0PTi avve^dffdi^ irpo- 
ciriKOW (txr as a^rb tovto tJ yepowrlqL, 

BuperesBet, technically used for one 
who appeared to support another in a 
law-court. Gellius [i, 22] demurs to 
the use of the word as applied to an 
advocate, yet he owns that it is in 
general use non in compitis tantum ne- 
que in plebe vulgaria^ sed in foro^ in 
comitio^ apud tribunalia. The more 
common expression for an advocate 
however was adesse; see below, and Cic. 
2 Phil. § 95 semper adfui Deiotaro ab- 
senti, The word superesse probably at 
first referred to that form 01 * mainten- 
ance* whereby powerful raen appeared 
by the side of accused persons to deliver 
laudationeSiwhichPompey endeavoured 
to suppress in B.C. 52, Plut. Pomp. 55 
rdXiy oSy ^Kovt Kaxus oti Xba-as vbisAp 
Toin yivo/Uvovs Trepl tQ>v KpwoiUviav irai- 
vovs a^r6f ia^\0€ ILXdyKov i7raLV€<r6fi€' 
vos. Cp. Dio 40, 52. 

praedanmaxe, not used by Cicero or 
Caesar, and rarely by Livy [4, 41]. 

8Ub8eUil8, movable seats ranged be- 
low the tribunal for all engaged in any 
way in the cause, advocates, witnesses, 
etc. Cic. pro Flacc. § 22 testes una 
sedentf ex accusatorum subselliis sur- 
gunt. id, 2 Verr. 2, 73 Minucius (the 
advocate for defence) simul a subselliis 

abire coepit. 

affoit. . .dientilras. Dio 54, ^iv^^ 
rocs dXXois ^/ierpja^ef, cSo-re Kal <pl\ois 
Turlv eddvvofiivois irapaylyveffOai. 

eyocato . . . suo. The evocati ( soldiers 
who had served their time but remained 
under the standards as volunteers) had 
long been known in the Roman army 
[Polyb. 6, 31 § 2]. But under the Em- 
pire there was a special class of these 
called evoccUi Augusti [Marq. 1 1, 88 sq.] 
who with the rank of centurion were 
employed on special services [e.g. in 
surveying frontiers, Wilmanns 895 evo- 
cato Augusti mensore"] orwere promoted 
to the rank o{ praefectus. They were 
usually taken from the praetorians 
[Wilmanns 1567 Dis • manibvs • l • 


FVIT • ANN • in.]; but also from the 
cohortes urbanae [Wilmanns 1584 M • 


iniuriarum. In legal language in- 
iuria is one of four ways of incurring 
obligatio ex delicto [Gaius Inst. 3, 182 
si quis furtum fecerit, bona rapuerity 
damnum dederit^ iniuriam commiserit]. 
An iniuria might be committed by 
personal violence, by libellous words or 
writings, or other wrong doing [id. 3, 
220]. Remedies for these (chiefly by 
tatio) had been given in the xii tables. 
But at this time the actio iniuriarum 
was under the lex Comelia de iniuriis. 

Hurenae, see on c. 19, p. 44. 

67. senatuBoonBUlta. Suchasthose 
in (a) B.c. 30, Dio 51, 19; [b) B.c. 27, 





tes Romani natalem eius sponte atque consensu biduo semper 
celebrarunt. Omnes ordines in lacum Curti quot annis ex 
voto pro salute eius stipem iaciebant, item Kal. lan. strenam 
in Capitolio, etiam absenti, ex qua summa pretiosissima de- 
orum simulacra mercatus, vicatim dedicabat, ut Apollinem 5 
Sandaliarium et lovem Tragoedum aliaque. In restitutionem 

Dio 53, 16; (c) B.c. «3, Dio 53, 32; 
[d) B.c. 22, Dio 54, I ; (r) B.c. 13, Dio 
54, 25 and others ; which gave or offered 
him the various honours or titles which 
gradually built up the principate. 

natalem eiua. Dio 54, 34 kqX rd 
y€tfi$\i.a rk rov A^oj&crrov koI iv rfp 
lirirodpdfup Kal iv rj dXX]; ir6X6t ToXXa- 
X^^i driplu)» aipayaU irifn/fdri. id. 55, 6 
h di 5ii rd y€v4$\ia iTrwodpOfda» dibiov 
(Xaficp. But Suetonius is the only 
authority for representing this as the 
special action of the equites. Another 
such instance of the equites taking 
corporate action is mentioned in the 
Monumentum [c. 14], when they named 
Gaius and Lucius %\x.Qices&Vi^y prinHpem 
iuventutis. blduo, that is, ix • et • v 1 1 1 • 
K • OCTOBR. Wilmanns 884. 

in lacnm Ciira...8tipein. It is not 
known precisely what was the form of 
the monument existing at this time to 
mark the marsh in the forum called the 
lcuus Curtius [Livy 7, 6, where the 
people are said to have thrown dona 
et fruges on Curtius; Dionys. 2, 41 ; 
Plut. Rom. 18; Varro L. L. 5, 149]. 
Middleton supposes it to have been an 
enclosure with an altar, quoting Ovid 
F. 6, 403 Curtius ille lacus siccas qui 
sustinet aras [Remains of Ancient Rome^ 
vol. I, p. 233]; but it seems likely that 
there was also some well or fountain 
into which the small coins {stips) were 
cast, — a custom not unknown at Rome 
to this day, and iliustrated from other 
places; as at Oropus, Pausanias 1» 34, 3 
vlnsov 5k dK€<r$€laris i»Zfl fAavTct/fMTos 
ycvofiivov Ka04onjK€V Apyvpov d<f>€Tvai koI 
Xpvabv MffrjfJMv is t^v wrfyi^v. Casaubon 
also quotes Sozom. 2, 3 (of the well dug 
by the oak of Mamre) ircpl Si Tbv Kaipbv 
r^s vav7fy6p€ia% o^Beis ivT€v$€v ^8p€ij€To • 
vdfjup ydp^^WrjviKtp ol puiv \ixvovs iffA- 
fUvovs iv$d8€ iTl$ri<raVj ol di otvov irri- 
X€0Vi ij rdirava (fij^iwTov^ £\\oi di vofiUr- 
fULTa. So cups were thrown into a hot 
spring at Vicarello by grateful invalids, 
Middleton, Remains^ 2, p. 359. See 
Tih. 14; Hermann's Gottesdimstliche 
AlterthUmer^ ed. Stark, § 25. 3 ; E. J. 
Guthrie, Old Scottish Customs^ p. 222. 

Kal. lan. strenam, * a luck-penny on 
New Year*s day.* Strena (from which 
the French have taken itrennes) is 
properly something with a good omen, 
cp. Plaut. Stich. 3, 2, 8 mustela murem 
abstulit praeter pedesy cum strenad ob- 
scaevavit. ib. 5, 2, 24 bona scaeva 
strenaque obviam occessit mihi. The 
piece of money was for luck, see Ov. 
F. I, 189 — 192; and therefore the 
Emperors accepted it, see Dio 59, 24 
Kal h-i Koi apy^fpiov irard r6 irrl tov 
Kbfo6ffTov i$os IffxvffCLVj un Kal airrf 
iK€lv(p St86vTes KaTi$€oav, But the 
gift of strenae became so much of a 
tax that Tiberius limited them to the 
day [Tib. 34]. Caligula stood openly 
in the vestibule of his palace to receive 
them [Cat. 42], cp. Aug. 91. The origin 
of the word is uncertain; the ancients 
apparently connected it with a goddess 
Strenia [strenuum fcu:iendo, August. 
civ. d. 4, 11]; others with the fact that 
the original ofFering was a consecrated 
bough from a lucus Strenuae. Symm. 
Fp. 10, 35. In later times it became a 
regular source of revenue. Ct)d. Theod. 
7, 24, I ; Marq. 14, 296. It was perhaps 
the non-Latin word which Tiberius 
used in an edict refusing such presents 
when Marcellus said Zi), Kaorap, w- 
$p<iyiroLS uJiv ToXirefay '^tafMLiav dvva<rat 
Sovvat ^'^fiaffi di oH. Dio 57, 17« 

ex (iiia...dedicabat. See C. I. L. 6, 
456 laribus publicis sacrum imp. Caesar 
Augustus pontifex Mctximus tribunic. 
potest. xviiii ex stipe quam populus ei 
contulit k. lanuar. apsenti C. Calvisio 
Sabino L. Passieno Rufo cos. (b.c. 4). 
Yicatim, cc. 40 and 43. 

ApoUinem Sandallaxinm. So called 
it appears from the name of a vicus in 
Rome [Aul. Gell. 18, 4, i in SandcUario 
forte apud librarios fuimus\ or, as others 
think, the sandalled statue gave the 
name to the vicus in the ^th region. 
Casaubon quotes Galen Prognost. 14 
icara/3ds c/s rd Dai^ddXioi', aTrifVTrtffi /ioi 
jcarA Tvxov. From C. I. L. 6, 761 [Wil- 
manns 1718] the vicus is shown to belong 
to the 4th regio. CN • pompkivs • cn • 





Palatinae domus incendio absumptae veterani, decuriae, 
tribus, atque etiam singillatim e cetero genere hominum 
libentes ac pro facultate quisque pecunias contulerunt, deli- 
bante tantum modo eo summarum acervos neque ex quo- 
5 quam plus denario auferente. Revertentem ex provincia 
non solum faustiis ominibus, sed et modulatis carminibus 
prosequebantur. Observatum etiam est, ne quotiens introiret 
urbem, supplicium de quoquam sumeretur. Patris patriae 58 

LiARi • RE6 • iiii. loyem Tragoedum, 
only known from the notitia as belong- 
ing to the fifth region, Esquilina, 

Falatlnae domue Incendio. The 
fire was in a.d. 3, and the house, which 
was that of Hortensius and not speciaily 
conspicuous [see c. 71], was then rebuiit 
apparently with some splendour [Ov. 
^'^- 3» I» 33 — 48]. Dio says that he 
accepted only one denarius from indi- 
viduals and one aureus (35 denarii) 
ff om each state, Tapd rOiv di^/uuy -xpvtrovv 
wapii 5i Tuv iduaruv dpaxM-ifv ... 6 5k 
dvoiKoSofiT^ffai idrifuxrluHre TrSurav, Dio 

55» i«- 
deouriae, iribus et decuriae are men- 

tioned together in the same way in Tac. 

Ann, 13, 2 ; Gellius 18, 7. Whether this 

refers to groups of ten families making up 

the tribe is uncertain. Such a subdi vision 

is not known from any other source, and 

some would explain decuriae in these 

passages to refer to the decuriae scri- 

iarum, iudicuniy etc. Still the decuriatio 

tribulium for election purposes seems to 

point to the same division [Cic. pro 

Flanc, § 45]. See Mommsen, die rdmi- 

schen Tribus^ p. 12. 

revertentem ez proyinda. C, /. Z. 

10, 8375, Rushf. 38, XVIII k, lanuar, eo 

die ara Fortunae Reducis dedicata est 

quae Ccusaremex transmarinis provinciis 

reduxity cp. M.A. c. 11. Augustus was 

absent for a considerable period from 

Rome four times after he became sole 

ruler, (a) from B.c. 31 to B.c. 29 in the 

East, {b) B.C. 27 to B.c. 24 in Gaul and 

Spain, (r) B.c. 22 to B.c.19 (with one visit 

to Rome) in the East and Sicily, [d) B.c. 

16 to B.c. 13 in north Italy and Gaul, 

while Drusus and Tiberius were engaged 

in their campaigns against the Vindehci, 

Alpine tribes and Germans. He how- 

ever avoided any reception by enter- 

ing the city at night [Dio 54, 25]. The 

feelings with which this iast absence 

was regarded are shown in Horace Odes 

4i 5- 

fiaustlB ominibnB, * congratulations,' 

*blessings.* Claud, 27 Britannicum... 

parvulum manibussuisgestansplebicom- 

mendabat faustisgue ominibus eum ad- 

clamantium turba prosequebcUur, 

modulatlB canninilraB. Such per- 
haps as Hor. Od, i, 37 nunc est biben- 
dum^ nunc pede libero pulsanda tellus, 
Suet. Nero 20 captus tnodulatis AleX' 
andrinorum laudationibus, id, Cal, 16 
nobilibus pueris ac puellis carmine mo- 
dulcUo laudes virtutum eius canentium. 
Hor. Od, 4, 6, 35 Lesbium servate 
pedem meique Pollicis ictum, 

ne . . .BuppUcium. . .sumeretnr. In b.c. 
30 the senate voted that he should be 
met by a procession among whom were 
to be the Vestal Virgins [Dio 51, 19]. 
As a man being led to punishment was 
.saved if he met a Vestal, this regulation 
may have seemed a natural arrangement. 
Farther, the day of his entry was to be 
sacred and given up to public sacri- 
fices — Ti\v re iifUpav iv y av is t^v w6\iv 
iffiXB-Q Ovffiais T€ iravdrifiel dyaXOrjvai 
Kal lepiw ael ytviffdai [Dio 51, 20]; and 
in B.c. 13 the Senate voted among 
other honours Toh re UeTe^ffaffiv abTbv 
ivTbs Tov ir<i)firiplov SvTa Adeiav cTvai 
[Dio 54, 25]. 

58. Patris patriae. M. A. 35 tertium 
decimum consulcUum cum gerebam (b.C. 
2), sencUus et equester ordo populusque 
Romanus universus appeUavit me pa- 
trem patriae, Fast. Praenest. [C /. L, 

I» P« 314» 386; 2, 2107] NON^FEB^ 
F£RIA£ • EX • S • C • QVOD • EO • DIE • 

This (5 Feb. B.c. 2) was the first oifi- 
cial recognition of the title, which how- 
ever had been commoniy given him 
before; Dio 55, 10 kqX ^ iirufvvfiia ii 
ToO waTpbs OKpipCjs i^Sri ' irpoTcpov yb.p 
dXXws livev \fnfi<pifffJMTos ive<pr)iJi.i^€ro, 
The giving of this title by popular ac- 


^ • - •-» 

> <•■ 

^ *■• 

^ » • *■ ^^ 

• ' 

•» «^ 

'- "' ^ ^ ' ^ 

^ - ^ 



y •' 


J^JVU^y /"^VyVVJV^. 


*/' J^/ /^.>*«*/^ »i. '/Mj/iWiiufi; ^jwv«;i*^*twf VVtUttit^U^ jrtt/ 
#/<;*/^ ^* '.w, -«jVXJ i>«*J/4.^.>*jI<,«, /^i4*,\Ai»\uH, ir*Jii*^ui>*CIlt- Qj 

^i*k^/mi#i >^/iy/.» i(H<*#^;j M'jv**; ^y^j; 4^ bnk^ul: tii hw^ qul^utW 

4^>y:i.M^ ^v/^*-' '/>/*o^ii /'/U*A.i*ifc, #ii^i'^^ityt isi^yAtitiitxa, ptucivmm 
f^.ti^4A.44, A//un*t^iu\ ^y*<>|/<.g <J*,»f:ii;^M,fU*H «>*;trt<>yue 

hHHhnf hHi/ih* • W>////y/ >/ iHuluM* 

//////// V ///>/> /V//^/>// Ihtt/Jftfi' ' /UH4 

////>/ 'A/Av/ //////>/#//////// //>///>//// //////* ' 

y, >'/* // '/>//* /////>/> >/////////////////>//* 

/////, //// /itf/itf/fifff /ff 'V///>/ /// »fftfht(f,f4if 
i/lli nifftfinf II f hht >/ ////// /ft/ififhf,' 
,llfklhff hlffilfi >lftffH*H'fi' /iH**h 

f^Hi\HtA*f* ^m *^V*A ^/M|^^H4MiM' 

^" hi.. ^'/>/m / / // V/V^ Wit <i.«^IW 
|j(«l iJ/>»>' wM>^ ^tthtk* ht iiU Uhi^i^i 
'///>'! /**// <// (j>^//*/# v/ ^Hty^ifytfUfitfi ilj^ 

/*/'/"/'/'*^/>//y>/ /*/////>///>/ //»/// ////^<', V>/^«' Ai 
//•;///>// >//'/'/»>////////>//• nH4kttfi0 it^Mitfi/id 

1/1 Jm-i /ii'M'//t>' '/l">/ Mi AH/**//* |/< /• //' 

4".|l|. >«l /^/MM*' ^^' i)M)wi)>4 |/'- /• /// 

|»M/. j^M'/|i !♦» ' »)l'l'»|' / '/ '«^'«^h 
>il I U(f')ll)lM/M, «<»<»' I IV|/ //^ 14/1 »l)i 

M ^M) »iH liiv i| ji A) A)»'*»^))»!»!!* 

|H|))i)| H. )|)/|M))»I |'M)(»'»4«t ||//«. ,////. 
|tl|'lll^', >)))>) Ul »!))»•» |))m>mh. h/» ))|M 

)' •)» ih'l>i)) »i) i))|m mi)H))i|i )H )))M |n>i 

lllji >•< HM< MiM»|))»l)>)l t,i, |( i4f «•). 

)))»tMN )4l)tH»|UM«)HlllM, ^m^f^ tM) )I)M 
IMmIi |||)II|>'| ))) |))m |)»M)»II)) rt) N»»M)M, 
Nit|i|)l|l)) hI M>) l^ft^fllArt A^Mff»tl |l)l) 
flli )MI M )V)^»)MIMh, hf A), 4M )))«.) 
1)) lilfMUit) 0)1 )))ittl»t hHlrfrt^) l^tlfA 
M»M>M IH/||A)I ><)>M, lim 40/ )ni )^) 

\\\ |i)))-«i)mi) |f.t )n, ))|i t)) Ni()il»i4 
ulilili |i)><»nnl )iiH'K \\M\M )h>\mimI 
1)11^ ill^ )M lhll\ |lMn Mt )»^l ^DrtliH 1^1 

\ ] I # )i M ^'>»*ii^i^ « uM| hlMj^n, 4u> 

\< t\ V \t \ n\\ \\\ lUlvul \h>i \l)v>i^) 

>w nu ih^ U htt^/f \yV, /A C I ^J , iti CiUcta 

yii,4niH0.H^t, f Alllrf. /'V/ P* **^ ^** *^^ 

t>yUini^i ^//h^iw}iiit/m «rc 4c«cnM b/ 
i*i^uMf.hiiUf h f^,** h*!fi h\fUiiMSi /iadr* 
i%, 'i\iM «'#i1uM Vwfwu <^/iiMi\Aiiiim 

Hl/if^Htfnui v*r(f /h 4*09 vtl /0vif (JtympU 

^h^n ifAHyim^ (i\U \A^y 41« to mag' 

hfffplffm Al/i0H/tt UHum in ttrrit inc0' 
/fn/ufM pr0 mtii(fiitudim ttH^ p0t€ft tettit 
0t4ii intf, H,t:, tyf>), i'y\h Voiyh, lO, I, 
^httii^nj, 9, 91 fh 'iiKuftfWinbit 6wgp iffU' 
i$hi^ fi^fihw* ftKfurCHt 6 i/it^MiU ^091- 
M%, Wlmt ^iin <1^/N« \r/ (h« urificc« 
)M iM/fM/ur i^ AMKUfttUM \% mi Known« 
VsiSnitw \\%mt»\\m rVriMtbUn coluniaft 
asu nil (Imi How ri>nmin« 

0«tlt4i KtfK M0I4,' m n, 66. Kor the 
w/mIiI)/ ot l)ii> 0>m///# Aujiidfii M!e Wil- 
MMiMMii MN4 li n ti ut fiatalitfui Aug, et 

l\ (iHiififHM /iriun/unm mt vttctfiaum 
titHUHitff0* itmf^ ihufi tt viua genii 
ttff ufH iiit ^fulamium ara HHminis Au- 
iftf^ti ifivitiiftHtun MArq. t.), p. 108. 

A H(')))Mi liMtl In v^,i\ ^o mAcle li an ob- 

||t|i) tir lliV(tr(>U(*Ct, l)il) l^t, \Q K9H¥ 9V9» 
rttf/tUI IM^^r tff( ftMI Mi¥iiXi dA\d K9X TOif 
iMm tli»>ftt tl^f^ 4Wi¥b9i¥ 4K4\iVffa¥» 

(')ii lliM'. (Kti 4, Ai j}t AiHt att vina 
i¥ytif it*/tHJi H aftmi Tt mtmis adkitftt 
it^Htu^ 'V\\p (ictiiiuM i)f Auguitui) takes 
) \\ii iiUott uf I Im) of tho St Ate. See a coin 
i\ /. / . I» M4A /*. A\ (iXtHtt) \ ift. 1555 
AVMM ttW«» Kti tt>\) the goiii, if^. 603 

»♦/♦*♦?♦ /*tf'*.V, 




cognomen universi repentino maximoque consensu detulerunt 
ei: prima plebs, legatione Antium missa; dein, quia non 
recipiebat, ineunti Romae spectacula frequens et laureata; 
mox in curia senatus, neque decreto neque adclamatione, 
sed per Valerium Messalam. Is mandantibus cunctis, Quod s 
. donum, inquit, faustumque sit tibi domuique tuoBy Caesar 
Augustel sic enim nos perpetuam felicitatem rei publicae et 
laeta huic urbi precari existimamus: senaius te consentiens 
cum populo Romano consalutat patriae patrem, Cui lacrimans 
respondit Augustus his verbis (ipsa enim, sicut Messalae, »<> 
posui): Compos factus votorum fpteorum^ Patres Conscripti, 
quid habeo aliud deos immortales precari, quam ut hunc con- 
sensum vestrum ad ultimumfinem vitae mihi perferre liceat? 
59 Medico Antonio Musae, cuius opera ex ancipiti morbo 
His illness convaluerat, statuam aere conlato iuxta signum xs 
and cure Aesculapi statuerunt. Nonnulli patrum familiarum 

by Musa. 

B.C. 23. testamento caveruht, ut ab heredibus suis praelato 

clamation or compliment was old ; thus 
it is applied by Livy to Romulus [i* 16] 
and to Camillus [5, 49]. It had been 
applied to Cicero by Cato with popular 
applause after the execution of the con- 
spirators, App. B, civ. a, 7; [«'(■rr^pa 
KoX KrUmiv, Plut. Cic, 32] ; it was given 
with more formality to lulius [Dio 44, 
3 Tarifm rt air^ tjJs varpldos iTW>6- 
fiaffa» Kol 4s rd vofdfffULra ix^fiafytjff 
cf. Cic. 2 PAi/. § 31; 13 FAii. § 23]. 
Dio points out that the title as assumed 
by the emperors eventually gave them 
real authority on the analogy of the 
pairia potestcLs^ but that originally it 
was complimentary and meant to pro- 
mote the sense of duty and affection on 
either side [53, 18]. Tiberius constantly 
declined the title. See Tac. Ann. 1,72; 
Suet. Tib. 26; Dio 57, 8; 58, 12; and 
C/. G. 2087, where both Augustus and 
Tiberius are commemorated, but this 
title is only given to the former. Suc- 
ceeding emperors (except perhaps Gal- 
ba, Otho and Vitellius) seem all to 
have taken it [Pliny, panegyr. 21 tu 
patris patriae titulum recusabas...notnen 
illud quod alii primo statim principa- 
tus die^ ut imperatoris et Caesaris rece- 
perunt^ tu usque eo distuiisti, donec tu 
quoque. . .te mereri /atereris]. 

plebB, all below the Exjuites, see c. 
44, p. 98. Ov. F. 2, 127 Sancte pater 
patriaet tibi plebs, tibi curia nomen Hoc 

dedit: hoc dedimus nos tibi nomen eques. 

qiildliab60...preoari. Cic./im. i, 5 
de Alexandrina re causaque regia tantum 
habeo polliceri. 

69. Antonlo Miuwe. Antonius Mu- 
sa was a freedman [Dio 53, 30]. He 
treated Augustus by dieting and cold 
baths when his physician, C. Aemilius, 
had almost let him die from scrupulous 
adherence to old methods [Dio /.r., 
Pliny N, H. 19, § 128 Divus certe 
Augustus laciuca conservatur in aegri- 
tudine prudentia Musae medici cum pri- 
oris C. Aemili religio nimia eum necaret. 
25, § 77 iicUm fratres instituere a bali- 
neis frigida multa corpora cuistringere']. 
His Drother Euphorbus was physician to 
king lubaandseems to have been equally 
enterprising and progressive. He be- 
longed to tne School of Themison, but 
had made innovations on his practices 
[Pliny ib. 29, § 6; 30, § 117]. Musa 
prescribed cold baths to Horace also 
[Ep. I, 15, 3 — 5]. He failed however 
to save the life of Marcellus [Dio 

Aescalapl. Pliny N.H 34, § 80 
mentions a statue of Aesculapius in the 
temple of Concord; and another by 
Cephisodotus in the temple of luno [361 
§ 24]. There were other statues how- 
ever, and in 1890 a travertine pedestal 
was found in the excavations for the 
Tiber embankment, with the inscrip- 




titulo victimae in Capitolium ducerentur votumque pro se 
solveretur, quod superstitem Augustum reliquissent. Quae- 
dam Italiae civitates diem, quo primtim ad se venisset, 
initium anni fecerunt. Provinciarum pleraeque super templa 
5 et aras ludos quoque quinquennales paene oppidatim con- 
stituerunt. Reges amici atque socii et singuli in suo quisque 60 
regno Caesareas urbes condiderunt et cuncti simul jjonours 
aedem lovis Olympii Athenis, antiquitus incohatam, paidtohim 

/• > . A M.' M. r* • abroad. 

perncere communi sumptu destmaverunt Genioque 
zo eius dedicare ; ac saepe regnis relictis, non Romae modo sed 

tion AISCOLAPIO. See Middleton, 
Remains of Ancient Rome^ i, p. 149. 

tltulo. Cp. Ovid, MeU 9, 793 darU 
munera templis: ctddunt ei iitulum: 
titulus breve carmen habebat: ^ Dona 
puer solvit quaefemina voverat Iphis,^ 

quod Bupentitoin. Cp. Hor. Ep, 
I, 16, 37 *Tene magis salvum populus 
velitt an potulum tu Servet in ambiguo 
qui consultt et tiin et urbi luppiter^^ — 
Augusti laudes agnoscere possis. 

Provlnclarnm . . .Buper templa et aras. 
Dio [51, 26] mentions Pergamus, and 
Nicomedeia in Bithynia, as places in 
which temples were consecrated to Au- 
gustus. From C. I, G. ^604 we learn 
that there were games m his honour 
'IX(€(t Kol al xbXcts ai Kot¥tavoO<rai r^t 
dvalas Kal roO dyQvos koI ttjs xavifyiipcws 
AbroKpdTopa KaUrapa deoO vliVf 0c6v X4- 
fiaffTO» dvvTeppXr^Tois xpd^ccip Kcxjp^P^- 
pop Kal cdcpycaiais rait €/td[irarrat avBp^ 
Tovs. Tracesofsuchfestivalswill befound 
in inscriptions also at Athens [C /. G. 
3831]! at Ancyra in Galatia [C. I. G. 
4031» 4039] J »"* Cilicia [C. /. G. 4443] ; 
at Lugdunum, see Livy £p. 137, cp. 
Mayor on luv. 1, 44. At Alexandna 
[Strab. 37, I, 9] and Paneas [los. Ant. 
15» 10, 3] there were temples to Au- 
gustus, and at other places. For the 
extension of this worship in the pro- 
vinces, see Marquardt 13, p. 227 sq. 

lados...4uin4aennaleB, games on the 
Greek model in his honour at Rome, 
TavifyvfAp cl TevTerriplda ayeadat Dio 
51, 19; at Pergamus, id. 51, 20 fin.; 
at Caesarea tov dyiava Kataapi icar^ 
T€VTaenipl6a...&y€tVt los. Ant, 16« 9; 
at Jerusalem [id. 15, 11]; at Naples 
which preserved Greek habits beyond 
any city in Italy [Dio 55, 10 ; Strabo 5, 
4» 7 ; 5» I9 ^]* See infr. c. 98 ; Dio 56, 29. 

60. Oa e eareaa nrbes. Caesarea 
(Turris Stratonis) by Herod the Great 

[lo&.Ant. 15, 10, 6]; Caesarea Philippi 
by Philip the Tetrarch [id. 18, 2, ij; 
Caesarea lol in Mauretania by luba 
[Strabo 17, 3, 12; Eutrop. 7, 5]. There 
was a Caesarea also in Cappadocia 
[Steph. Byz.]; Pliny mentions others in 
Armenia Minor [N. 11.6% 26], in Cilicia 
[5 §93]. in Pisidia [5 § 94]. 

aedem IoylB...Atlieni8. This great 
temple, said to have been begun by 
Peisistratus [Arist. Po/. 5, 11], was not 
completed till the age of Hadrian, whose 
splendid constructions are described by 
Pausanias, 1, 18,2. See Spartian //du/r. 
13. The earliest known contribution 
towards its completion was by Antio- 
chus Epiphanes (IV), Livy 41« 20 ptag- 
nificentiae vero in deos vel lovis Olympii 
templum AtheniSf unum in tetTis inco- 
hatum pro magnitudine dei^ potest testis 
esse (circ. B.c. 175). Cp. Polyb. 26, i. 
Strabo 9, i, 17 t6 'OXv/tiriK^y ^Tcp ^px- 
Tchks KaTiXiTe TeXevTQv 6 d»a0els paai- 
Xe^s. What was done by the princes 
in honour of Augustus is not known. 
Fifteen immense Corinthian columns 
are all that now remain. 

Oenio. See note on p. 66. For the 
worship of the Genius Augusti see Wil- 
manns 884 1. 12 et ut nata/ibus Aug. et 
T. Caesarum priusquam ad vescendum 
decuriones irent^ thure et vino genii 
eorum ad epulandum ara numinis Au- 
gusti invitaretttur ; Marq. 13, p. 208. 
A SCtum had in b.c. 30 made it an ob- 
ject of reverence, Dio 51, \g koX iv cvC' 
oitIois o&x, ^f- "^ois KoiPoTs dXXd koX tols 
Idlots TdvTas ttVTt} <rT^5€ti' ixiXevffap. 
Cp. Hor. Od. 4, 5, 31 hinc ad vina 
redit laetus et aiteris Te mensis adhibet 
deum. The Genius of Augustus takes 
the place of that of the State. See a coin 
C. I. L. 1, 1445 P. R. G(enio) ; id. 1555 
genio opidi. So too the gods, id. 603 
Genio lovis. 

120 SUETONI [60— 

et provincias peragranti cotidiana officia togati ac sine regio 
insigni, more clientium praestitenint. 
1 Quoniam, qualis in imperis ac magistratibus regendaque 

per terrarum orbem pace belloque re publica fuerit, 
affiu^'^ exposui: referam nunc interiorem ac familiarem eius s 

vitam, quibusque moribus atque fortuna domi et 
inter suos egerit a iuventa usque ad supremum vitae diem. 
Matrem amisit in primo consulatu, sororem Octaviam quin- 
P^ij^ quagensimum et quartum agens aetatis annum. 
ofAtii, Utrique cum praecipua oBicia vivae praestitisset, 1° 
■c-43- etiam defunctae honores maximos tribuit. 

COtidlAII& OfHCiA, C 

17, p. 6e. 

..lnBlgni. Eulrop. 7, 5 
mulH attltia rtgis ex rtgitis svis v/m- 
runl, el habilu Romano, logali sciiictl, 
ad vehieulum vel equum ipsius cucurrt- 
■ runt. M. A. 31 ail mt sufiplices cen- 
JugerutU riges Parlhnrum Tiridalis et 
poilia Phrates, regis Phralli filius ; 
Afedorum Artavasdes ; Adiabenerum 
Arlaxares; BrilannorumDumniibella»- 
nus. To wear the laga waii to ackaow- 
ledge themselves Romans and subjects. 
Thus long before {b.c. 175 — -164] An- 
tiochus Epiphanes wore the loga and 
iraitated the Roman magistrates [Polyb. 
16], and about b.c. 167 King PrusiiLS 
dresscd hiniself as a Roman hberlus to 
meel the Roman envoys [Polyb. 30, 

61. matiram. , Atia died soon aflet 
he anived in Roine from Mntina, in 
August G.c. 43- She had been con- 
cealed for safety by Ihe Vestals during 

fiist I 

, His 

gust in thal year to the fbrmation of thc 
tiiumvirate in November. Hei dealh 
a.nd public funerat about this lime are 
mentioned \>y Dio 47, 17. 

OotaiTlain. See c 4, pp. 6 — 7. 

iitil<in«,..tillniit. The relalions of 
Augustus with his mother and sister are 
the most pleasing part of hia history. 
The influence of Ihe fonner is dwelt on 
by Nicolas repeatedly. It was fear for 
their safety vrhich haslened his inarch 
to Rome in B.C. 43 [App. B. tiv. 3, 91]. 
His sisler's influence twice prevented a 
breach between him and Antony [p. 
7], and he commemorated her by some 
of his most splendid public worki 
[see pp. 6, 7, 64]. Atia was honoured 
by a public funeraJ [Dio 47, 17], and 
over Oclavia (who died in B.c. 11) 
he himself pronounced the funeral ora- 
tion [Dio 64, 35]. See Plut. Anl. 31 
farcpyi !' irtp^&t Tfpi dBtX^^ 'Xfi^f^ 




Sponsam habuerat adulescens P. Servili Isaurici Rliam, 62 
sed reconciliatus post primam discordiam Antonio, . , 

... . .«. •« . "*s tnree 

expostulantibus utriusque mihtibus ut et necessitu- marriages, 
dine aliqua iungerentur, privignam eius Claudiam, ^^) ^^' 
5 Fulviae ex P. Clodio filiam, duxit uxorem vixdum (2) Scri- 
nubilem, ac simultate cum Fulvia socru orta dimisit „ ^^' 
intactam adhuc et virginem. Mox Scriboniam in (3) Livia, 

B c. ^8. 

matrimonium accepit, nuptam ante duobus con- 
sularibus, ex altero etiam matrem. Cum hac quoque divor- 
wtium fecit, pertaesus, ut scribit, morum perversitatem eius, 

62. Bponsajn, see on sponsalia c. 53. 
Such a contract was dissolved by r^- 
pudium, Dig. 50, 16, loi § i divortium 
inter virum et uxorem fieri dicitur^ re- 
pudium vero sponsae remitti videtur, 
quod ^ in uxoris personam non absurde 
cadit, That is, you may say either 
divortium or repudium of a wife, but 
only repudium of a sponsa, 

P. ServUi Isaarlci. P. Servilius Vatia 
inherited the cognomen Isauricus from 
the conqueror of Cilicia and the Isaurian 
pirates (b. c. 78 — 74). He was colleague 
of lulius as consul in b.c. 48, and had 
remained faithful to him throughout. 
After his death he joined the senatorial 
party for a time against Antony ; but 
Cicero complains that he was lukewarm 
[14 /%«•/.§§ 7, 11; Att, 4, 15; II, 5], 
and at any rate he soon reconciled him- 
self to Antony, and in b.c. 41 was again 
consul, it is supposed as a compensa- 
tion for the repudiation of his daughter. 

ezpoBtiilaiLtibus. . .xnUitibiiB, b. c. 43 ; 
Dio 46, 56 Kh» ro&rtfi o( tov 'AmtwIov orpa- 
TiwTCU rV Ovyaripa t^v ttjs ^vXovlas ttjs 
ywaiKbs ai>roD, ij^ iK tov KXiaSlov clxc, 
r(} KoUtrapi koLtoi iripw eyyeyvijfi^Hp 
Tpoe^ivfiffaft rov 'Avrtaylov dijXop 6ti tov- 
ro Kara<rK€wi(ra¥ros. Plut. Ant. 20. 

Fulviae. See pp. 18, 41. Fulvia 
married first P. Clodius, Cicero*s enemy, 
who was killed in Jan. B.C. 52 ; secondly, 
Gaius Curio, who fell in Africa, B.c. 49 ; 
thirdly, M. Antonius about B.c. 46 
[Cic. 2 Phil, § 1 1]. She was a woman 
of a masculine spirit and violent temper, 
nihil muliebre praeter corpus gerens 
[Vell. Pat. 2, 74; cp. Plut. Ant. 11 ; 
App. B. civ. 4, 29, 32 ; Dio 47, 8]. 
After her escape from Perusia, ^e fled 
to Athens, where her husband met her^ 
but treated her with somuch disapproba- 
tion and roughness that she fell ill. He 

left her at Sicyon, 011 their way to Italy, 
and there she died [App. B. civ. 5, 52 
—5 ; Dio 48, 28]. 

Bimultate. The political quarrel 
leading to the war of Perusia is enough 
to account for this [Dio 48, 5 sq.], but 
Martial quotes an epigram of Augustus 
which seems to hint that the ^pretae 
iniuria formae entered into the ques- 
tion [11, 21]. 

dimiBit...yirglnem. Dio l.c. 6 ^dp 
KoMTap r^v xaXcTdriTTo r^s T€v6epas fi^ 
<t)iptav...Trjv Ovyaripa aiirrjs <as koX Top- 
divov (n offffav^ t koX 6pKffi iTiOTdbffarOf 
&t€t4 fi\ffaTo. 

Scriboniam [Tac. ^Mif . 2, 27; Wilm. 
170]. This was a purely politicai mar- 
riage. Scribonia was aunt to the wife 
of Sext. Pompeius (a d. of L. Scribonius 
Libo), and Augustus was anxious to have 
means of making peace with him in view 
of the hostility of Antony [App. 5, 53]. 
As her son (P. Comelius Scipio) by her 
second husband was consul inB.c. 16, he 
must have been at least in his i ^th year 
at the time of her marriage to Augustus 
(b.c. 40, Dio 48, 16), and she must 
have been many years older than her 
husband. The divorce took place on the 
day of the birth of lulia, B.c. 39, and 
Dio says that its real reason was that 
he was already in love with Livia [48, 
34]. She lived long enough to ac- 
company her daughter into exile in 
B.c. 2 [Dio 55, 10; Vell. Pat. 2, 100]. 
in matrimonium, the first had been only 
sponsa, the second uxor only in name. 
For pertaoBUB with acc. see /u/. 7 ; 
Ti6, 67. The simple taesus is not so 
used, nor pertaesus in Augustan Latin. 
Livy 3, 67, Xvirorum vos pertaesum est. 

duobuB conBU]aribuB...matrem. The 
name of the first husband is not known 
nor the consulship of the second. 




ac statim Liviam Drusillam matrimonio Tiberi Neronis et 
quidem praegnantem abduxit, dilexitque et probavit unice 
ac perseveranter. 
63 Ex Scribonia luliam, ex Livia nihil liberorum tulit, cum 
j^^ maxime cuperet. Infans, qui conceptus erat, im- 5 

daughter maturus est editus. luliam primum Marcello, 
Octaviae sororis suae filio tantum quod pueritiam 
egresso, deinde, ut is obiit, M. Agrippae nuptum dedit, 
exorata sorore, ut sibi genero cederet ; nam tunc Agrippa 
alteram Marcellarum habebat et ex ea liberos. Hoc quoque to 
defuncto, multis ac diu, etiam ex equestri ordine, circum- 

LlTUun DmsUlain. Livia d. of Livius 
Drusus Claudianus was descended from 
Appius Claudius Caecus, her father 
having been adopted by a Livius. Be- 
sides this illustrious descent she was 
beautiful and young. Dio [58, i\ says 
that she was 80 at her death in A.D. 29 : 
she was therefore born in B.c. 58 — 7 
(38 September), and was only fifteen or 
sixteen when her son Tiberius was bom 
(16 Nov. B.c. 42). It is therefore evi- 
dent that PHny \N. H. 14, 8] can hardly 
be right in reducing her age to 82. Her 
father had killed himself after the battle 
of Philippi where he had fought against 
the triumvirs. In B.c. 40, sbe had fled 
with her husband Tib. Claudius Nero, 
who had taken part with L. Antonius 
[Dio 48, 15], and did not retum to 
Rome till after the peace of Misenum 
early in B.c. 39 [Tac. Ann. 5, i]. 
Though she was within three months of 
the birth of her second son Drusus she 
was divorced by her husband, apparent- 
ly by mutual consent [before ro Nov. 
B.C. 38, for Tiberius was trimus at the 
time of the marriage, Vell. Pat. 2, 94], 
and he acted as a father in giving her to 
Augustus [Dio 48, 44 i^iSwK€v 8i aiWiip 
aMs 6 djf^p wairep ris Tan^p]. But 
though the circumstances of the marriage 
are revolting to us, she seems to have 
been a high-minded virtuous and wise 
woman, who retained a firm hold on 
her husband's affections : see her praises 
in Dio 57« 2. Tacitus indeed {Ann. i, 
10] speaks of her as gravis in retn pub- 
iduzm malfr, gravis domui Caesarum 
nivtrca, but he himself shows that her 
influence was exerdsed on the side of 
justice and mercy during the reign of 
Tiberius [Ann. 5, 3], and the scandals 
against her in regard to the deaths of 
the young Marcellus [Dio 53, 33] and 

Gaius and Lucius Caesar [Dio 55, 11] 
rested on no foundation. 

68. Iiiliaiii...]Iaroello. Plnt.Anf.Si, 
This is the young Marcellus of Vergil 
Aen. 6, 860 — 885, b. B.c. 43. His death in 
the autumn of b.c. 23 followed closelyon 
the Emperor's own serious illness of that 
year [Dio 53, 30]. He was cumle aedile 
at the time df his death [Pliny A^. If. 
19 § ^4]* His marriage with lulia had 
apparently taken place two years before 
[Dio 53, 27]. tantum quod *only just.' 
Roby Z. G. 1705. 

Agrlppa had before this been married 
to Pomponia, a daughter of Atticus, 
apparently in B.c. 4I1 by whom he had 
a daughter Vipsania, betrothed to Ti- 
berius when she was only a year old 
[Corn. Nep. Ait. 12 and ip]. 

alteram KarceUamm, tne younger of 
the daughters of Octavia by her first 
husband Marcellus, or as some have 
maintained, the elder; but there is 
nothing realiy to show which, nor is 
anything known of children bora to 
Agrippa by Marcella. The name ap- 
pears m two inscriptions [Wilmanns 160 
and 35i],the latter of whichc-CLAVDivs 

MARCELLAE • MINORIS • L. shows that 

there were two. See also Eckhel 6, 160. 
On being divorced from Agrippa, upon 
Octavia's own suggestion, Marcella was 
married to Antonius, son of M. Antonius 
and Fulvia. Plut. Anf. 87. The 
other sister is supposed by Dmmann [11, 
403] to have been married to Sex. Ap- 
puleius consul in A.D. 14. 

equestri ordine. Tac. Ann. 4, 39 
Augustum in conlocanda filia non nihil 
etiam de equitibus Romants consultavisse. 

ooiidlcloiiibiiB,see/M/. 27 Octaviam... 
conditionem ei detulit. Cic. 2 Phil, 
§ 99 filiam eius daedsti alia conditipne 




■ 5 

I 5 




spectis condicionibus, Tiberium privignum suum elegit co- 
egitque praegnantem uxorem, et ex qua iam pater erat, 
dimittere. M. Antonius scribit, primum eum Antonio filio suo. 
despondisse luliam, dein Cotisoni Getarum regi, quo tempore 
sibi quoque invicem filiam regis in matrimonium petisset. 

Nepotes ex Agrippa et lulia tres habuit C. et L. et 64 
Agrippam, neptes duas luiiam et Agrippinam. 


luliam L. Faulo censoris filio, Agrippinam Ger- grandsons, 
manico sororis suae nepoti collocavit. Gaium et L. j"^® grand- 

^ daughters. 

adoptavit, domi per assem et libram emptos a patre 
Agrippa, tenerosque adhuc ad curam rei publicae admovit et 

Tit)eriii2ii...ooegit. Dio 54, 31 /ceU 
Tpoairo<nrd<ras koL iKtlvov riip ywtaKa 
Kol Tov T€ *Aypl7nrov dvyvripa i^ XK\rjs 
Tiwf yafier^s ovaav Kal TiKvo» t6 fjuiv 
ijdrj Tpi^owray t6 5* iv yaarpl ^x®*'^**' 
rV 'lovXlav ol iiyy&tja-t (b.c. 13). lulia 
(now 27 ycars old) was rcccivcd by 
Tiberius with profound unwillingncss. 
He was dceply attachcd to Vipsania 
[Suet. Tid, 7; Tac. Ann. i, 12], who 
died in a.d. 20 as the wife of Asinius 
Gallus, the only one of Agrippa's child- 
ren who mct with a pcaccful cnd [Tac. 
Ann. 3, 20]. 

patw erat of Drusus, sce c. 100. 

Cotl80]ii, sce «n c. 21, pp. 47 — 8, and 
c. 48. Antony's objcct was to rctort 
on Augustus the chargc madc against 
himsclf of marrying a forcigner. 

64. luliam L. Panlo oenBorii f. The 
last ccnsors were in B.c. 22, L. Muna- 
tius Plancus and Paulus Acmilius 
Lepidus (nephcw of the triumvir) . This 
Paulus was married to Comelia d. of 
Scribonia by a formcr husband. Propert. 
5» i^» 67 (to hcr daughtcr) yf/ia, tu 
specimen censurae nata paiemae. The 
son L. Pauius was consul A.D. i. Scc 

c. 19. P- 45« 
Gerxnanico, son of the eldcr Drusus by 

Antonia, daughter of Antony andOctavia. 

adoptavit. Tac. ^»». i, 3; Dio 
54, 18. Both werc adopted on thc birth 
of Lucius [b.c. 17]. 

per assem et libram. In adopting 
one in potestate patris thc form of man' 
cipatio was gonc through. The adopter 
(as a purchaser) touching the aenea lihra 
said hunc ego hominem ex iure Quiri' 
tium meum esse aio isque mihi emptus 
est hoc aere aeneaque libra, Gaius i, 
119, cp. id, 19, 107. The proccss had 
to be thrice rcpeated in thc prcsence of 
thc praetor, Gell. 5, 19 adoptantur 

autem cum a parente in cuius potestate 
sunt^ tertia mancipatione in iure cedun- 
tur^ atque ab eo qui adoptat^ apud eum 
apud quem legis actio est^ vindicantur, 

emptOB a patre 'bought from.' 
Cicero would have writtcn de pcUre^ 
see Att. 13, 31 ^ cc iugera de M, Pilio 
emity cp. Plaut. Curc, 2, 3, 64 de illo 
emi virginem: but Rudens prol. 59 
qui puellam ab eo emercU, curam...admoyit. M.A. 
c. i^filios meos^ quos iuvenes mihi eri- 
puit Fortuna^Gaium etLucium Caesares 
honoris mei causa senatus populusque 
Romanus annum quintum et decimum 
agentis consules designavit ut eum magis- 
tratum inirent post quinquennium, Et 
ex eo die quo deductisunt inforum ut in- 
teressent consiliis publicis decrevit sena- 
tus, Gaius was born in B.c. 20 [Dio 
54, 8], Lucius in B.c. 17 [id, 54, 18]. 
Sec c. 26. Gaius was consul dcsignate 
in B.c. 5 [Dio 55) 9 puts it in B.c. 6, 
but Zonar. 10, 35 in A.'s i2th consul- 
ship, i.e. B.C. 5], but not consul till 
A.D. i; Lucius was consul designate 
B.c. 2, and to be consul a.d. 4, but dicd 
20 August a.d. 2 . Each was also named 
l^y the equitcs in tum, princeps iuven- 
tutis. M. A./.c.tTsiC,Ann. ij^, Gaius 
ceased to have this titlc when by holding 
the consulship he became a senator. 
Thus in the cenotaphia Pisana [Wil- 
manns 883], Gaius aftcr his consulship 
is not called by this title, though he is 
said to beprinceps designcUus^ but Lucius 
is consul designattts augur. . .princeps iu- 
ventutis^ whereas in the titulus Sorianus 
(quotcd by Mommsen res g, p. 53) Gaius 


while Lucius is only avg. Thcrc could 
be only one prirueps of either sort at a 
time, and as Augustus was princeps se- 
natus and thercforc first citizcn, so onc 




consules designatos circum provincias exercitusque dimisit. 
Filiam et neptes ita instituit, ut etiam lanificio assuefaceret, 
vetaretque loqui aut agere quicquam nisi propalam et quod 
in diurnos commentarios referretur; extraneorum quidem 
coetu adeo prohibuit, ut L. Vinicio, claro decoroque iuveni, s 
scripserit quondam, parum modeste fecisse eumy qtwd filiam 
suam Baias saluiatum venisset, Nepotes et litteras et notare 
aliaque rudimenta per se plerumque docuit ac nihil aeque 
elaboravit quam ut imitarentur chirographum suum ; neque 
caenavit una, nisi ut in imo lecto assiderent, neque iter fecit, 10 
65 nisi ut vehiculo anteirent aut circa adequitarent. Sed l^etum 
eum atque fidentem et subole et disciplina domus 
Fortuna destituit. lulias, filiam et neptem, omnibus 
probris contaminatas relegavit; C. et L. in duo- 




of the young Caesars was princeps of the 
next ordo^ me equestrian. 

drcnm provtndaH exercitiisqae. 
Gaius went with Tiberius against the 
Sigambri in B.c. 8, and was in Asia 
from B.c. I to his death a.d. 4. Lucius 
died at Marseilles on his way to Spain. 

In diumoe conunentariOB, 'nothing 
that might not be entered in the house- 
hold register.' Thus we find a servus 
a commentariisf C. /. Z. 6, 8623. 

L. Vinldo, see c. 71. The name 
Vinicius occurs on coins [Eckhel 5, p. 
343] and a L. Vinicius appears as Consul 
suffectus for B.c. 33, and Trib. Pl. in 
B.c. 51, Cicfam, 8, 8, 6. We have also 
the form Vinicianus attesting Vinicius 
[Cic. fam, 8, 4 § 3 ; W^ihnanns 205], 
whereas Vicinius (the MS.reading) seems 
an unknown name unless in Orelli 330p. 

notare, 'to write in shorthand' or *m 
cypher,* cp. c. 88 quotiens per notas 
scribit, lulius c. 56 si qua occultius 
perferenda erant per notcu scrtpstt. 
The use of shorthand was introduced 
by Ennius and later by Cicero's freed- 
man Tiro, see Commentarii Not, Tiron, 
Schmitz p. 10; or by Maecenas [Dio 
52, 7] TpwTOS <ni/JL€ta Tipa ^/Mx/t/udrwF 
Tp6s rdxos i^evpe koX a&rd 5i* *Ak6\ov 
aTcXevOipov avxvoOs i^edlda^eu, £s- 
pecially used for taking down from a 
lecture or dictation, Quint. i prooem, 
§ 7 alterum {sermonem) pluribus sane 
diebus, quantum notando consequi potue- 
rant, interceptum; cp. id, i, i, 38; 10, 
3, 19. Martial [10, 62] mentions among 
the prizewinners in a school the notarius 
velox^ cp. id, 5, 51; 14, 3o8; Plin. Ep, 

9« 36* [Some read with the MSS. natare^ 
cp. lul. 57; Plut. CcUo ma. 20.] 

per se, instead of by a tutor, usually 
a slave or freedman, Plut. Cat, 1. c. 

chirograpliuni suum, see on c. 88. 

ne4ae...a88iderent, 'whenever they 
dined with him they sat at table on the 
imus UctusJ* Children sat instead of 
reclining at table, and sometimes at a 
separate table; Tac. Ann, 13, 16 mos 
habebatur principum liberos cum ceteris 
idem aetatis sedentes vesci in ctspectu 
propinquorum propria etparciore mensa, 
Suet. Claud. 32 adhibebat omni cenae et 
liberos suos cum pueris puellisque nobi- 
/ibuSf qui more veteri adfulcra lectorum 
sedentes vescerentur, But in the case of 
these young princes they sit on the imus^ 
i.e. the couch on the right looking down, 
the Emperor reclining summus in imo, 
at the right hand comer, the regular 
place for the host. nisi ut, p. 59. 

drca adequitarent, ^riding close by 
on either side of him.' Cai, 25 iuxta 
adequitantem.. .ostenderit, 

66. Iulia8...relegayit. Theelderlulia 
b. B.C. 40 was married at 15 to her 
cousin Marcellus [Dio 53, 27]. On his 
death (late in B.c. 23) after a year of 
widowhood she was transferred to 
Agrippa (B.c. 21) who was of the same 
age as her father, and who divorced her 
cousin Marcella to take her. Agrippa 
died in b.c. 12, leaving her with two sons 
and two daughters, and on the point of 
producing another son. In the course 
of the next year she was forced upon 
the unwilling Tiberius, whom she re- 
garded as beiow her in rank, and who 




deviginti mensum spatio amisit ambos, Gaio in Lycia, Lucio 
Massiliae defunctis. Tertium nepotem Agrippam Adoption 
simulque privignum Tiberium adoptavit in foro lege of Tiberius, 

had to divorce a wife to whom he was 
passionately attached to take her. Yet 
Suetonius [Tib. 7] asserts that at first 
they lived happily together until after 
the death of the only child of the union 
at Aquileia. In B.c. 6 Tiberius retired 
to Rhodes partly at any rate to avoid 
her, and from Rhodes sent a message of 
divorce [Dio 5^, 6, 35; 55, 0— 10]. 
She was beautiful, but early in life be- 
came somewhat grey [Macrob. Sat, 2, 
4, 7]. Her wit and the freedom of her 
manners drew round her the young and 
dissolute nobles, and when at length 
(b.c. 2) Augustus was assured of her 
misconduct, numerous men suffered for 
real or supposed ofTences with her 
[Macr. l.c.%%\ Vell. Pat. i, 100; Sen. 
de Benef, 6, 32]. Pliny asserts that she 
had entered into a plot against her father's 
life \N, H> *i % 149]. See c. 19 and 
Dio 54, 9 (of lulius Antonius) w /coU 
kTl T% fAOPOpxf^ TovTo T/Ni|af. Afler 
five years at Pandataria, a small island 
on the Campanian coast (mod. Vando- 
f€na)f she was allowed to reside at 
Rhegium ; but on the accession of Tibe- 
rius the allowance made to her by her 
father was cut off on the ground of no 
provision having been made for it in his 
will. She however survived Augustus 
only a few weeks [Tac. Ann, i, 35; 
Suet. Tid. 50]. 

Of the younger lulia, daughter of 
Agrippa and lulia, we know little ex- 
cept that she followed the example of 
her mother. She was married to Aemi- 
lius Paulus Lepidus and had a son 
[Suet. Cai. 24] and a daughter Lepida, 
once betrothed to the future Emperor 
Claudius, but never married to him 
[Suet. Oaud. 26]. Her lover D. Sila- 
nus was not formally banished, but was 
obliged to leave Rome (a.d. 9) and not 
allowed to retum till A.D. 20, and even 
then forbidden all state employment; 
while lulia spent the rest of her life in 
exile in the island of Tremerus {S, 
Donunico) off the coast of Apulia, sup- 
ported till her death in a.d. 29 by an 
allowance from Livia [Tac. Ann. 3, 24 ; 
4, 71]. It has been assumed, withlittle 
reason, that Ovid's Corinna is a poetical 
pseudonym for lulia; and the supposed 
connexion of his banishment.with her dis- 
grace rests also on uncertain inferences. 

duodeylffinti ... mexuram. Lucius 
died at Marseilles 20 August a.d. 2, 
Gaius on 21 February A.D. 4 at Limyra 
in Lycia [see the Cenotaphia Pisana^ 
Wilm. 883]. 

Agrlppam. Agrippa Postumus, son 
of lulia and Agrippa, bom after his 
father*s death in B.c. 12. See c. 19. 
Tacitus [Ann. i, 3] regards him as a 
victim to Livia*s jealousy on behalf of 
Tiberius, who procured his exile though 
he was innocent of all crime (a.d. 7). 
Augustus seems always to have felt a 
certain compunction and to have been 
inclined to recall him [Tac. Ann. i, 5]. 
Pliny enumerates among the infelicities 
of Augustus ahdicatio Postumi Agrippae 
post adoptionem^ desiderium post retega- 
tionem [N. H. t % 148]. The panegy- 
rist of Tiborius, Velleius, of course 
decries him mira pramtate animi atque 
ingenii...mox crescentibus in dies vitiis 
dignum furore suo habuit exitum [2, 
1 1 2]. Dio [55, 32] however takes some- 
what the same view, calling him hovKo- 
Tp€T^...ica2 irXetflTa i)Xtei5cTo...T^ T€ 
6py^ TpoTerei fxP^'^* ^^^ says that he 
annoyed Augustus by demanding his 
father's property. He was banished to 
Planasia, between Corsica and Elba. 
His murder immediately after the death 
of Augustus according to Tacitus was 
primum facinus nozn imperii [Ann. i, 
6], but Tiberius disclaimed any share 
in it [Suet. Tib. 22]. 

8imul...adoptaylt, Vell. Pat. 2, 104 
adoptatus eodem die etiam M, Agrippa^ 
quem post mortem Agrippae lulia enixa 
erat^ cp. Suet. Tib. 15. This took 
placeon the 26th of June a.d. 4 [see Fasti 
Amert.j C. I. L. i, p. 3^.?]« Agrippa 
not assuming the toga virilis until tne 
next year [Dio 55, 22]. The change in 
the case of Tiberius is marked in in- 
scriptions, see Wilmanns 882 (between 
B c. 2 and A.D. 3) Ti • clavdivs • ti • 
F • NERO ; but in the list of the Imperial 
family at Pavia (a.d. 7) we haveTi. 


[id. 880; Rushf. 34]. For the addi- 
tion of Ccusar to the name of Agrippa 
Postumus, see Wilmanns 880 1. 

lege eiuiata. As both Agrippa and 
Tiberius were sui iuris the regular form 
of adoption necessary was adrogcUio. A 
meeting of the old comitia curiata in 




curiata; ex quibus Agrippam brevi ob ingenium sordidum 
ac ferox abdicavit seposuitque Surrentum. 

Aliquanto autem patientius mortem quam dedecora suo- 
rum tuHt Nam C. Lucique casu non adeo fractus, de filia 
absens ac libello per quaestorem recitato notum senatui fecit 5 
abstinuitque congressu hominum diu prae pudore, etiam de 
necanda deliberavit. Certe cum sub idem tempus una ex 
Banish- consciis liberta Phoebe suspendio vitam finisset, 
ment of maluisse se ait Phoebes patrem fuisse, Relegatae 
" ^' usum vini omnemque delicatiorem cultum ademit xo 
neque adiri a quopiam Hbero servove, nisi se consulto, per- 
misit, et ita ut certior fieret, qua is aetate, qua statura, quo 
colore esset, etiam quibus corporis notis vel cicatricibus. 

the forum (represented by 30 lictores) was 
held by a ponHfex and a formal rogoHo 
proposed, for the wording of which see 
Gellius 5, 19. It was generally held 
that a puer could not be adopted by 
this ceremony, and Dio may be wrong 
in putting Agrippa*s deducHo in forum 
in the next year; still there seems to 
have been a variety of practice in this 
respect, Gaius i, 102 item impuberem 
apud populum adoptari aUquando pro- 
hilntum est, aliauando permissum est, 

alHlioaTlt (air6ic77p^^aTo), *disinhe- 
rited,' a formal undoing of the adop- 
tion. See Pliny N. II, T % 148 ; Suet. 
Tib. 15 Agrippa abdicato et seposito. 
The word is not used in earlier Latin, 
perhaps because the thing was not 
kno¥m: exheredare [Cic. 2 FhiL § 41] 
was to ' disinherit' by will as was neces- 
sary in the case of a suus heres^ but 
did not mean any legal process in the 
testator's lifetime; whereas in the case 
of the addicatus it was a question 
whether he might not be restored by 
his father's will [Quint. 3, 6, 98]. 

Siirrentiim. This is previous to the 
deportatio to Planasia : but the abdicaiio 
seems to have been at the time of the 
first measure, as his name is not on the 
Pavian list. Bepomiit, a less formal 
word than relegcntit^ cp. Oth, 3 sepositus 
per causam legationis in Lusitaniam, 

notnm Benatui fedt. Sen. de Benef, 
6, 32 Divus Augustus...flagiHa princi' 
palis domus in publicum ennHt...haec 
tam vindicanda quam tacenda^ quia 
quarumdam rerum turpitudo etiam ad 
vindicantem redit^ parum potens irae 

per quaestorem. The quaestor seems 
to have regularly been the £mperor's 
mouthpiece in the! Senate. See Dio 
54, 25 rh ^ipydov rf rafug, AvayviOfai 
daOs. Cp. 60, 2. Suet. Aer. 15 ora- 
tiones cut senatum missas^ praeterito 
quaestorum officio per consulem ple- 
rumque reatabat. Cp. id. 7i/. 6; Tac. 
Ann. 16, 27; Spart. Hadr, 3. As a 
quaestor was attached to the consul, so 
one or more were quaestores Caesaris, 
Wilmanns 1122 L • aqvillio...qvaes- 

TOR • IMP • CAESARIS • AVG. Cp. Plin. 

Ep. 7, 16 simul quaestores Caesaris 
fuimus, Mommsen Staatsr, iv. p. 227 
note, p. 272 j^. 

PhoelM, Dio 55, lo^tk ^oI^ti i^cXeu- 
Oipa Tc TTJs *Iov\las Kal owepybs ot<ra 
xpoaTiBave» iKOwria, 

usum vlni. The notion of wine 
leading to unchastity in women is 
referred to in Euripides Bacch, 260 
7vyat^2 yh.p \ 6irov /36rpvos iv datTl ylyve- 
rai ydvos \ obx iryUs obbiv iri \4y<a tG>v 
6pytu)v. There was also a tradition tbat 
it was an ancient custom in Latium for 
women to drink none but light raisin 
wine, passum : see Athenae. 10, 440 b ; 
Polyb. 6, 2; Aul. Gell. 10, 23 Marcus 
Cato non solum existimatas sed et mui- 
tatas quoque a iudice refert non minus^ 
si vinum in se, quam siprobrum et adul- 
terium admisisset, As one of the charges 
against lulia was that of nocturnae co- 
missationest Augustus perhaps regarded 
this as a proper occasion for going back, 
as he was fond of doing, to ancient cus- 

et ita at...fleret, *and not without 
being informed,' see p. 59. 


Post quinquennium demum ex insula in continentem leni* 
oribusque paulo condicionibus transtulit eam. Nam ut 
omnino revocaret, exorari nuUo modo potuit, deprecanti 
saepe Populo Romano et pertinacius instanti tales filias 

i talesque coniuges pro contione inprecatus. Ex nepte lulia 
post damnationem editum infantem adgnosci alique vetuit. 
Agrippam nihilo tractabiliorem, immo in dies amentiorem, 
in insulam transportavit sepsitque insuper custodia milttum. 
Cavit ettam Senatus consulto ut eodem loci in perpetuum 

» contineretur, atque ad omnem et eius et luliarum mentionem 
ingemiscens, proclamare etiam solebat : 

Ai^^ oif>e\ov dyafiov r efievai dyovo^ t* avoXkadtu! 
nec aliter eos appellare, quam tris vomicas ac tria carctno- 
mata sua. 

,s Amtcitias neque facile admisit et constantissime retinmt, ( 
non tantum virtutes ac merita cuiusque digne pro- 
secutus, sed vitia quoque et delicta, dum taxat ^1^6%. 
modica, perpessus. Neque enim temere ex omni 
I amicitia eius afHicti reperientur praeter 

In eOttUUNltom, to Rh^ium, see note vtmicam eitu apemit ouam lanare 

above. medici nen potutruHl. Plm. N. H. 30 

dapreCHltl IMpa, Dio 55, 13 (a.D. 3) S 81 carcinomala quat laillii a/Hi midi' 

tdB tt Siiiiiu r^iSfia iymiifrm t^ Ail- camctttis sanari fissittl. 

foiaTif tra «7071(711 rfir BirfHTlpa 6S. temon. See c. t6, p. 44. 

alnoi, Biratir tipii i-Cp Gian lu.xiwiaBai SeJvldleiiiUD Bnfnm. Salvidienus 

4 ^iefrTjr miToxCiiirecCai. was one of Ihe early and most devoled 

luiiinilftm, Plonasia. aiuto<Ua mill- friends of Augustus [Ck. ff. ad Br. 

tnm, il was affR/uri'0 oflhis guard ihat i, 17, i[. \ie had been with him at 

lcilled him [Tac. A-nn. i, 6]. Apollonia during the winter preceding 

Alf C^fXov, II. 3, 40. his uiicle's muTder [see p. 46; Velleius 

■^MHii-. Miviin«m»t», 'boils and Pat. 1, 51)]; had commanded at Khe- 

caocers.' Cic. dt N. D. 1% -jogladia gium aBamst Senlus Pompeius in b.c. 





Cornelium Gallum, quem ad praefecturam Afegypti, ex infima 
utrumque fortuna provexerat Quorum alterum res 
novas molientem damnandum senatui tradidit, alteri 
ob ingratum et malivolum animum domo et provinciis 
suis interdixit. Sed Galio quoque et accusatorum denun- s 
tiationibus et senatus consultis ad necem conpulso, laudavit 
quidem pietatem tantopere pro se indignantium, ceterum 
et inlacrimavit et vicem suam conquestus est, quod sibi soli 

49 and 41 [App. B, civ, 4, 85; 5, 27; 
Dio 48, 18]. At the end 0^42 B.c. or 
beginning of 41 he was sent to secure 
Gaul and Spain, but was recalled on 
the outbreak of the war of Perusiat and 
had assisted at the sieges of Sentinum 
and Perusia [Dio 48, 13; App. 5, 33, 
35]. After the fall of Perusia (spring 
of B.c. 40) he accompanied Augustus 
to take over Gaul and Spain and the 
army lately commanded by L. An- 
tonius [App. 5, 51] and, on Augustus' 
return to Rome, was left there in com- 
mand, besides being designated consul 
(Dio (tTodetx^^i^ai. He was never con- 
sul). Dio and Velleius are both very 
vague as to the nature of his treason ; 
but when Antony came to Italy in the 
autumn of B.C. 40 and made terms with 
Augustus at Brundisium, he seems to 
have betrayed the fact that Salvidienus 
had written to him proposing to cause 
the Gauls to revolt from Augustus and 
retum to him. Augustus at once sent 
for Salvidienus on some other pretext, 
brought him before the Senate and got 
him condemned for maiestas^ that obse- 
quious body even passing the SCtum 
Ultimum, videatU Illviri ne quid res 
publica detrimenti capiaty thus enabling 
him to treat Salvidienus as a hostis 
[App. 5, 66; Dio 48, 33; Vell. Pat. 2, 

Comelium Gallum. SeeSuet.^. [ap. 
Hier. Chrm. 1 1 . 727-8] Comelius Gallus 
Foroiuliensis poeta^ a quoprimum Aegyp- 
tum rectam supra diximus^ quadragesimo 
tertio cutatis suae anno propria se manu 
interfecit (B.c. 26). He was therefore 
bom in B.c. 68 or 69. He is the Gailus 
of Vei^l EcL 10 (though Servius there 
says that his name was C. Asinius Gal- 
lus and that he was son of Pollio), and 
his rank as an elegiac poet is recorded 
by Ovid \Tr, 4, 10, 53]. But hardly a 
line remains that is certainly his. When 
he came from Frejus to Rome we do 
not know. but he seems to have early 

sided with Octavian against Antony, 
for which personal reasons may perhaps 
help to account, if the scandal be true 
that makes him and Antony rivals for 
the favours of Cytheris Volumnia [Cic. 
2 Phil, §§ 58, 69, 77 ; Servius ad Verg, 
1. c.]. He was at Actium and foUowed 
the defeated fleet to Egypt. There he 
took Paraetonium and next spring (b.c. 
30) thwarted Antony's attempt upon it 
[Dio 31, 9], and was employed with 
Proculeius to endeavour to take Cleo- 
patra [Plut. Ant, 79]. On the subse- 
quent settlement of Egypt he was made 
its first praefectus [Dio 51,17]. In that 
ofhce he had successfully put down an 
insurrection at Heroopolis (between the 
Delta and the Red Sea) and in the 
Thebaid [Strabo 17, i]. His offences 
there seem to have been mainly due to 
ostentation and incautious talk, the Em- 
peror, as has been remarked [p. 42], 
being extremely jealous in regard to 
Egypt. Ov. 7r. 2, 445 

Nonfuit opprobrio celebrasse Lycorida 
Sed linguam nimio non tenuisse 
Id. Am, 2, 9, 63 temerati crimen amici. 
I^io 53» ^3 *'oXXd iiAv yap xal /tdToua is 
rbv KiiyovaTov dT6X^/)e(, ToXXd ^k koX 
iiralTia vapiirparrev * Kal ydp koI eUovas 
iavToO iv SXff wy elTeiv rj AlyvirT(p 
fffTTjtrc Kal Ta ^pya 6cra iireiroi-^Kei i$ rds 
livpafddas iffiypayf^ev. 

provixiciis BUlB, the Imperial pro- 
vinces. Dio /. c, wft€ koL iv toTs iOveaiv 
a(rrov KuiKvO^^vai 8iaiTaff0ai, 

aocasatonun. The first accusation 
of Valerius Largus was foUowed by 
others, and the Senate passed decrees 
declaring him to have been convicted 
l^ally, and transferring his property to 
Augustus. Largus was looked askance 
on as didelator^ and Proculeius on seeing 
him affected to close his nose and lips 
as though it were not safe to breathe in 
his presence [Dio /. c,\ 





non liceret amicis, quatenus vellet, irasci, Keliqui potentia 
atque opibus ad finem vitae sui quisque ordinis principes . 
floruerunt, quanquam et offensis intervenientibus. Deside- I 
ravit enim nonnumquam, ne de pluribus referam, 

5 et M. Agrippae patientiam et Maecenatis tacitur- Maecenas. 
nitatem, cum ille ex levi frigoris suspitione et quod 
Marcellus sibi anteferretur, Mytilenas se relictis omnibus 
contulisset, hic secretum de comperta Murenae coniuratione 
uxori Terentiae prodidisset. 

o Ex^it et ipse in vicem ab amicis benivolentiam mutuam, 
tam a defunctis quam a vivis. Nam quamvis 
minime appeteret hereditates, ut qui numquam ex custom 
ignoti testamento capere quicquam sustinuerit, ami- f^*°. 
corum tamen suprema iudicia morosissime pensi- 

desiderayit 'missed' what he was 
used to find in them. When he had 
rashly made public the crimes of his 
daughter and repented of his haste, 
he said horum mihi nihil accidisset si 
aut Agrippa aut Maecenas vixisset 
[Sen. de benef. 6, 32]. 

fiigorls *coldness' on the part of Au- 
gustus. Seneca Ep» 122 § 11 Montanus 
lulius. . .amicitia Tiberii notus etjrigore. 
Vell. Pat. 2, 83 Flaftcus...refrigeratus 
ab Antonio. [The Mss. have rigoris^ 

Mytilenas ... contulisset. Agrippa 
was sent to be governor of Syria in B.c. 
23 after the recovery of Augustus from 
his illness, during which he had given 
his signet ring to him, thus causing 
jealousy to Marcellus. The death of 
Marcellus followed at the end of the year, 
and Agrippa retumed in B.c. 2 1. Dio 53, 
32 oO \Uvroi Ktkl is ^vpiap dtfUKero aXV 
iri Kal fMiWov jjxrpLa^iav iKeitre fUv ro^ 
inroorpar^ovs iT€fi\//€V, abrds di iv 
Aiffpip diirpi}J/€v. Agrippa was sent on 
another mission to lonia and Syria in 
B.c. 17, when he was accompanied by 
lulia, and did not retum till B.c. 13 [Dio 
54, 19; loseph. Ant. 2, 2; Nic. Dam. 
de sua vita § 3]. 

relictis omnibUB. Cic. Fam. 2, 14; 
12, 14, I ; Ter. Eun. 166; Haut, 840. 

nzori Terentlae. Dio 54, 19 Kal 
rives Kol did Tepevrlav rV rov MaiK^vov 
yvvaXKa avodrjn^ffax avrbv inreTdinjffav... 
r6v re yiip ^AyplTTay is rV Xvplav avOis 
iffraXKei Kal rtp Matmjv^ did rijv ywaiKa 
oMd* ofiolias (xo.ip€v. For Hiirena 
see p. 44. Perhaps the scnndal as to 
Terentia was malevolent gossip. The 


absence of Agrippa naturally followed 
the adoption of Gaius and Lucius B.c. 1 7, 
as it had the open favour of Marcellus in 
B. c. 23. The loss of favour of Maecenas 
mayhave had connexion with the change 
of policy in the direction of absolutism in 
B.c. 23. Tac. Ann. 3, 30. 

a defOnetiB. For the length to which 
this was carried, see Niero 32 deinde 
ut ingratorum inprincipem H.e. who did 
not name him in their wills) testamenta 
ad fiscum pertinerent, cp. Tac. Ann. 3, 
76 testamentum eius multo apud vulgum 
rumore fuit; quia in magnis opibus^ 
cum ferme cunctos proceres cum honore 
nominavissetj Caesarem omisit. The 
motive of leaving the Emperor heir 
was often no doubt the hope of obtain- 
ing better treatment for a man's family, 
Tac. Ann. 16, 11 nec defuere qui mo- 
nerent magna ex parte heredem Caesa- 
rem nuncupare atque ita nepotibus de 
reliquo constdere. id. Agr. 4^ tam caeca 
et corrupta mens adsiduis adutationibus 
eratj ut nesciret a bono pcUre non scribi 
heredem nisi malum principem. 

utqui. RobyZ. (7. 1714. ignoti, see 
Cic. 2 Fhil. §§ 40-^1 me nemo nisi 
amicusfecit heredem...te is quem vidisti 
nunquam. iudida, ' expression of 
approval.' Pompey was much hurt 
by not being named in Sulla*s will 
[Plut. Pomp. 15]. Cicero expresses 
disgust at being omitted by one Calva, 
ad Att, 15, 3. 

moroBiSBime. ^^^^^^(connectedwith 
mos mores) from the meaning of captious 
[morosi senes Cic. de Scn. 65] came to 
mean *over-careful,' *particular.' /;//. 





tavit, neque dolore dissimulato, si parcius aut citra honorem 
verborum, neque gaudio, si grate pieque quis se prosecutus 
fuisset. Legata vel partes hereditatium, a quibuscumque 
parentibus relicta sibi, aut statim liberis eorum concedere, 
aut si pupillari aetate essent, die virilis togae vel nuptiarum s 
cum incremento restituere consuerat 
67 Patronus dominusque non minus severus quam facilis et 

clemens, multos libertorum in honore et usu maximo 
habuit, ut Licinum et Celadum aliosque. Cosmum 
servum gravissime de se opinantem non ultra quam >o 
compedibus coercuit. Diomeden dispensatorem, a quo simul 
ambulante incurrenti repente fero apro per metum obiectus 
est, maluit timiditatis arguere quam noxae, remque non 
minimi periculi, quia tamen fraus aberat, in iocum vertit. 
Idem Polum ex acceptissimis libertis mori coegit compertum is 
adulterare matronas ; Thallo a manu, quod pro epistola 
prodita denarios quingentos accepisset, crura ei fregit ; pae- 
dagogum ministrosque C. fili, per occasionem valitudinis 
mortisque eius superbe avareque in provincia grassatos, one- 
ratos gravi pondere cervicibus praecipitavit in flumen. ao 

45 circa corporis curam morosior...ut 
non solum tonderetur...sed velleretur, 
Tib. 70 adfectatione et morositate nimia 
ohscurabat stilum. 

dtra, see p. 53. 

prosecntiiB, * mentioned/ with a gene- 
ral notion of paying honour or respect. 
Cp. Nero 34 matrem hilare prosecutus. 
So of giving presents, Dom. 9 omnes 
circa se largissime prosecutus. 

legata Tel partes heredltatiaxn. 
Legacies of definite sums given with 
the formula do lego. An hereditas was 
the being constituted a heres either of 
the whole or part, ex triente^ ex deunccy 
with the formula haeres TltliiB esto 
{primusy secundus, tertius). In the 
latter case the heir had to accept the 
inheritance within a fixed time with all 
its encumbrances (cretio), see Gaius Inst. 
i, 152 — 208. 

67. opinantem, see c. 51» p. 109. 

dlBpensator, ^steward,' *holder of 
the privy purse,' see Ner, 44 ; Vesp. 22 ; 
Galb. 12. 

a mann, 'secretary,* 'amanuensis/ 
luL jj^; also ad manum [C. I. L. 6, 
4449] f ^ commentariis \ib. 8623]; libra" 
rius a manu \ib. 6314]; libraHus ad 

manum \ib. 9523]. 

ei flregit, al. ecfregit^ cp. c. 94 pran* 
denti aquila panem ei e manu rapuit, 

grasBatOB, 'conducted themselves.* 
Livy 45, 23 assentando grassari. Tac. 
H. ^. 16 dolo grassari. 

praecipitayit iu flnmen, 'he ordered 
them to be flung into a river,' i.e. in 
the province. Dead bodies of male- 
factors were thrown into the Tiber ; but 
this form of execution does not appear 
to have been common at Rome. Yet 
Vedius Pollio ordered his slave who 
had broken a valuable cup h ras fivpaU- 
vas... ifipX-nOijpou. Dio 54, 23. In the 
East it was perhaps more common, see 
Q. Curtius 10, 4 itaque rursus (Alex- 
ander)...w^r^' in amnem sicut vincti 
erant iussit. Cp. S. Matt. 18, 6 <rv/t- 
<pip€i...tya Kp€fM<r0^ fi6\os dviKos ivl rbv 
Tpdxv^ov abrov Kal KaTaTovTKrd^ : and in 
mythology the king of Arcadia punishes 
his wife Auge. . .Ta&niv TapiduKc NavirXUfi 
<pl\<fi Ka6€ffT(aTi Kal Tpoa^a^e KaTavov- 
Tia-aif Diodor. Sic. 4, 33. So pirates 
treated their victims, Lysias 14 § 27, 
Cp. also the mode of execution attri- 
buted to the Turks, by drowning in thc 




Prima iuventa variorum dedecorum infamiam subiit. 68 
Sextus Pompeius ut effeminatum insectatus est; 
M. Antonius adoptionem avunculi stupro meritum ; ous sfories. 
item L. Marci frater quasi pudicitiam, delibatam a 

5 Caesare, Aulo etiam Hirtio in Hispania trecentis milibus 
nummum substraverit, solitusque sit crura suburere nuce 
ardenti, quo mollior pilus surgeret. Sed et populus quondam 
universus ludorum die et accepit in contumeliam eius et 
adsensu maximo conprobavit versum in scaena pronuntiatum 

to de gallo Matris deum tympanizante : Videsne, ut cinaedus 
orbem digito temperatf Adulteria quidem exercuisse ne 69 
amici quidem negant, excusantes sane non libidine, sed ra- 
tione commissa, quo facilius consilia adversariorum per 
cuiusque mulieres exquireret. M. Antonius super festinatas 

15 Liviae nuptias obiecit et feminam consularem e triclinio viro 
coram in cubiculum abductam, rursus in convivium rubentibus 
auriculis incomptiore capillo reductam; dimissam Scriboniam, 
quia liberius doluisset nimiam potentiam pelicis ; conditiones 

68. pxima iaventa. If we may 
believe Nicolas of Damascus, the youth 
of Augustus was particularly well 
gnarded and pure. That these in- 
credible scandals emanate from his 
bitter enemies Marcus and Lucius An- 
tonius is enough to stamp them. They 
are the measure of Roman coarseness 
and unscrupulous invective rather than 
deserving of serious notice. We hap- 
pen to know, for instance, that Hirtius 
was not with Caesar when Octavius 
joined him in Spain [Cic. AU, 12, 37 
§ 4]. The invention of such lies makes 
one gladthat Antonyhad himself felt the 
lash of the 2nd Philippic. See Cicero^s 
defence of him ^PhiL § 15 xVi Caesareni 
maledicta congessit deprompta ex recorda- 
tione impudicitiae et stuprorum suorum, 

8a1nirore...pilUB gurgeret, luv. 9, 
1 5 sed /ruticante pilo neglecta et squalida 
cura, See also ib. 95 pumice laevis; 
Mart. 2, 36; 5, 61; rers. 4, 39; Suet. 
luL 45. 

aocepit...eia8, 'interpreted it as a 
reilexion on him.' They took it as a 
double entendre, 

gallaB, priest of Cybele. Polyb. 21, 
6 (at Sestos), i</. 2 1 , 37 (at Pessinus). For 
the origin of the name see Ovid, Fast, 4, 
261. The Megalesia in honour of the 
*Great Mother* were introduced in 

B.c. 204 [Livy 2p, II — 13]. For plays 
acted at it, see mscription to Terence, 

tympanizante. See Apoll. Rhod. 
Argon, I, II 39 phyJ^i^ koX TVTrdv^p^Feirfp 
^piyes IXdffKovTai. Plaut. Poen, 5, 5, 
38 Curnonadhibuistitympanum? Nam 
cinaedum esse arbitror, Verg. Aen, 9, 
619 Tympana vos buxusque vocat Bere- 
cyntia matris /daeae, Eurip. Bacch, 
124 pvpa&rovov KCKkwfM T65€...Kopi&- 
/Savres evpov...fiaTpi5 re 'P^as els xJ^pa 
OrJKap. Catull. 63 21 ubi cymbalum 
sonat voXf ubi tympana reboant, 

orbem, with a play on the meanings 
of the 'round drum* and the *world.' 

digito, CatuU. 2,10 quatiensque terga 
iam teneris cava digitis, 

69. qao fiBu:UiaB...exqaireret, as he 
was supposed to have done in the case 
of the wife of Maecenas. 

festlnataB naptlas. dtora^ovrof o^ 
Tov Kalffapos xal frvBopuhov t&v itovti- 
^Kwv d ol dffiov iv yaffTpl ^ovoav aMiv 
dyay4ff0ai drff dtreKplvavTo ort el fUv iv 
dfA4>^p6\<p t6 K^fM ^Vj dvap\if67jvax Tbv 
ydfjuov ixp^^i 6fio\oyovfiivov 5i a^ov 
oiSiv K<a\^€i rjSi^ a&rbv yeviodoA.. Dio 
48, 44. 

rabentibas aaricoliB, luv. 11, 189. 
ooram, Hor. Od. 3, 6, 25 — 31. 





quaesitas per amicos, qui matres familias et adultas aetate 
virgines denudarent atque perspicerent, tamquam Thoranio 
mangone vendente, Scribit etiam ad ipsum haec, familiariter 
adhuc necdum plane inimicus aut hostis: Quid te mutavit, 
quod reginam ineo f uxor mea est. Nunc coepi, an abhinc 5 
annos novem f Tu deinde solam Drusillam inis f ita valeas, 
uti tUf hanc epistolam cum leges^ non inieris Tertullam aut 
Terentillam aut Rufillam aut Salviam Titiseniam aut omnes, 
An refertt ubi et in qua arrigas f 

Cena quoque eius secretior in fabulis fuit, quae vulgo 10 
Cena SmSe/cdOeo^ vocabatur; in qua deorum dearumque 

X// habitu discubuisse convivas et ipsum pro ApoUine 

eorum. ornatum, non Antoni modo epistolae singulorum 

mangone, 'slave-dealer,' Mart. i, 59; 
9i 7 ; 7« 80. Sen. Ep. 89 § 9 mattgtmes 
quicquid est quod displiceat aliquo leno- 
cinio abscondunt: itaque ementibus orna- 
menta ipsa suspecta sunt ; sive crus adli- 
gatum sive brachium adspiceres, nudari 
iuberes et ipsum tibi corpus ostendi, 

abhino annoB noyem. Antony first 
fell under the influence of Cleopatra 
at the end of B.c. 41. He could 
hardly call her uxor till he had divorced 
Octavia in B.c. 32 [Dio 50, 5], which 
will explain the abhinc annos novem, 
The marriage of a Roman citizen with 
a foreigner could not hold good in 
Roman law : lustas autem nuptias inter 
se civfs Romani contrahunt^ lust. Inst, 
I, 10. For the disgust with which such 
unions were regarded, see Hor. Od. 3, 
5, 4 milesne CrcLssi coniuge barbara 
turpis maritus vixit etc. See p 133. 

Textnllam. Antony adopts the 
diminutives of these names, in sarcastic 
imitation of loverlike language, for 
Tertia^ Rufa^ Terentia etc. Terentia 
is the wife of Maecenas; it is hardly 
worth while to attempt identification of 
the rest. 

70. in fabnlls, *a subject of gossip,' 
'a scandal/ cp. Dom. i^^idque ei cenanti 
...inter ceteras diei fabulas referretur, 
luv. I, 145 // nova nec tristis per cunc- 
tasfahula cemis, Pliny Ep. 8, 18 § 11 
haoes onmesfabulas urbis. Seneca Epp. 
132 § ij^intamoccupatacimtatefabulas 
volgaris nequitia non invenit. Ov. Tr. 
4, 10, 68 nomine sub nostrofabu/a nulla 
fodt. Cp. Suet. Ner. 6 in sermonibus 

8«*8cK^os. The worship of the 

'twelve gods* was Greek. At Athens 
there was an ahar to them in the Agora 
[Her. 6, 108; Thucyd. 6, 54, 6; Plut. 
Nicias 13], and a picture in a Stoa [Pau- 
san. 1 , 3, 3]. The Argonauts founded an 
altar to them in Bithynia [Apoll. Rhod. 
Argon. 2, 533]. In Italy they wereknown 
among the Sabines [Festus s. v. Mamer- 
tini]f and the Etruscans [Seneca N. Q. 
3, 41, i]. When the Greek theology 
was assimilated at Rome twelve ZV 
consentes were acknowledged and are 
enumerated by Ennius [Ann. i fr.]: 

luno^ Vesta, Minerva^ Ceres^ Diana^ 
Venus: Mars^ 

Mercurius^ lozis^ Neptunusy Volca- 
nuSy Apoilo. 
Varro \R. R. i] gives a somewhat diffe- 
rent list of twelve gods worshipped in 
the country, but speaks of duodecim 
deos consentes...urbanos^ quorum ima- 
gines ad forum aurataesunt^ sex mares 
et feminae totidem. In another work 
he reckoned sixteen [August. de civ. d. 
6, 3]. As it was the figures of these 
twelve gods that were placed in couples 
on lecti in a kctistemium on occasions 
of national importance [Livy 33, 10], 
this buffoonery, if it did take place, 
would have shocked religious feelings 
at Rome somewhat in the same way as 
the private performance of the mysteries 
by Alcibiades did those of the Athenians 
[Thucyd. 6, 38; Plut. Alc. 19]. See 
Marq. 13, pp. 30 and 59. A plant 
held to be a panacea was called dodeca- 
theus by the physicians, omnium deorum 
maiestatem commendantes Plin. N, H. 
25 § 28. 

pro Apolline. The worship of Apollo 





nomina amarissime enumerantis exprobrant, sed et sine 
auctore notissimi versus: 

Cum primum istorum conduxit mensa choragum^ 

sexque deos vidit Mallia sexque deasj 
impia dum Phoebi Caesar mendacia ludit^ 

dum nova divorum cenat adulteria: 
omnia se a terris tunc numina declinarunty 

fugit et auratos luppiter ipse thronos, 

Auxit cenae rumorem summa tunc in civitate penuria ac 
fames, adclamatumque est postridie, omne frumentum deos 
comedisse et Caesarem esse plane Apollinem, sed Tortorem: 
quo cognomine is deus quadam in parte urbis colebatur. 
Notatus est et ut pretiosae supellectiiis Corinthiorumque 

was first introduced among the Latins, 
and though there was a temple to him at 
Rome since B.c. 413, it did not become 
important there till the establishment 
of the ludi ApoUinares in B.c. 212. 
Augustus made the god an object of 
special honour. His victory at Actium 
was commemorated by a temple of 
Apollo on the spot and quinquennial 
games [p. 43]. The palatine temple of 
Apollo was among the most splendid at 
Rome [p. 63]; and at the celebration 
of the ludi seculares Apollo and Diana 
were the objects of special reverence. 
He became in a manner the patron god 
of the Emperors, and lulian, who in 
trying to restore the old religion looked 
back to Augustus for imperial traditions, 
paid special devotion to him as the Sun 
God, calling him his *Master' [lul. 
Conviv, 314 a], and the leader of Rome 
[dpx^^s r^s T^Xews lul. Orat. 4, 153 d]. 
oaxn primiixii...Bezqiie deas. The 
difficulty of these two lines caused 
Graevius to propose cum mimum his- 
trorum conduxit mensa choragi *when 
the table of the choragus (Augustus) 
had collected a company of actors ' : 
while Ernesti explained conduxit mensa 
choragum as an hypallage for conduxit 
mensam choragus^ *when the choragus 
had hired a table. ' Perhaps the simplest 
explanation is that of Bremi, who takes 
mensa istorum to mean the *company of 
those persons,' like our ^board,' and 
explains it to mean *when that company 
had got a choragus' (Augustus). The 
objection is perhaps the meaning of 
conducere *to hire,' which could hardly 
by any stretch of satire apply to Au- 
gustus. Lastly, some have regarded 

choragum as a contraction of choragium^ 
*the equipment of a chorus,* or *equip- 
ment' generally, Pliny N. ^. 36 § 115. 
Of MalUa no satisfactory explanation 
has been given. It perhaps is the name 
of the house where the banquet was said 
to have taken place. An old explanation 
was that it meant the Arx^ from Manlius 
the defender of the Capitol, and so the 
Florentine translator Rosso took it, eche 
nella rocca Capitolina sei Iddii ed altret- 
tante Dee si reppresentarono : but there 
is no likelihood of that being the scene 
of the banquet. Casaubon thought that 
it might be the name of the wife of the 
choragus, whoever he was. 

cexiat adulterla, *represents novel 
debaucheries in his banquet.' The 
accus. with cenare is common in 
poetry and post-Augustan prose; but 
this is a bold extension of meaning ; 
cenabis hodie magnum malum [Plaut. 
Asin, 5, 2, 86] quoted in illustration is 
hardly parallel. 

thronoB, Pliny [N, H. 35 § 63] speaks 
of a picture by Zeuxis of luppiter in 

Tortor, cp. Apollo SandcUiarius in 
c. 57. The statue of Apollo Tortor is 
not mentioned elsewhere. It seems likely 
that the epithet was given to it, not, 
as some say, with any reference to 
Marsyas, but as being near either the 
place of examining slave witnesses, or 
the quarter where tortores lived. To 
this perhaps Seneca refers \Epp, 5 1 § 4] 
(juemadmodum inter tortores habitare 
nolim^ sic ne interpopinas quidem. Such 
men usually lived in Rome, see Suet. 
Claud. 34. 

Oorlnthionun. Seneca cU brev. vit. 




praecupidus, et aleae indulgens. Nam et proscriptionis 

tempore ad statuam eius ascriptum est: 

pcUer argetUariuSy ego Corintkiarius^ 

cum existimaretur quosdam propter vasa Corinthia inter 

proscriptos curasse referendos ; et deinde bello Siciliensi 5 

epigramma vulgatum est: 

Postquam bis classe victus naves perdidit^ 
aliquando ut vincat^ ludit assidue aleam. 

71 Ex quibus sive criminibus sive maledictis infamiam impu- 

dicitiae facillime refutavit et praesentis et posterae 10 

habits. vitae castitate ; item lautitiarum invidiam, cum et 
Alexandria capta nihil sibi praeter unum murrinum 

calicem ex instrumento regio retinuerit, et mox vasa aurea 

assiduissimi usus conflaverit omnia. Circa libidines haesit; 

postea quoque, ut ferunt, ad vitiandas virgines promptior, is 

12 § 2 illum tu otiosum vocas qui 
Corinthia, paucorum furore pretiosa, 
anxia curiositate concinnat. id. tUtratiq, 
9 § 6 impenscLs in Corinthia pictasque 
tabulas effundere^ Pliny Ep, 3, 6, 4 
neque enim ullum adhuc Corinthium 
domi habeo, ib, i § 9 sunt in usu Corin- 
thia quibus delectatur nec adficitur, 
This passion for Corinthian bronze had 
long been the vogue, see Cicero Verr, 4 
§ I nego in Sicitia tota...ullum Corin- 
thium aut Deliacum fuisse.,.quin con- 
quisierit et abstulerit, The particular 
fusion of copper, gold, and silver which 
was known by this name seems to have 
been a lost art. Various accounts of its 
origin were given, from the accidental 
fusion of those metals at the buming of 
Corinth in b.c. 146 [Pliny N. H, 34, 6], 
or from the discovery of an individual 
[Plutarch de Orac, Pyth. c. 2]. 

pater argentftriiu, see c. 2, p. 4. 

CorlnthlariaB, * a keeper of the vases.' 
Slaves in charge of the Corinthia were 
called a Corinthiis C, I, L, 10, 692, 
6638; or Corinthiarii C, I, L, 6, 

Inter proscrlptOB. This seems to 
have been the case with Verres, but it 
was Antony not Octavian who did it. 
Pliny 1. c. quippe cum tradcUur non 
cdia de causa Verrem^ quem M, Cicero 
damnaverat^ proscriptum cum eo ab 
Antonio, quoniam Corinthiis cessurum 
se ei negavisset. See p. 58. 

Mb dasae. See c. 16, pp. 31—2, 
note on Sicutum beUum; luvenal i, 91 

talks of the proelia of the dice. 

71. lautltianim. Cp. Cic. 2 Phil, 
§ 66 of Pompey*s fumiture, multa et 
lauta supellex, non iUa quidem luxu- 
riosi hominis sed tamen abundantis, 

mnrrinum calloem. For this pre- 
cious agate so much sought after at 
Rome, see the passages quoted by 
Mayor on luv. 7, 132 empturus pueros^ 
argentum^ murrina, viilas. It was first 
brought to Rome by Pompey in B.c. 61 
from the spoils of Mithridates, and dedi- 
cated to luppiter Capitolinus [Pliny N, 
H, 37 § 18]. The stone seems to have 
been hardened by bdng baked in dung, 
whence Propert. 5, 5, 26 murrina 
cocta, It was imitated in glass [Plin. 
N H. 36 § 108]. See Marq. 15, p. 
430 sq. Kang^s History of Precious 
Stones, p. 239. 

ez InBtmmento regio, from the 
spoils of the palace at Alexandria, cp. 
c. 41. Cicpro dom. § 62 instrumen- 
tum cu: omamentum vUlae, 

llliidlneB, 'intrigues with women,' — 
opposed to the impudicitia above. The 
same distinction in lul, 49 and 50. 

haesit, *he could not refute them' as 
easily as the other scandals. baarere, 
*to be in a difficulty.' Cic. 2 Phil, § 74 
hcurebat nebulo: quo se verteret non ha- 
bebat, So especially of accusations that 
cannot be refuted, Pliny Ep. 3, 9, 20 
Classici filia quae et ipsa inter vos eraty 
ne suspitionibus quidem haerebat. Tac. 
Ann. 4, 19 ttec aubie repetundarum cri- 
mimbus haerebat. 





quae sibi undique etiam ab uxore conquirerentur. Aleae 
rumorem nullo modo expavit, lusitque simpliciter 
et palam oblectamenti causa etiam senex, ac, 
praeterquam Decembri mense, aliis quoque festis et profestis 
5 diebus. Nec id dubium est. Autographa quadam 
epistula Cenavi, ait, mi Tiberi^ cum isdem ; accesse- xiberius! 
runt convivae Vinicius et Silius pater. Inter cenum 
lusimus geronticos et heri et hodie, talis enim iactatis^ ut quis- 
que canem aut senionem miserat^ in singulos talos singulos 

ab uzore. Tac. Ann, 5, i uxor 
facilis, Dio 58, 3 irvOotuivov d4 rivos 
ttQs Kal tL iroioOiTa ovrta rov Airyo6<rrov 
KareKpdrrtaeVf dTCKplvaro 8ri al/n^ re 
dic/NjSu^ (r(a<ppovov<ra...Kal rd d<f>podi<ria 
a&rov ddOpfAara fii^e 8i<i)Kov<ra fi^fyre ai- 
<r6dv€<r6<u irpo^riroioviJiivri. 

palam. For the discredit of open 
gambling see Cic. 2 Pki/. § 57 kominem 
omnium nequissimum qui non dubitaret 
vel in foro alea ludere^ lege^ quae est de 
aleay condemnatum..., Yet the tabulae 
lusoriae, stili remaining scratched on the 
marble pavement of the Basilica lulia, 
shew how common it was [Middleton 
in Encyclop. Brit, 20, p. 81 7J. The 
emperors Claudius [C/. c. 33] and Do- 
mitian {Dom, c. 21] were inveterate 
gamblers, the former having even written 
a treatise on dice. 

praeterquam Decembxi. The law 
forbidding gambiing is not known, but 
it was oider than the time of Plautus, 
see Mil. Glor, 2, 2, 9 atque adeo^ ut ne 
legifraudemfaciantaleariaey \ sedcura- 
tote ut sinetalis domi agitent convivium. 
See Cic. l.c. In the Digest 11, 5 an 
edict of the praetor and a SCtum are 
quoted, but no lex. The aediles enforced 
the r^ulation in tavems, Mart. 5, 84 
etblando male prodilus fritilloy \ arcana 
modo raptus e popina^ \ aedilem rogat 
udusaleator. \ Saturnalia transiere tota, 
Marq. 15, p. 524. The exception during 
the Saturnalia (17 — 23 December) was 
perhaps rather one of custom than law, 
Dut it was universally taken advantage 
of. Mart. 4, 14 dum blanda vagus alta 
Dxember \ incertis sonat hinc et hinc 
fritillis, id. 11, 6 unctis falciferi senis 
diebus, \ regnator quibus imperat fri- 
tillus. The Saturnalia as a religious 
festival belono;ed ouly to the 17 Dec. 
But the holiday had long lasted the 
seven days, and Augustus seems to 
have added three days of suspension 
of legal business not hitherto formally 

recognised, see Macr. Sat, i, 10, §§ 4, 

festls et profestia. Macrob. Sat, i, 
16, 2 festi dis dicati sunt, profesti homi- 
nibus ob administrandam rem prroaiam 
publicamque concessi, intercisi deorum 
hominumque communes sunt, 

acceBBenmt were added to the usual 
family party. For Sllliu see c. loi. 
For VinldttB see on c. 64. 

g^eronticoB (ytpovrLKm). Dice and 
other games were regarded as peculiarly 
an old man's amusement. Cic. de Sen, 
§ 58 nobis senihus ex lusionibus multis 
tcUos relinquant et tesseras, luv. 14, 4 si 
damnosa senem iuvat alea, luditet heres, 

talis. For fuUer details of dice- 
playing see Marq. 15, p. 521 sqq. ; 
Becker s Gallus^ p. 499 sqq. ; Ramsay, 
R, Ant. p. 497 sqq. To explain the 
game as played by Augustus, it.will be 
necessary first to notice that he plays 
with tali [dvrpdyfxKioC)^ i.e. dice with 
four sides smooth and marked with the 
numbers I, VI, III, IV, the other two 
sides being rounded so that the dice 
would not rest on them (tesserae k6^ol 
had six numbers like our own). Se- 
condly it is to be noticed that there were 
two opposite principles (with variations 
in detail) in reckoning the, winning 
throw: (1) when the highest numbeis, 
i.e. sixes, were the best, TXeto^ro^oX/pda, 
cp. Pers. 3, 48 quid dexter Senio ferret 
Scire erat in z*oto; damnosa camcula 
quantum Rcuieret, (2) When thehighest 
throw ( Venus) consisted in the dice pre- 
senting all different numbers, ihe lowest 
(Canis) in all coming up aces. Mart. 
14, 14 (tali eborei) Cum steterit nullus 
vultu tibi talus eodem, Munera me dices 
magna dedisse tibi. Details seem to 
have varied according to agreement. 
In the game here described by Augustus 
thjre were four tali^ and if a player turned 
up sixes or aces (Canis) he paid a de- 
narius for each of the dice into the pool. 




denarios in medium conferebat, quos tollebat universos, qui 
Venerem iecerat Et rursus aliis litteris: Nos^ mi Tiberi, 
Quinquatrus satis iucunde egimtis ; lusimus enim per omnis 
dies forumque aleatorium calfecimus. Frater tuus magnis 
clamoribus rem gessit ; ad summam tamen perdidit non mul- s 
tum, sed ex magnis detrimentis praeter spem paulatim retractus 
est, Ego perdidi viginti mUia nummum meo nomine, sed 
cum effuse in lusu liberalis fuissem, ut soleo plerumque. Nam 
si quas manus remisi cuique exegissem, aut retinuissem quod 
cuique donavi, vicissem vel quinquaginta milia, Sed hoc malo ; 10 
benignitas enim mea me ad caelestem gloriam efferet Scribit 
ad filiam : Misi tibi denarios ducentos quitiquagintay quos 
singulis convivis dederam^ si vellent inter se inter cetuim vel 
talis vel par impar ludere, K 

In this case sixes was as bad a throw as 
aces. The pool thos formed was swept 
by the first player who threw a Venus^ 
i.e. all different. Apparently if a player 
threw four threes or fours, or any other of 
the thirty-five possible combinations, 
nothing happened, he neither gained 
anything nor paid anything into the 

Qninquatras. Originally a feast of 
Mars on the i^th March (^th day from 
Ides), but afterwards extended to the 
25rd, and including the feast of the 
dedication of the temple of Minerva 
Cfl//rt[Ov. /iw/. 3, 811]. Itwaswrongly 
derived from the five days, as by Ovid 
Fast, 3, 809 — 830. It was a universal 
holiday, especially for schools. See 
Mayor on luv. ro, 115; Marq. 13, pp. 
167 sq., 36 r. 

fonun aleatorium calfednmB, *I 
kept the gaming table well alive,* or 
*hotIy at work.* T\i^forus is explained 
to mean some tabula lusoria^ but it is 
not found elsewhere in that sense, the 
usual terms being tabula [luv. i, 90] 
or alveus [Suet. Claud, 33], and I am 
inclined to believe that Augustus wrote 
forutn aUatorium (n.) in a sort of play- 
ful allusion to other fora^ such as the 
forum olitorium^ piscatorium^ boarium^ 
etc. This was practically Casaubon's 
view. oalfeclmus. So W^^forum is said 
refrigescere when business is over, Cic. 
Att, I , I cum Romae a iudiciis forum 
refrixerit. Caelius in Cic. fam. 8, 7 § 4 
si Parthi vos nihil calfaciuntf nos hic 
frigore rigescimus. 

manuB, 'stakes,' forfeited by a bad 

throw, as B.-Crusius explains better 
than Bremi, who thinks it means the 
throw itself. It seems to refer to a 
different game from that described in 
the first letter, one in which the players 
threw for money on each cast. The 
meaning of manus is preserved in the 
French and English main as a term in 
dice. Shakespeare, Henry IV, 4, i, 47 
To set so rich a main on the nice hazard 
ofone doubtful hour. 

ad caelestem gloriam. Cic. Att. 4, 6 
Caesar in caelum fertur, fam, 4, 14, i 
te summis laudibus ad caelum extule- 

par impar. The game was played 
with nuts, and consisted it seems in 
guessing whether the number held in 
the hand was odd or even. Mart. 5, 
30, 7 commodius nisiforte tibi potiusque 
videtur Satumalicias perdere, Varro^ 
nuces, id. 4, 66, 15 supposita est blando 
nunquam tibi tessera talo : AUa sed 
parcae sola fuere nuces, Ovid Nux 
85 est etiam par sit numerus qui dicat, 
an impar, Ut divinatas auferat Augur 
opes. It is classed among childish 
amusements by Horace S, 2, 3, 248; 
whence nucibus relictis for giving up 
childish things, Mart. 57 85 ; Cat. 61, 
127. The Greek term was dprtd^ety, 
see Arist. Plut, 816 irrQkTfipiTi, 5* ol Oepd- 
irovres aprid^fjLcv ■xfivaott, Also with 
astragali^ PoIIux 9, 10 1 r6 5' dprid^etv 
iv djTpaydKtav TrXi^^et KeKpv/xfUvtav virb 
Tcuv x^f^^^ ^MVTclav etxe twv dprliav 1j 
Kal irepiTTav, Cp. Plato Lys. 499 B 
ilpTia^ov doTpaydKois wafJLTr6\\ois, 




In ceteris partibus vitae continentissimum fuisse constat 72 
ac sine suspicione ullius vitii. Habitavit primo 

^ Tk r 1 I • • H^s town 

luxta Romanum forum, supra scalas anulanas, m houses, 
domo quae Calvi oratoris fuerat ; postea in Palatio, (i) near 
5 sed nihilo minus aedibus modicis Hortensianis, et ^ °™™* 
neque laxitate neque cultu conspicuis, ut in quibus Palatine. 
porticus breves essent Albanarum columnarum, et 
sine marmore uUo aut insigni pavimento conclavia. Ac 
per annos amplius quadraginta eodem cubiculo hieme et 

72. Bupra Bcalas amilarlaB. Mid- 
dleton identifies these scalae (though 
somewhat doubtfuUy) with a ilight of 
steps from the nazMi via on the Palatine 
to the Forum. But in that case could 
the house of Calvus be both iuxta forum 
and supra scalas? It seems to me more 
probable that the house had along the 
front some Mewellers* shops.* Such 
shops seem often to have been attached 
to town houses [Cic. Att. 14, p; Marq. 
14, p. 291]. They were calfed sccUae 
from having an outside staircase which 
could be closed. Cic. Pro Mil, § 40 
in scaiarum tenebrcLs^ id. 2 Phil, § 2 1 m 
scalas tabernae librariaey cp. Hor. Ep. 
2, 2, 14. Sometimes the upper part of 
tbe house was approached by these 
scalae, Livy 39, 13 cenaculum super 
cudem datum est^ scalis ferentibus inpub' 
licum obseratis, aditu in aedes verso. 

CalTl. C. Licinius Calvus, the emi- 
nent orator, b. B.a 82, ob. b.c. 47. 
See Pliny iV. H. 34 § 166; Cic Brut. 
§ 283: \6..fam. 15) 21. Of his influence 
with iudices, see Seneca Controv. 3, 19. 

In Palatio. Dio 53, 16 /caXecrac hk 
rk fiturlXeia iraXdrcov, obx ^tc koX iSo^ 
«ror€ ofiTUfs abrb, dvofidl^ctrOaii dXX' 8ti 
(v re T<f HaXaTLtfi 6 Eaciirap ^«rec Kal iKcl 
r6 trrpan^iov €lx€...Kal StA tovto kov 
&Wo0i irov 6 airoKpdTtap KaroKbyj Hiv 
roO HaXaTlov itrlKXriaiv ij Karayioy^ 
a&rov tax^^' This house was assigned 
him by a vote of the Senate in b.c. 36, 
when he had already purchased a site 
for building one. Thereupon he dedi- 
cated his purchase to the public, build- 
ing the temple of Apollo etc. on it [Dio 
49* isliS-nd refiised any other afterwards 
[id. 54, 27]. After the fire in B.c. 2 
the whole building was made public 
property [id. 55, 12]. 'It stood in a 
noble position near the edge of the cliff 
towards the Vallis Murcia and the 
Circus Maximus, with a fine view of 

the Aventine opposite' (Middleton). 
Of its laurelled door-posts and giided 
shield and the inscription ob servatos 
cives^ see Ov. Tr. 3, i, 33 — 48, AI. A. 
c. 34. 

HortenBliu. Q. Hortensius, the great 
orator, friend and rival of Cicero, died 
in B.C. 50 [Cic. fam. 8, 13]. The 
splendour of his villas was notorious, 
but the town house does not seem to 
have been unusually large or magnificent. 
The Palace of Augustus, at any rate 
after the rebuilding, included the con- 
tiguous house of Catiline. Suet. dc 
Gramm. 17. 

AllMUiarain coluiimaram. A volca- 
nic stone from the quarries of the Alban 
hiils, a conglomerate of ashes, gravel, 
and stone fragments ; ' harder than the 
hardest kinds of tufa' (Middleton) ; yet 
Vitruvius [ii, 7] classes it among the 
molles, Its neamess to the city made it 

Inslgnl iMtYlmento. The lloors, whe- 
ther tessellated or made up of various 
slabs, were often of the ricnest marbles 
[pavimentum superbum Hor. Od. 2, 14, 
27]. See Hor. Ep, i, 10, 19 Libyci 
lapilli. Lacedcumonius orbis luv. 11, 
1 73 ; Sen. Ep. 86 eo deliciarum venimus 
ut nisi gemmas calcare nolimus. See 
Becker's GcUlus p. 270 sq. Marquardt 

15. P- 274 sqq. 

oon(flayia, a room or suite of rooms 
locked with a key: a bedroom, Ter. 
Haut. 902; a dining-room, Hor. Sat. 
2, 6, 113. 

eodem . . . hieme et aestate. The 
luxurious had cubicula aestiva and hi" 
bernay as LucuIIus [Plut. Luc. c. 39]. So 
also dining-rooms (tric/inia), see Varro 
L. L. 7, 14 itaque et hibema triclinia 
et aestiva facimus. id. R. R. 1, 13 ut 
spectentsua custiva tricliniaria adfrigus 
orientis^ hiberna ad solem occidentem. 
See Pliny Ep. 2, 17 § 10 cubicu/um 






aestate mansit, quamvis parum salubrem valitudini suae 
urbem hieme experiretur assidueque in urbe hiemaret. 
Si quando quid secreto aut sine interpellatione agere pro- 
posuisset, erat illi locus in edito singularis, quem Syracusas 
et T^yyi^vov vocabat : huc transibat, aut in alicuius 5 
libertorum suburbanum : aeger autem in domo 
Maecenatis cubabat. Ex secessibus praecipue fre- 
quentavit maritima insulasque Campaniae, aut proxima urbi 
oppida, Lanuvium, Praeneste, Tibur, ubi etiam in porticibus 
Herculis templi persaepe ius dixit. Ampla et operosa prae- xo 
toria gravabatur. Et neptis quidem suae luliae, profuse ab ea 
^g extructa, etiam diruit ad solum, sua vero quamvis 

oraamenu modica non tam statuarum tabularumque pictarum 

cum procoetone alHtudine aestivum, mu- 
nimentis hibernum. 

a88idueque...lilemaret. As these 
words stand they can only be ex- 
plained as dependin|; on quamvis^ 
*though he found the city far from suit- 
ing his health in winter, and though he 
persistently wintered intown,' — in view 
of which one would have expected him 
to try a change of bedchamber. Grae- 
vius took hiemaret as impersonal, 'al- 
though it was bad weather'; Erasmus 
explained 'though he suffered from the 
winter.' Baumg.-Crusius proposes assi- 
due in urbe hiemavit ifhiemabat). For 
ezperlretur cp. Horace OJes 4, 4, 3 ex- 

In edito, *at the top of the house'; 
in conclavi edito Corn. Nep. Dion 9. 
Bingularis, 'to himself,' *separate.' 

Bsnracusas. No satisfactory explana- 
tion has been given of why Aueustus 
called his lofty study *Syraicuse. He 
was at Syracuse in B.c 21, which was 
then ruinous and deserted \CaJ, 21], 
and he may have found it so quiet 
and retired (perhaps too living on the 
high ground of Achradina) as to sug- 
gest a suitable name. Such fanciful 
names were often given to parts of a 
house, so 'A/AoXdcroi' of a room or gym- 
nasium in the house of Atticus,Cic. Att. 
I, 16. 

Tfxvo^wov [al. rtyyi}i^w dim. of 
Tkxy^t cp. r€xyi)h^w Suidas, and Plato 
Rep. 475 e], *work-shop' or *study.' 

in domo Maecenatis, on the Esqui- 
line, which was regarded as healthy, 
Hor. .y. I, 18, 4 Esquiliis salubribus^ 
cp. 2, 6, 33. Suet. Tib. 15 statim e 

Carinis ac Pompeiana domo in hortos 
Maecenatianos transmigravit iotumque 
se ad quietem contulit. Nevertheless 
Maecenas himself is said never to have 
slept for a whole hour in the last three 
years of his life, Plin. N. H. 7 § 172. 
Maecenas left Augustus his heir at his 
death in B.c. 8 [Dio 54, 7]. 

ez Becessibus, luv. 3, 4 ianua Baia- 
rum est et gratum litusamoeni Secessus. 
Donatus vit. Verg. 6 § 4 secessu Cam- 
paniae Siciliaeque plurimum uteretur. 
SueL Cal. 45 circum et theatra et amoe- 
nos secessus. Tib. 1 1 Capriensi secessu. 
Ner. 34 in secessu quiescere. id. 39 
secessum Campaniae petit. 

ixiBUlas Caxnpaniae : Capreae [taken 
by Augustus in exchange for Aenaria 
Dio 52, 43], Aenaria^ Prochyta, Pan- 
dataria, Megaris and Leucothea: c. 92. 

LanuTlum, FraeneBte. Strabo 5, 3, 
1 1 k» 6\l/€i 8* eUrl rois iy 'Pdfi-ff Ti/iovpd 
re Kai npcUy€<rros...Tipovf}a fuh i rh 
'HpdffXetoi'. The two towns are classed 
together as places for coolness jand 
retirement by Horace, Od. 3, 4, 23 seu 
mihi frigiilum Praeneste seu Tibur 
supinum Seu liquidae placuere Baiae, 
Praeneste was renowned for coolness and 
healthiness, Flor. i, 11, 7 Tibur nunc 
suburbanum el aestivae Praeneste deliciae. 
Tilierius recovered from a serious ill- 
ness there [Aul. Gell. 16, 13, 5]. 
Heroulis, Mart. i, 12, i itur ad Her- 
culeas gelidi qtta Tiburis arces Canaque 
sulphureis Albulafumataquis. 

praetorla, *palaces in the country,' 
luv. I, 75 criminibus debent hortos 
praetoria mensas. Stat. Sitv. i, 3, 25 
a/ternas servant praetoria ripas. 




ornatu, quam xystis et nemoribus excoluit rebus- o^Ws 
que vetustate ac raritate notabilibus : qualia sunt 
Capreis immanium beluarum ferarumque membra prae- 
grandia, quae dicuntur Gigantum ossa et arma Heroum. 

5 Instrumenti eius et supellectilis parsimonia apparet etiam 73 
nunc residuis lectis atque mensis, quorum pleraque vix 
privatae elegantiae sint. Ne toro quidem cubuisse aiunt nisi 
humili et modice instrato. Veste non temere alia quam 
domestica usus est, ab sorore et uxore et iilia neptibusque 

zo confecta ; togis neque restrictis neque fusis, clavo nec lato 
nec angusto, calciamentis altiusculis, ut procerior quam erat 

zsntlB, 'terraces' or 'open walks/ 
Pliny Ep, 2, 1 7, 7 anie cryptoporticum 
xystus violis odoratus. ta. 5, 6, 16 
anteporticum xystus inplurimas species 
distinctus concisusque buxo, See p. 100. 

namoirilras. The nemora may be 
either plantations in the gardens or 
within the courtyard of the house. Hor. 
Od, 3, 10, 5 Audis quo strepitu ianua^ 
quo nemus Inter pukra situm tecta re- 

Mnanim, ' whales ' or * sharks.' 
Bones of whales might have been 
broueht to Italy from the coasts of the 
North Sea; Hor. Od. 4, 14, 47 beluosus 
quiremotis Obstrepit Oceanus Britannis. 
lov. 10, 14 quanto delphinis ballaena 
BrUannica maior; but there is also 
evidence that one or the other of these 
sea-monsters was known in the Medi- 
terranean, as at Tyre [Q. Curt. 4, 4], 
off Mt Athos [Herod. o, 44], on the 
coast of Attica [Schol. on Aeschines in 
Ctes, 150; Plut Phoc, 28]. See also 
Pliny N, H. 9 § 12 baJcunae et in nostra 
tnaria penetrant, 

73. i]iftni2iMiitl...BapelleoMllfl. The 
former refers rather to all things needed 
for daily household use, such as plate, 
vestes stragulae, and utensils of all sorts, 
the latter to the furniture of the rooms. 
Columell. R. R, 12, ipraepareUis idoneis 
lods instrumentum et supellectilem diS' 
tribuere coepimus, 

noB temm. See c. 16, p. 34. 

▼Mte...doiiie8felca, ^common clothes 
for the house/ as opposed to the toga^ 
themilitary,orthedinnerdress, cp. Suet. 
Vit, 8 cU iam vespere, subito a militibus e 
cubiculo raptus, ita ut ercU, in veste do- 
mestica imperator est consalutatus, 

ab Borore . . . oonfeeta. See c. d^filiam 
€t neptes ita insHtuit ut etiam lanificio 

assuefaceret. The commonest indoor 
dress was the tunica^ see Becker*s 
Gallusy p. 476 sq. Of the cenatoria or 
synthesis^ the ' dmner dress/ see Mart. 
10, 87, 12; 14, 135. Septenaria syn- 
thesis SaguHti, id. 4, 46, 15. Suet. Ner. 
5 1 circa cultum habitumque adeo puden^ 
dus ut plerumque synthesinam indutus 
ligato circum collum sudario prodierit 
in publicum sine cinctu et discakeatus. 

re8trictl8...faBl8, 'neither wrapped 
closely round his body, nor allowed to 
hang loose.' Hor. Ep. i, i, 96 xt toga 
disstdet impar. id. ScU. i, 3, 31 rideri 
possit eo quod Rusticius tonso toga defluit. 
The wearing the toga dosely wrapped 
was a sign of modesty in youth, Cic. 
pro Cael, §11 nobis quidem olim annus 
erat unus ad cohibendum brachium toga 

(flayo...anffii8to. The broad purple 
stripe down the front of the tunka^ 
wom by Senators and certain of the 
equites [p. 85], was either woven in 
the material [Plin. N. H.%% 193 nam 
tunica lati clavi in modum gausapae 
texi nunc primum incipit\ or sewed on 
\,Dig. 34, 3, 23 cktviqiu ^ui vestibus 
insuuntur]. The ostentatious wore it 
as broad as possible, Lucian Demon. 
§ 41 Ihlav M rwok r(av 6dirap6^u)v iirl r^ 
irXarei rijs TOfHpOpas fi^a tf>popovvra..., 
On the other hand some affected almost 
to conceal it, Spart. Sever. 19 § 7 hic 
tam exiguis vestibus usus est ut vix et 
tunica eius aliquid purpurae haheret.... 
Lamprid. AUx. Sev, 33 purpurea non 
magna ad usum revocavit suum. Mar- 
quardt [15« p. 186] holds that the clavus 
consisted of two stripes in front of the 
tunic, which perhaps also went down 
the back. 

calolanientlB here=ra^^£r. Cakia- 




videretur. Et forensia autem et calceos numquam non intra 
cubiculum habuit ad subitos repentinosque casus parata. 
74 Convivabatur assidue nec umquam nisi recta, non sine 

magno ordinum hominumque dilectu. Valerius Mes- 




sala tradit, neminem umquam libertinorum adhibi- 5 
tum ab eo caenae excepto Mena, sed asserto in 
ingenuitatem post proditam Sexti Pompei classem. Ipse 
scribit, invitasse se quendam, in cuius villa maneret, qui 
speculator suus olim fuisset. Convivia nonnumquam et serius 
inibat et maturius relinquebat, cum convivae et cenare in- 10 

tnentum is properly any covering to the 
foot, even including slippers and sandals. 
Cic. 5 Tusc. § 90 mihi amictus est Scy- 
thicum tegmen^ cakiamentum solorum 
callum^ cubile terra. altLiuciills. Xen. 
Cyrop, 8, 1 § 4 1 xai yh.p t4 i;iro5i^/iAara rot- 
aOra %xpwnv iv oX% fioKurTa Xndeiv iari 
KoX inroTiOcfiivovs tl (oaTe 8ok€ip fiell^ovs 
elvai il elal. Augustus was short, see 
c. 79. For the form (from compara- 
tive a/tiory -itis) not in prose b«fore 
Pliny, see Roby L. G. 364. 

forexuia, opposed to the domestica 
above. The toga (with perhaps the 
penula and lacerna) worn out of doors 
in the forum or city. Caligula made 
presents oi forensia to men \Cal. 17]. 
Alexander Severus [Lamprid. c. 42] 
among the outfit of a provincial praeses 
gave vestes forenses binas. 

calceoB. In the house solecuy slippers, 
would be wom ; though they were 
taken off by the slaves while the guests 
reclined at table [Horace Sat. 2, 8, 75; 
£p. I, 13, 15; V\my Ep. 9, 17; Mart. 
3, 50, 3]. ad suliltOB...ca8UB. While 
lulius was lying at table and the des- 
perate state of the young Octavian was 
announced to him, he ^xirT/d^/aas ayvir6- 
fiiyroy 17/cev Ma ivocrikevero, Nic Dam. 
9; cp. Dio 43, 22 i7r€L8^ iK tov delTvov 
iyivovTo h rt t^v iavTov oyofAv itnjXOe 
pXa&ras vToSedefiivos. 

74. conviyabatTir, 'he dined in com- 
pany,' *he gave dinner parties.' Cp. 
Suet. Claud. 32 conmvia agitavit et 
ampla et assidua ac fere patentissimis 
locis ut plerumque sesceni simul discum- 
berent. nlBl recta, 'at a regular cena^ 
at which the guests lay at the tables, 
opposed to the sportula^ Suet. Domit. 7 
sportulas publicas sustuLit^ revocata rect- 
arum cenarum consuetudine : a reversal 
of Nero's arrangement, under whom 

publicae cenae ad sportulas redactae 
[Suet. A<?r. 16]; Mart. 8, 50, lopromissa 
est nobis sportula^ recta data est. It was 
also applied to private parties [Mart. 2, 
69, 7 ; 7, 20, 2] as opposed to one at 
which refreshments were served round, a 
cena ambulans [Mart. 7, 58, 5]. 

ValerloB MesBala. M. Valerius 
Messala, c. 58. Besides his work on the 
civil war, Pliny refers to de Romanis 
familiis, N, H. 34 § 137 ; 35 § 8. 

Mexia. Menas [whom Appian always 
calls yhfvbhwpos^ but Dio, Mi^^as], a 
freedman of Pompey the Great [App. 
B. civ. 5, 79], served under Sextus 
Pompeius. In B.c. 38, being in com- 
mand of the fieet at Corsica and at 
Sardinia, he deserted to Augustus [Dio 
48, 45; App. B. civ 5, 78]. In B.c. 36 
he went back to Sext. Pompeius, but 
later in the same year deserted once 
more to Angustus [Dio 48, 54; 49, i 
Kato^ap hk TpofHfKaTO fikv a&rbv Kal t6t€ 
dxTfj^viffTaTaf 06 fUvToi Kal iTlar^vffi re 
(t' abr^. App. B. civ. 5, 96, 100 — 
loi ]. He fell in B.c. 35 in the Pannonian 
expedition [Dio 49, 37]. 

Bed aBBerto In Ixi^nultatem. App. 
B. civ. 5, 80 ^riv6d(ap6v re 4\$6vTa 
iXcvdepov cOOvs dirii/^rfvev i^ direXeu- 
OifMv. He declared him freebom, not 
merely a freedman. lustin. inst. i tit. 4 
cum autem ingenuus aliquis natus sit, 
non officit illi in servitute fuisse. id. 
novell. 78, I ex hac lege^ qui libertatem 
acceperit^ habebit subsequens mox et 
aureorum anulorum et regenerationis 


ipse Bcrlbit, in his memoir, see c. 
loi. Bpeculator, see c. 27, p. 59; and 
for the specu/atores of the cohortes prae- 
toriae see Wilmanns, 2866 nomina specu- 
iatorum qui in praetorio meo militave- 
runt (Vespasian). 




ciperent prius quam ille discumberet, et permanerent digresso 
eo. Cenam ternis ferculis, aut cum abundantissime senis 
praebebat, ut non nimio sumptu, ita summa comitate. Nam 
et ad communionem sermonis tacentis vel summissim fabu- 

5 lantis provocabat, et aut acroamata et histriones aut etiam 
triviales ex circo ludios interponebat ac frequentius areta- 

Festos et sollemnes dies profusissime, nonnumquam tan- 75 
tum ioculariter celebrabat. Saturnalibus, et si jj. ^^ 

xoquando alias libuisset, modo munera dividebat, ingof 
vestem et aurum et argentum, modo nummos om- 
nis notae, etiam veteres regios ac peregrinos, interdum nihil 

temis fercn]lB...8eiil8, *courses' (lit. 
*waiters* or *trays,*^^). luv. i, 94 
Quis totidem erexit villas, quis fercula 
septem Secreto cenavit avus? For the 
courses in order see Hor. Sat, 2, 8 ; and 
passages quoted by Mayor on luv. /.c, 
The three courses were (l) the ^us/atio, 
(2) cenay (3) secunda mensa (dessert). 
When there were to be six or more 
courses this was secured by multiplying 
(2) as prima^ altera^ tertia cena, and so 
on [Marq. 14, p. 378 sq.]. 

acroama. The practise of having 
a reader (anagnostes) at meals is fully 
illustrated by Mayor on luv. 11, 180. 
See especially Nepos Att. 14 nemo in 
convivio eius aliud acroama audivit 
quam anagnosten ; quod nos quidem in- 
cumiissimum arbitramur; nequeunquam 
sine aliqua lectione apud eum cenatum 
est. Pliny Ep. 6, 31 adhibebamur 
quotidie cenae; erat modica si principem 
cogites; interdum ojcpodiiaTa audiebamus, 
interdum iucundissimis sermonibus nox 
ducebatur, Other acroamata were the 
strains of tibicines and other musicians ; 
see Macrob. 2, 4, 28 (of Augustus) 
delectatus inter cenam symphoniacis To- 
ronii Flacci mangonis, Marq. 14, p. 

394 sq. 

blstriones. Plutarch \Sympos. 7, 4] 
speaks of /A?/uot at banquets. Their 
introduction was not always liked, Pliny 
EP* 9« 17 quam multi, cum lector aut 
lyristes aut comoedus inductus est^ calceos 
poscunt, aut non minore cum tctedio 
recubant, quam tu ista prodigia per- 
pessus es? trivlaleB ez drco ladios, 
*street performers from the circus.* 
The circus was the haunt of idlers, 
mountebanks and jugglers, astrologers 
and the like. Horace [^at, 1, 6, 113] 

speaks of the fallacem circum. Cic. de 
Div, I § 132 ^<p circo astrologos. Among 
ludios may be included dancers, Ov. A, 
A, I, 112 ludius aequatam ter pede pulsat 
humum, Macrobius \Sat. 2, 1,9] speaks 
of laetitia et docta caviliatio vici mplani- 
pedis ei sabulonis impudica et praetextata 
verba iacentis at supper. 

aretalofl^, *disputers/ inferior fol- 
lowers of Stoic and Cynic philosophy, 
who made a kind of profession of con- 
ducting arguments on virtue or the like. 
luvenal [15, 16] speaks contemptuously 
of the mendcuc aretalogus, Cp. Acro 
on Hor. S. r, i, 120 philosophi cuius- 
dam loquacissimi nomen qui apcraXdyoi 
dictus est, 

76. Satamalilnu, see on c. 71. 

mnnera: for the presents given at 
the Satumalia see Mart. 5, 18 

Quod tibi Decembri mense, quo volant 

gracUesque ligulae cereique chartae- 

et acuta senibus testa cum Damas- 

praeter libellos vemuias nihil misi, 

fortasse avarus videar aut inhu- 
Tiberius sent Claudius at the Satumalia 
quadraginta aureos in Satuma/ia et 
Sigillaria [Suet. Claud. 5]. Vespasian 
itaper Kal, Mart, feminis {^Viti, Vesp, 
19]. lulius Bassus, charged with taking 
bribes, affirmed sola se munuscula dum- 
taxat nataH suo aut Saturna/ibus ac- 
cepisse et plerisque misisse [Pliny Ep, 4, 

9, § 7]. 

regiOB. Servius TuUius was credited 
with the introduction of coined money, 
and the earliest coins were said to have 




praeter cilicia et spongias et rutabula et forpices atque alia 

id genus, titulis obscuris et ambiguis. Solebat et inaequa- 

lissimarum rerum sortes et aversas tabularum pic- 

auctions. ^uras in convivio venditare incertoque casu spem 

mercantium vel frustrari vel explere, ita ut per s 
singulos lectos licitatio fieret et seu iactura seu lucrum com- 
76 municaretur. Cibi (nam ne haec quidem omiserim) minimi 
erat atque vulgaris fere. Secundarium panem et pisciculos 
minutos et caseum bubulum manu pressum et ficos virides 
biferas maxime appetebat ; vescebaturque et ante cenam xo 
quocumque tempore et loco, quo stomachus desiderasset 
Verba ipsius ex epistolis sunt : Nos in essedo panem et pal- 

had the figure of an ox, sheep or swine 
impressed on them [Plut. Poplic, 1 1 ; 
Quaest, ^.41]. If any such existed in 
the time of Augustus they would be 
reckoned as belonging to the regal 
period. The earliest as of the republic 
has the prow of a ship on the reverse, 
and the head of a god on the other side. 
Ramsay Rotn, Ant. p. 465. 

oUicia, rough cloth or tenting, made 
of goat*s hair [Verg. G. 3, 311]. Pliny 
N* II. 6 % 143 ChalcUuorum Scenitae... 
a tabemaculis cognominati quae ciliciis 
metantur, For its use in the camp 
see Livy 38, 7, the Ambracians block 
up the mine nunc ciliciis praetentis 
nuncforibus raptim obiectis, Veget. 4, 6 
saga ciliciaque tenduntur quae impetum 
excipiant sagittarum, 

spongias, used for cleaning the tables, 
Mart. 14, 144 haec tibi forte datur 
tergendis spongia mensis, See also c. 

rutabula et forpioes {forfex), * pokers 

and tongs/ Commentators perceive an 

obscene meaning in ali these presents : 

see Festus s.v. rutabu/um, 

Inaequalliifilinarniii . . . BorteB ; a lot- 
tery at which the guests bid without 
knowing what they were buying. Lam- 
prid. Heliogob, 22 sortes sane convivales 
scriptas in coclearibus habuit tales ut 
alius exierit ^decem camelos^ alius ^decem 
muscas^ alius ^decem libras auri^ alius 
* decem plumbit alius ^decem struiiones* 
atius *decem ova pullinay ut vere sortes 
essent etfata temptarentur, 

76. Beonndariiun panem, ^inferior 
bread,' not of the finest meal (siligo). 
Our millers still speak of ' seconds in 
this sense. Cp. Hor. Ep, 2, t vivit 

siliquis et pane secundo, Inv. 5, 70 sed 
tener et niveus molKque siligine factus 
servaius domino, Such inferior bread 
was called panis cibarius [Cic. Tusc, 5 
§ 97] ; sordidus [Suet. Ner, 48] ; Plaut. 
As, 142]; rusticus [Plin. N,Aig% 168]. 
Marq. 15, p. 41. 

plBOicnlOB minntOB. Ter. Andr, 369 
holera et pisciculos minutos ferre Jbolo 
in cenam seni, Small and common 
fish in opposition to the costly fish 
which were so much the rage at Kome, 
see Marq. 15, p. 56 sq. 

oaBenm1nilinlnm...preeBnm. Colum. 
7, 12 illa vero notissima est reUio faci-' 
undicasei, quem dicimus manu pressum, 
Namque is paullum gelatus in mulctra 
dum est tepefactus^ rescinditur^ et fer- 
vente aqua perfusus vel manu figuratus 
vel buxeis formis exprimitur, Verg. 
Ecl, I, 81 pressi copia lactis, It appears 
to mean fresh cream cheese as opposed 
to cheese brought e.g. from the Graian 
Alps [Vatusicus, Plin. N. H, 11% 240], 
or the smoked cheese caseus fumosus^ 
Mart. 13, 32. It was eaten at the 
ientaculumt Mart. 13, 31 si sine came 
voles ientacula sumere frugi, Haec tibi 
Vestino degrege massa venit, 

MferaB, Mresh late figs,' or 'figs of 
the second crop.' Plin. N, H, 16 § 113 
ficus et praecoces habet quas Athenis pro- 
dromos vocant, In Laconico genere 
maxume sunt et biferae in iisdem, 

qnoonmqne. Claud, 33 cibi vinique 
quocumque et tempore et loco appetentis- 

eBBOdo. The essedum, originally a 
Gaulish war chariot [esseda Belgica 
Verg. G, 3, 204], was the name for a 
travelling carriage, especially of ofiicials. 




mulas gustavimus, Et iterum : Dum lectica ex regia 
domum redeOy panis unciam cum paucis acinis uvae Tiberius^ 
duracinae comedL Et rursus : Ne ludaeus quidem, mi 
Tiberiy tam diligenter sabbatis ieiunium servat quam ego hodie 

s servavi, qui in balineo demum post horam primam noctis duas 
bucceas manducavi prius quam ungui inciperefn, Ex hac in- 
observantia nonnumquam vel ante initum vel post „. 
dimissum convivium solus cenitabat, cum pleno abstemi- 
convivio nihil tangeret. Vini quoque natura par- °^"^^- 

10 cissimus erat. Non amplius ter bibere eum solitum super 
cenam in castris apud Mutinam, Cornelius Nepos tradit. 


while the reda was a large coach or 
brake for baggage and family. Cic. 
2 Phil. § 58 vehehatur in essedo tribunus 
plebis etc. id. Att, 6, i § 35 hic Vedius 
venit mihi obviam cum duobus essedis et 
reda equis iuncta et lectica et familia 

ez regia. See c. 31, p. 70. 

ciim...acinl8 uyae duradnae, *with 
a few dried raisins' (*berries of hard- 
berried grape '). Mart. 13, 22 non 
habilis cycUhis et inutilis uva Lyaeo, 
Sed non potanti nu tibi nectar ero, 
Cato 7?. ^. 7 § 2 quas suspendas dura- pcusis eae recte servantur, 
Augustus was taking his ientaculum^ 
cp. Vopisc. Tcu. 1 1 panem nisi siccum 
nunquam comedit, 

■abbatU ieiiiiiliixii. The mistaken 
notion of the Jewish sabbath as a fast is 
referred to. See Schiirer History of 
Israel^ vol. i, p. 322 (Engl. Tr. ). Petron. 
fr, yi Iudaeus...exemptus popido Graias 
migrabit ad urbes^ Et non ieiuna sabbata 
lege tremet, lustin. 36, 2, 14 Moyses... 
septimum diem more gentis Sabbata ap- 
pellaium in omne aeimm ieiunio sacravit, 
It was supposed that, as all business was 
omitted on the seventh day [Hor. S, i, 
9, 69; luv. 14, 106], it was observed 
also as a fast; or, as the Jews were 
known to keep certain fasts, sabbata 
was applied to them and to festivals 
indifferently, as the word most familiar 
in connexion with Jews. Thus recutita 
sabbata [Pers. 5, 184] stands for the 
whole Jewish superstition. Bexrat. luv. 
14, 10 1 ludaicum ediscunt et serifant 
et metuunt ius^ where see Mayor's 

poBt lioram...nocti8, *after six in the 
evening.' The usual hour for the bath 
was the 8th or ^th (2 to 3 p.m.). Pliny 

Ep, 3> I, 8 ubi hora balnei nuntiata 
est, — est autem hieme nona^ aestate oc- 
tava, Cic. ad Att, 13, 32 inde ambu- 
lavU in litore, Post horam viii in 
bcUneum, Spart. Hadr, 22 ante octavam 
horam in publico neminem nisi aegrum 
lavari passus est, But from noon to 
evening many went at various hours. 
Vitruv. 5, 10, I maxime tempus lcpvandi 
a meridiano advesperum est constitutum, 
Cp. luv. II, 204 iam nunc in balnea 
salva Fronte licet vadas, quamquam 
solida hora supersit Ad sextam, Busy 
people wpuld go late, Mart. 3, 36 lassus 
ut in thermas decima vel serius hora 
Te sequar. Cp. 10, 70, 13. To go to 
the bath after the cena^ in search of a 
second appetite, wasconsidered an excess 
and unhealthy. luv. i, 143; Persius 
3, 97 sq. ; C\9rpro Dei. § 21 ; Petronius 
72 auare non vivamus? ...coniciamus nos 
in oalneum, 

Imcceas, 'mouthfuls,' seems to be a 
word coined by Augustus. 

migni. The unctorium was a regular 
adjunct to the bath [Pliny Ep, 2, 17, 11 
adiacet unctorium^ hypocauston...\ and 
a slave as unctor is often mentioned« 
C, I. L, 6, 4336, 4479 etc, see Marq. 
14, p. 171. The unctorium was also 
sometimes a place of exercise or pa- 
laestra, The anointing preceded the 
hot bath [Hor. S, i, 6, 123]. 

inolMierTantia, 'carelessness' about 

his food. It is not in prae-Augustan 

prose. Cp. Quint. 4, 2, 10 quae ne 

fecisse inobservantia quadam videatur Partitionibus praecipit, 

77. Comelins Nepoe tradlt. To 
which of the writings of Nepos he refers 
does not appear. We hear of Chronica 
[Ausonius Epist, i6 ; CatuU. i, 5 — 7] ; 
Exempla [Gell. 6, 18, 11]; de viris il- 





Postea quotiens largissime se invitaret, senos sextantes non 
excessit, aut si excessisset, reiciebat. Et maxime delectatus 
est Raetico, neque temere interdiu bibit. Pro potione sumebat 
perfusum aqua frigida panem, aut cucumeris frustum vel lactu- 
culae thyrsum, aut recens aridumve pomum suci vinosioris. 
Post cibum meridianum, ita ut vestitus calciatusque erat, 
retectis pedibus paulisper conquiescebat, opposita 
ad oculos manu. A cena in lecticulam se lucu- 
bratoriam recipiebat ; ibi, donec residua diumi actus 



iustribus [Gell. 1 1, 8, i] ; and besides the 
biographies which we possess, lives of M. 
Cato [Nep. Cat 3, 5], of Cicero [Gell. 
I5> ^B, i]; a work on geography [Plin. 
N,ff, 2 § 169]; poems [Plin. Ep, 5, 3, 
6] ; de hisioricis latinis [Nep. Dion 3, 
i\ He was a friend of Cicero [Cic. Att, 
16, 14 ; Suet. luL 55] and was an auditor 
of one at least of his speeches [i.e. pro 
Comelio; Hieronymus c. loan. Hiero- 
solym. c. 12]. He died during thereign 
of Augustus [Pliny N. ff. <)% 136]. 

86 InTltaret, 'indulged himseif.' 
Plautus ^m/^. I, I, 127 invitavit pius- 
adum kic se in prandio. Sallust/r. ap. 
Non. 219 [ed. Dietsch. Hist. 4, 4] et re- 
vorsi postero die muita^ quae p^operantes 
deseruerant in castris nacti^ cum se ibi 
cibo vinoque iaeti invitarent. 

senoB sextantes. The sextarius (about 
a pint) was divided like the as into 12 
uncic^ or cyathi. Therefore the sextans 
= 2 cyathi^ and six of these would amount 
to one pint. 

reldelMit, 'he used to throw up,' i.e. 
he took an emetic, a practice commonly 
recommended by physicians of the time ; 
Celsus 2, 3. See Munro on Catullus, 
p. 92. Cic. Att. 13, 52; pro Deiot, § 21 
(where Caesar's vomiting after the cena 
is mentioned as a natural thing) ; 2 Phii, 
§ 75; Mart. 2, 89, 5. The consuetudo 
vomitandi enabled Vitellius [c. 13] to 
indulge in repeated banquets and po- 
tations, but this was the abuse of the 
practice, see Pliny N. H. 29, 27, who 
numbers it among the things which per- 
dicUre imperi mores. 

Raetlcum, wine from the vineyards 
near Verona. Pliny A^. ZT. 14 § 67 in 
Veroniensi item Raetica Falemis tan- 
tum postiata a Vergiiio. Verg. G. 2, 
96 et quo te carmine dicam^ Rcutica? 
nec ceiiis ideo contende Faiernis. Ac- 
cording to Pliny {N H. 14 § 61] the 
favourite wine of Augustus was Setinum 
(from vineyards near Forum Appii); 

but this seems to have been on medici- 
nal grounds. His habit, when dining 
with strangers, was to drink whatever 
was provided without making any ob- 
servation, ib, § 72. 

Interdiu, that is, apparently, before 
the cena. 

thyrswi, * the stalk ' (i.e. not the outer 
leaves). Servius ad Verg. Aen, 12, 413 
cauiem autem medium fruticae quivuigo 
dbpoos dicitur. Plin. N H, 13, 71 (of 
the papyrus) in grcKiiitatem fastigtUus 
thyrsi modo cacumen inciudens. id. 19, 
1 29 thyrsi vei folia iactucarum ; id. 
§ 146 (asparagus) viret thyrso primum 

78. poBt dlram meridianum, after 
ihtprandium or lunch ; the proper hour 
for which was the sixth, Mart. 4, 8 
sexta quies lassis. Cp. Suet. Ciaud, 34 
meridie dimisso ad prandium popuio, 
It was usually a light meal. Seneca Ep. 
8 panis deinde siccus et sine mensa pran- 
dtum^ post quod non sunt icevandce 
manus. Cf. Hor. S, i, 6, 127; but 
dissipated personsdrank freelyat it. So 
Tacitus [Ann. 14, 2] says of Nero medio 
die cum id temporis per vinum et epuias 
incaiesceret, And some b^^an even 
earlier; Cicero says of Antony [2 Phii, 
§ 104] cUf hora tertia inbebatur^ cp. in 
Pis. § 13; Horace on his joumey stops 
at the fourth hour for prandium [Sat. 1, 
5, 23]. Marq. 14, p. 314. 

lecticnla, properly a small sedan 
(ieciica)^ is here the day conch used 
in the study, as opposed to the 'bed' 
iectus below. The usual word however 
is iectuius [Ov. Tr. i, 11, 37; Hor. Sat, 

lucnbratoriam, for study by candle- 
light. Pliny Ep, 3, 5, 8 iucubrare Vui- 
canaiibus incipiebat, Cic. par. proem, 
5 opuscuium iucubratum his iam ion- 
tractioribus noctibus, id. fam, 9, iperire 
iucubrcUionem meam noiui. But tne ad- 
jective does not seem to occur elsewhere. 




aut omnia aut ex maxima parte conficeret, ad multam noc- 
tem permanebat In lectum inde transgressus, non amplius 
cum plurimum quam septem horas dormiebat, ac ne eas 
quidem continuas, sed ut in illo temporis spatio ter aut 

j quater expergisceretur. Si interruptum somnum reciperare, 
ut evenit, non posset, lectoribus aut fabulatoribus arcessitis 
resumebat, producebatque ultra primam saepe lucem. Nec 
in tenebris vigilavit umquam nisi assidente aliquo. Matutina 
vigilia offendebatur ; ac si vel officii vel sacri causa ma- 

loturius evigilandum esset, ne id contra commodum faceret, 
in proximo cuiuscumque domesticorum cenaculo manebat. 
Sic quoque saepe indigens somni, et dum per vicos depor- 
taretur et deposita lectica inter aliquas moras condormiebat. 

resldnadlniiilMtaa, 'what remained 
over of Ihe business of the day,' speci- 
aity of n legal nalure, see c, 31. eon- 
lloerst, 'put togelher.' He refers, il 
seems, lo making notes or memoranda, 
—such businesa as could be done in the 
cemed; ortokeepinpuplhefii/wnaT-iHW 
imftri menlioned in c. 18. For the 
word cp./nl, ta insliluil ut lam stmtlus 
qtiam pBfuli diuma acla confia-cnt. For 
donea in secondary clause with imp. 
subj. cp. cc. 17, 48. In pnrely histori- 
cal seDse with indic. c. 16. 

&LbnlatorlI>n*, 'siory-tellers,' such as 
SirW.Templetellsofinlreland: 'whea 
'he was abroad in the mountains, and 
lay very jll a-Dights so as he could noC 
well sleep, they would biing him one 
of their Tak-UUtrs, thal when he lay 
down would b^n a con- 
tinue all night long in such an even 
tone that you heard il going an when- 
ever you waked, and he believed no- 
thing any physicians could give could 
have so good and so innocent effecl to 
makE men sleep.' In a noa-professional 
ense of a graceful delailer 01 aiiecdotes, 
ee Sen. Ep. 111 Ptdenim AHnnovanum 
\arraniem audieramttSy erat autem ft^U' 


lal&r eiegantissimt4S etc- 

ofncU. Some public inen liegan the 
business of the day before daylighl. 
Thus Vespasian gave audiences and 
made business arningemenls at that 
time. Pliny Efi. 3, s 8 9 «"" Z'""'™ 
iiat ad Vcsfasianum imperalorem, rtam 
ille quoque naelilms ttteialur, ini/e eul 
Jelegalum offieium. Cp. ib. 11 § 1 
officia anldiieaita. 

lacrl. Noi only were noctumal vidls 
10 the temples necessaryin certain cases 
[see c. 94, Nic. Dam. j], bul auspices 
were taken Inimediately alter midnight 
by the magistrale who was to preside at 
eleclions, or on tbe day tbat any pubtic 
business wae to be begun, Getl. ^, 1, 10. 
{Sacra sunl eiiim ffomana fartim 
diuma, aiia nocturna^ Macrob. J, ^. 6.] 

eonaoniilebat, 'used lo fall fest 

/acil somnum ciausa leclica /eni 
The word is rare. cp. Capit. Verus 4 
% 8 in toro coniiiviati condoriitietts ila ut 
leiialui cmn slromati/nts in ctiiieu/um 
petferrelar. Flanlus has condormiica, 
Curc. 1, 3, 81, with perf. condormrni, 
M0!t. 3, 7, 55. 



J Forma fuit eximia et per omnes aetatis gradus venustis- 
p I sima ; quamquam et omnis lenocinii neglegens et in 
appear- capite comendo tam incuriosus, ut raptim compluribus 
"""^' simul tonsoribus operam daret, ac modo tonderet 

modo raderet barbam, eoque ipso tempore aut legeret aliquid s 
aut etiam scriberet. Vultu erat vel in sermone vel tacitus 
adeo tranquillo serenoque, ut quidam e primorlbus Galliarum 
confessus sit inter suos, eo se inhibitum ac remollitum, quo 
minus, ut destinarat, in transitu Alpium per simulationem 
conloquii propius admissus in praecipitium propelleret. i- 
„. Oculos habuit claros ac nitidos, quibus etiam existi- 

bright mari volebat inesse quiddam divini vigoris, gaude- 
"'^'^^' batque, si qui sibi acrius contuenti quasi ad fulgorem 

solis vultum summitteret; sed in senecta sinistro minus vidit; 
dentes raros et exiguos et scabros ; capillum leviter inBexum ". 
et subflavum -, supercilia coniuncta; mediocrcs aures; nasum 


Biagis quatii vinusto. 
modo toudsTat...inodonid>ret. t<m- 

aWtuclip'asopposedtoshavmg. Vei^. 
Ecl. I, J9. The fashion of shaving Ihe 
1>eard lasted fium al>oul B.c. 300 [Gell. 
3, 4] till the time of Hadtian [Spart. 
Hadr. ]6]. ihough cerlain young dandies 
wore a small beard [hence barbatuli in 
Cic n^.^//. I, 14]. Inspileof Dio^g, 
34 coins shew that Augustus soinelimes 
wore a short lieard till afler B.c. 37. 
Eckhel 6, 76. Mayor on luv. 16, 
31, Pliny N. H.T%iii !n Ilaliam 
a Siiilia (leastiris) vmere p, u. c. 
CCCCLIV ailducenti P. Titinio Mena, ul 
auclar isi Varre. frimus atnniuin radi 
eotidie initiluil Africanus sequtns, dizais 
Auguslui eultris setnper usus esl. 

prMClplUnm, 3 late woid. SeeLac- 
tant. insl. div. 6, 17 aul per lonfragosa 
vexabitttr aut per praecipitia labetur. 

ocnlOB,..dlTliilTlgoila. lulianlaughs 

at this vanily ol Augustus, Convtv. 
Caes. 309 B, itlen i' a.Z8t.t cls 'i^po- 
Sl-r^r Kui XdfHrat, ih-al rt IfSf^t rit 
jSoXii Twr iinidruv airwdi ^irrir 6 lUyai 
'HXioi' oiS4ra yip sl Ti3f irirT-aw irn- 
jSXftred ijfioii. Perhaps Vergil meant 
his descripiion of Aeneas to convey a 
complimenl to Augustus on the same 
point [Aen. 1, 593) tiamque ipsa deeo- 
rani Caesarirm nalo geaelrix, lumtnque 
iuvenlae Purfureum, et laetos ecuiis 
adfiarat himores. See Seivius on Aen. 
8,689. Plinygivesalesscomplimentary 
motive for his being anxious thal people 
should not lookinlohiseyes. N.H.xi, 
8 l^idivo Augusto equorum rngdoglauci 
fuere {eculi) siiperque hominem aibtcanlis 
magniludinis : quam ob causam dUigen- 
tius siectari eos iracunde ferebal. See 
also Aurel. Viclor Epit. i . 

■cabnw, ' decayeti,' or ' covered with 
lartar.' Ovid Met. 8, Boi scabri rubi- 
gine denles {al.fauces}. 




et a summo eminentiorem et ab imo deductiorem ; colorem 
inter aquilum candidumque; staturam brevem (quam 
tamen lulius Marathus, libertus et a memoria eius, jjejgjjt 
quinque pedum et dodrantis fuisse tradit), sed quae 

5 commoditate et aequitate membrorum occuleretur, ut non- 
nisi ex comparatione astantis alicuius procerioris intellegi 
posset Corpore traditur maculoso, dispersis per pectus atque 80 
alvum genetivis notis in modum et ordinem ac nume- 
rum stellarum caelestis ursae, sed et callis quibusdam, defects? 

To ex prurigine corporis adsiduoque et vehementi stri- 
gilis usu plurifariam concretis ad impetiginis formam. Coxen- 
dice et femore et crure sinistro non perinde valebat, ut saepe 
etiam inclaudicaret; sed remedio harenarum atque harundinum 
confirmabatur. Dextrae quoque manus digitum salutarem tam 

>s imbecillum interdum sentiebat, ut torpentem contractumque 
frigore vix cornei circuli supplemento scripturae admoveret 

aquUuxn, * dark.' Plaut. Poen, 5, 2, 
152 slatura haud magna corpore aquiio 
est. Ha. Ipsa ea est, Mi. specie ve- 
nusta^ ore atque oculis pemigris» 

InliuB Maratliiui, c. 94. Probably a 
Greek-speaking Syrian. a memoila, 
*secretary,* * keeper of records,* like 
a manu, a commentariis, a studiis^ etc 
Augustus composed in honour of Drusus 
intae memoriam prosa oratione [Suet. 
Claud, 1] ; Marathus raay have served 
him in this. [et a memoria is the emen- 
dation of Lipsius for etiam memoriam,] 

qninqne pedun et dodrantls, 5 ft. 
9 inches. But as the Roman foot was 
slightly less than the English ('97 ft. 
Eng. ) Augustus would be rather under 
five feet seven inches (5 ft. 6*93 in. Eng.). 

80. BtriglllB. The slave accom- 
panied his master to the bath with a 
cista containing strigiles, ampulla (of 
oil), alabastrum (box of unguents), and 
other necessaries of the toilet. The 
curved strigil {stringo) made of metal, 
bone or wood, was used for scraping the 
body after the bath. luv. 3, 263. Many 
have been preserved, see Rich, Compan, 
to Dict, ojAnt, 

non perlnde, *not as well as with 
the right,* or *not very well* (the idea of 
comparison almost vanishing). Cp. Suet. 
Tib. 52 itaquene mortuo quidem perinde 
adfectus est, sed tantum... Gell. 13 
quare adventus eius non perinde grcUus 

fuit, Tac. Agr, 10 ne ventis quidem 
perinde attolli (mare), 

remedio liarenamm atqne harun- 
dlnnm. 1'his is explained to mean an 
application of ' warm sand and pounded 
reeds,' used as a fomentation. Gell. 19, 
8 cum liberatum esse se aquae intercutis 
morbo diceret^ quod arenis calentibus 
esset usus, Symmach. Ep, 8, 45 humor 
noxius articulis illapsus etiam nunc me 
tenet lectulo et vix litorcUi siccitate tenu- 
atur, Pliny N, H, 24 § 87 volgaris 
harundo extractoriam vim habet et 
recens tunsa... medetur et luxatis et 
spinae doloribus radix in aceto inlita... 
It is true that Gellius /. c, gives it as the 
rule of Antonius lulianus and Caesar 
that harena could not correctly be used 
in the plural ; but the discussion shows 
that the rule was often broken, espe- 
cially in medical language. However 
Baumg. -Crusius reads habenarum atque 
arundinumt and explains it to mean a 
kind of medical bandage or truss. Of 
wounds received by Augustus which 
might have caused this weakness, see 
c. 20. 

digitnm salntarem, 'the first,' or 
* index finger.* Various explanations 
have been given of the term, such as, 
that it was used to indicate silence and 
caution. But the most probable seems 
that which connects it with scUuto, as 
used in salutations. 

10 — 2 







Questus est et de vesica, cuius dolore calculis demum per 
urinam eiectis levabatur. 

81 Graves et periculosas valitudines per omnem vitam aliquot 

expertus est ; praecipue Cantabria domita, cum etiam 
distillationibus iocinere vitiato ad desperationem 5 
redactus contrariam et ancipitem rationem medendi 

necessario subiit: quia calida fomenta non proderant, frigidis 
curari coactus auctore Antonio Musa. 

Quasdam et anniversarias ac tempore certo recurrentes 
experiebatur; nam sub natalem suum plerumque languebat; xo 
et initio veris praecordiorum inflatione temptabatur, austrinis 
autem tempestatibus gravedine. Quare quassato corpore, 

82 neque frigora neque aestus facile tolerabat. Hieme quatemis 
T^ , cum pingui toga tunicis et subucula et thorace laneo 

Dress and r- & & 

mode of et feminalibus et tibialibus muniebatur, aestate aper- 15 
trave ing. ^j^ cubiculi foribus, ac saepe in peristylo saliente 
aqua atque etiam ventilante aliquo cubabat. Solis vero ne 

dolore...leTat>atar. Cp. Tib, 72 lan- 
guorepaullum Uvaius. 

81. TalitadineB. The illnesses of 
Augustus have been already noticed. 
See pp. 15, 20, 26, 61. For Antonius 
Musa and bis treatment see c. 59. 

cam subllt, *tbe occasion on wbicb 
be submitted to.' Tbe perf. ind. witb 
cum referring to a particular time, cp. 
c. 28 cum rationarium imperi tradidit. 

snb xiatalem BUiun, 23 September. 
See p. 9. 

praecordiomm. Pliny iV. /^. 1 1 § 197 
exta homini ab inferiore viscerum parte 
separantur membranay quam praecordia 
appellant, quia cordi praetenditur^ quod 
Graeci appellaverunt ipp^CLSf *midriff.' 

gravedine, 'a cold,' *a catarrb.' 
CatuU. 44, 13 Aic me gravedo frigida et 
frequens tussis quassavit. 

82. plngnii toga, *tbick and coarse.' 
Mart. 6, 11, *ime pinguis Gallia vestit. 
id. 4, 19; luv. 9, 28 pingues lacernas^ 
munimenta togae, 

Bnbncula, an inner tunic (tunica in- 
terior), is a sbirt wom under tbe tunica. 
Varro de vita P. R. ap. Non. 542 
postquam binas tunicas habere coeperunt 
instituerunt vocare subuculam et intu- 
sium. Hor. Ep. i, i, 95 siforte subucula 
pexae Trita subest tunicae. Plaut. Aul. 
4, 4, 20 ne inter tunicas habeas. Becker's 
Gallus^ p. 416, Marq. 15, p. 192. 

et thorace liuieo. This is tbe emen- 

dation of Beroaldus for subuculae tho- 
race laneo. Tbe thorax as a separate 
article of dress is mentioned in luv. 5, 

feminaliboB et tibialibaB, wooUen 
wrappers {fasciae) for tbe thigbs and 
legs, generally only wom by invalids. 
Hor. Sat. 2, 3, 254 ponas insignia 
morbiyfasciolas, cubital, foccdia. Petron. 
\ofasciis cruralibus alligatus. Cic. Att. 
2, 3 (of Pompey) caJigae eius et fasciae 
cretatae non placebant. Val. Max. 6, 2, 
7 (Pompeio) candida fascia crus alli' 
gatum habenti. Quint. 1I1 3 pcdliolum 
sicut fascias quibus crura vestiuntur. . . 
sola excusare potest valetudo. 

in perlstylo (collat. form witb peri- 
stylio). The bedrooms would open into 
the peristylium. saliente aqna, a foun- 
tain in the garden of the airium. Cp. 
Statius Silv. i, 3« 36 anpicturata lucentia 
marmora vena Mirer^ an emissas per 
cuncta cubilia lymphas? id. i, 2, 154 
excluduni radios silvis demissa vetustis 
Frigoray perspicui vivunt in marmore 

ventUante. Tbe use of fans was 
ancient, thougb usually confined to wo- 
men. Ter. Eun. 595 cape hoc flabellum 
et ventulum huic sicfacito dum lavamur, 
Mart. 3, 82, 10 et aesiuanti tenue venH- 
lcU frigus Supina prasino concubina 
flabello. Propert. 3, 18, 11 pavonis 
caudae flabella superbi. Antbol. 11, loi 




hiberni quidem patiens, domi quoque nonnisi petasatus sub 
divo spatiabatur. Itinera lectica et noctibus fere, eaque lenta 
ac minuta faciebat, ut Praeneste vel Tibur biduo procederet; 
ac si quo pervenire mari posset, potius navigabat. Verum 

5 tantam infirmitatem magna cura tuebatur, in primis lavandi 
raritate (unguebatur enim saepius). Aut sudabat ad flam- 
mam, deinde perfundebatur egelida aqua vel sole multo 
tepefacta; aut quotiens nervorum causa marinis albulisque 
calidis utendum esset, contentus hoc erat ut insidens ligneo 

lo solio, quod ipse Hispanico verbo duretam vocabat, manus 
ac pedes alternis iactaret. "^ 

Exercitationes campestres equorum et armorum statim 83 

Imrl^iav iv fhrvoa ^tm.^fiTpioi ^ApT€fud<bpav 
r^v XeiTTi^f iK tov ddfiaTos i^i^aXey. 

petaaatiui, * wearing a broad-brimmed 
hat.* Plaut. Amph. prol. 143 — 5; i, i, 
2QO. It was used generally in travelling. 
'Hie young man in Plautus \Pseud. 2, 4, 
45] who has to dress up to represent a 
new arrival says, etiam opust chlamyde 
et machaera et petaso. Cicero \Jam. 15, 
17] says of the tabellarii^ who come to 
him ready to start, petasati veniunt. 

minuta, 'inshort stages.* Praeneste 
vel Tlbur. See c. 71. Tibur is about 
18 miles, Praeneste about 21 miles from 

lavandi raritate. The constant use 
of ht>t baths was reckoned bad for the 
health, especially to those subject to 
fever, and after eating, Pers. 3, 90 — 102. 
Vopisc. Tac. 11 balneis raro usus est 
aique validior fuit in senectute. 

unguebatur. See c. 76. 

BUdabat ad fln^witnani^ that is, ap- 
parently, he did not go into the cal- 
darium, but heated himself at an open 
fire, or stove in the tepidarium or else- 
where. The sudatorium on the other 
hand was heated by air, Sen. Ep. 5 1 § 6 
quid cum sudcUorOs, in quae siccus vapor 
corpora exhausurus includitur? egelida, 
*lukewarm.' Catull. 46, i iam ver egeli- 
dos refert tepores. In the /i^tros oZicoj or 
tepidarium even the oil was to be warm 
[r6 V^aiov l^a-Tca ■xh.aphv Galen Meth. 
Afed. 724]. 

allmlia calidis, ' warm sulphur baths/ 
at the sulphur springs (Aibulae aquae) 
between Rome and Tibur. Mart. 1,12 
Itur ad Herculeas gelidi qua Tiburis 
arces^ Canaque sulphureis AlbulafumcU 
aquis. Strabo [5, 3, 11] talks of the 
waters as *coId,' xal rd^AXjSouXo #faXo«5- 

fieva ^T GSaTa ^vxp^ Px^^^P^] ^f 'toWwv 
irriywv irpbs iroiKlXas vbffovs Kal TrLvovtri 
Kol iyKad-qfjiAvoiS iryieivd : but in fact 
they are lukewarm, Pliny N. J/. ^% 10 
iujcta Romam Albulae aquae volneribus 
medentur egelidae, Thermae were built 
on them, and the waters are still used 
for medical purposes in the same way. 
The sulphurous lakes drain into the 
Anio by a small stream which is some- 
times called Albulay see Stat. Silv. i, 
3f 7.5 i^^i^ sulphureos cupit Albula mer- 
gere crines. 

BOlio, 'a bathing tub,' see Strabo /. c. 
iyKaOrifiivois, Pliny [iV". If. 33 § 152] 
speaks of so/ia argentea among the 
luxuries of some women. Festus s. v. 
BOlia : alvei quoque lavandi gratia insii- 
tutit quo singult descendunt^ solia dicun- 
iur, quae a sedendo potius dicta videntur^ 
quam a solio. 

altemis, *alternately.' Common in 
poetry (especially Lucretius), and in 
prose from Livy onwards, but not so 
used in Cicero. 

83. exercitationeB campestreB. The 
exercises on the Campus Martius de- 
tailed by Horace Odes i, 8. Cp. Ovid 
7r. 3, 12, 19 

usus equi nunc estj levibus nunc ludi- 
tur armiSf 
nunc pilay nunc celeri volvitur orbe 

nunc, ubi perfusa est oleo labente^ 
defessos artus Virgine tinguit aqua. 
Strabo 5, 3, 8 Kal ykp Tb fxiyeBos tov 
irediov davfiatrrbv afJM Kal ras dpftaToSpo- 
fxlas Kal Thv &\\rjv lTrfra<riav dKio\vTov 
trapixov T^^otTo&ri^ irXiy^ci T<av <npaUpq, 
Kai KplK(fi Koi ira\aL(rTpq, yvfxva^fxivutv. 




post civilia bella omisit et ad pilam primo foUiculumque 
^ transiit, mox nihil aliud quam vectabatur et deam- 

Exercise ' ^ 

andamuse- bulabat, ita ut in extremis spatiis subsultim decur- 
ments. reret, segestria vel lodicula involutus. Animi laxandi 
causa modo piscabatur hamo, modo talis aut ocellatis nuci- s 
busque ludebat cum pueris minutis, quos facie et garrulitate 
amabilis undique conquirebat, praecipue Mauros et Syros. 
Nam pumilos atque distortos et omnis generis eiusdem, ut 
ludibria naturae malique ominis abhorrebat 
84 Eloquentiam studiaque liberalia ab aetate prima et cupide 10 

et laboriosissime exercuit. Mutinensi bello in tanta 
d^ution "^^'^ rerum et legisse et scripsisse et declamasse 

cotidie traditur. Nam deinceps neque in senatu 

pl]ain...fol]iciiliixn, Mart. 14, 45 — 47. 
Becker's Gallus^ p. 398 sq. The large 
inflated ball (follis) is said to have been 
introduced by a gymnast for Pompey, 
see Athenaeus 14 F. Theword/iVrt in- 
cludes all sorts of balls, and the games 
were played either (i) by simply throw- 
ing and catching the balls under various 
conditions; or (2) by throwing the ball 
against a wall and striking it back like 
our Fives \expulsim luderCy Nonius p. 
104]. The game of follis was like 
football, only that the hand is used 
instead of the foot, see Rich, Comp, 
s. V. Marq. 15, p. 516. 

deambulatMit, *he took walks.' The 
compound verb is generally used when 
the notion is not merely of walking as 
opposed to sitting, running etc, but 
of walking for exercise. See Terence, 
Haut. 388 abi deambulatum. Cic. de 
leg. I § 14 cum satis deambulatum erit 
guiescemuSf cp. de Or. 2 § 256. But 
Pliny £p. 3, i § 4 mane lectulo conti- 
netur^ hora secunda calceos poscit^ am- 
bulat milia passuum tria, 

Begestria, a carriage rug, Varro L. L. 
5 § 166 qui lecticam invoivebant, quod 
fere stramenta erant e segete^ segestriam 
appellarunt. lodicula is much the same. 
It was made of wool [Mart. 14, 152] 
and was used as a coverlet for a bed 
[luv. 6, 195; 7, 66], or as a rug to lie 
upon [Petron. 20]. 

taliB, see on c. 71. ocellatis seem 
to be some sort of marbles of variegated 
stone or agate. Varro ap. Non. s. v. 
margaritam: altera exorat patrem 
libram ocellatomm...altera virum semo- 
dium margaritarum. Some shells 

picked up by Caligula on the shore 
were called nympharum lumina, from 
similar marks I suppose, Aurel. Vict. 
Caes. 3. 

nncitnuuine. Some of the games 
played by children with nuts are de- 
scribed in [Ov.] Nux 73 — 86, such as 
splitting them with a blow of the hand, 
guessing odd or even number, rolling 
them down a sloping board into their 
proper receptacles, and others. Thus 
nucibus relictis is an expression for 
giving up childish things, Mart. 5, 81 ; 
Pers. I, 10. See p. 136. 

BjrrOB. On the number of Syrians in 
Rome, see luv. 3, 62 iampridem Syrus 
in Tiberim defluxit Orontes. 

pumilOB, see on c. 43, p. 96. diBtor- 
t08, often artificially, Longin. desublim, 
44 § 5 fSairep otv...Tii. yKwrrbKOiM ip clts 
ol TTvyfiouoi, KoKoiinepoi d^ vavoi Tpiif>op- 
TcUf ob yJbvov Kioktti Tdiv iyK€K\€iffiUv<av 
rdf a^^i^tf-ets, dXXd Kal awaupei did t6v 
irpoKelfjxvov roTf atbfjMffi d6<r/ti6i'...quoted 
by Mayor on luv. 8, 32. For the form 
pumUus see Stat. Silv. 1,6, 64 casurae- 
que vagis grues rapinis Mirantur 
pumilos ferociores. 

84. eloqnentiam. . .exercnit, cp. Suet. 
de Rhet. i declamandi consuetudinem... 
Augustum ne Mutinmsi quidem bello 
omisisse. See also p. 16 notes. Augus- 
tus is recorded to have delivered lauda- 
tiones on his grandmother lulia in B.c. 
51 [c. 8] ; on Marcellus B.c. 23 [Dio 53, 
30]; on Agrippa B.c. 12 [Dio 54, 28]; 
on Octavia B.c. 11 [c. 61]; on Drusus 
B.C. 8 [Suet. Claud. 1]. 

Mutinensi beUo, c. 9, p. 18. 




neque apud populum neque apud milites locutus est umquam 
nisi meditata et composita oratione, quamvis non deficeretur 
ad subita extemporali facultate. Ac ne periculum memoriae 
adiret aut in ediscendo tempus absumeret, instituit 

5 recitare omnia. Sermones quoque cum singulis atque ^j^our^ses 
etiam cum Livia sua graviores nonnisi scriptos et e 
libello habebat, ne plus minusve loqueretur ex tempore. Pro- 
nuntiabat dulci et proprio quodam oris sono, dabatque assidue 
phonasco operam; sed nonnumquam, infirmatis faucibus, prae- 

10 conis voce ad populum concionatus est. 

Multa varii generis prosa oratione composuit, ex quibus 85 
nonnulla in coetu familiarium velut in auditorio re- 
citavit, sicut Rescripta Bruto de Catoney quae volu- ^^^^^^^ 
mina cum iam senior ex magna parte legisset, 

15 fatigatus Tiberio tradidit perlegenda; item Hortationes ad 

non defioeretar...&caltate, *he was 
at no loss for ability.' For the meaning 
of this passive or middle, cp. Cic. 
Cluent, § 184 tnulier abundat audacia^ 
consilio et ratione deficitur, Ovid, 
Heroid, 5, 150 deficior prudens artis aib 
arte mea; id. F, 3, 873 quod sibi de- 
/ectis illa tulisset opem, Of the style of 
Augustus, Tac. Ann, 13, 3 Augusto 
prompta et profluem quaeque deceret 
principem eloquentiafutt, 

BermoneB, ' discussions,' important 
discourses. Hence Dio may probabiy 
have had some written authority both 
for the elaborate report of his conversa- 
tions with Livia on the proper treatment 
of conspirators [55, 15 — 21], as well as 
for the discourses of Agrippa and Mae- 
cenas, which probably were presented 
in the form of state papers [lib. 52]. 
Tac. Ann. 4, 39 Seianus..,componit ad 
Caesarem codicillos; moris quippe tum 
erat quamquam prctesentem scripto adire, 

phonajKM), ' teacher of declamation,' 
*trainer of the voice.' Suet. Ner, 25 
neque quicquam serio iocove egerit, nisi 
adstante phonctsco qui moneret parceret 
arteriis ac sudarium ad os applicaret, 
Quint. II, 3 § 21 communiter et pho- 
nasciset oratoribus necessaria exercitatio, 

inflrmatis fiEiacibUB, *from weakness 

of the throat.* Cic. 2 Phil, % 63 tu istis 

faucibus istis lateribus, Dio 54, 25 

<n/i'0707Ci;i'...r6 ^ovKevrfipiov aOrbs oddif 

clirey {nr6 ppdyxou... 

praeoonis voce. So Nero to pre- 
serve his voice neque mililes unquam 

nisi absens aut alio verba pronuntiante 
appellaret [Suet. Ner, 24]. 

85. in coetn familiarimn, Hor. S. 
I, 4, 73 non recito cuiquam nisi amicis, 
idque coactus, 

auditorio, a room built or hired for 
recitations, Tac. Or. gdomum mutuatur 
et auditorium extruit et subsellia con- 
ducit et libellos dispergit. luv. 1, 12 ; 7, 
40. Though more pubiic places were 
also used. See Mayor on luv. 3, 9. 

Rescripta Bruto de Catone. Though 
Cato Uticensis neverexercisedapractical 
influence equal to that of other leaders 
at the end of the republic, his character 
for probity and consistency was so high 
that the Caesarean party were exceed- 
ingly anxious to prove him to have been 
politicaliy wrong and impracticable. A 
paper war therefore had long gone on 
over him. Cicero composed a laudatio 
of him, which lulius Caesar with the 
assistance of Hirtius answered [Cic. 
Att. 12, 4; 12, 40; 12, 44—5; 13» 
50—1; Topic. 25, 94; Pliny, Ep, 3, 
12; Gell. 3» 16; 13, 19; Plut. Cic, 39; 
Caes, 39, 54]. Another laudatio was 
composed by M. Fadius Gallus, Cos. 
in B.c. 45 [Cic. ad fam, 7, 24], and 
another by Munatius [Plut. Cat, 37]. 
M. Brutus, who was his nephew, pub- 
lished his in B.c. 45, which Cicero 
criticises as giving an inexact account 
of the debate in the Senate as to the 
Catilinarian conspirators \ad Att, 12, 
21; cp. 13, 46]. 





phihsophiam, et aliqua De vita sua^ quam tredecim libris 
Cantabrico tenus bello nec ultra exposuit. Poetica sum- 
matim attigit. Unus liber extat» scriptus ab eo hexametris 
versibus, cuius et ai^umentum et titulus est Sicilia ; extat 
alter aeque modicus Epigrammatum, quae fere tempore 5 
balinei meditabatur. Nam tragoediam magno impetu ex- 
orsus, non succedenti stilo, abolevit quaerentibusque amicis, 
quidnam Aiax ageret, respondit, Aiacem suum in spongeam 
^ , , Genus eloquendi secutus est elegans et tempera- «> 

Styleof .,. ^. .. ^. . .... ,. . 

oratoiy. tum, vitatis sententiarum meptns atque concm- 

de Tita sna. These unfinished 
memoirs are quoted by Suetonius fre- 
quently, see /«/. 55; Aug. cc. 1, 7, «7, 
42, 62, 74,86; deGramm, 16; Plutarch, 
Bruius 27, 41; compar, Demosth. et 
Cic. 3 iv rott T/>6f *Ayfdrfrap iirofJUf^/ia' 
civ\ Digest 48, 24, J [see p. 26]. Suidas 
s. V, Avyowrrot Kaiaap* iypajf/e irepl tov 
ISlov plov Kol tQ» Tpd^tuv /3cj3X/a ty' 
xal Tpaywdla» AtavTds t€ koI 'AxtXX^wf. 
Collections of his letters also once 
existed. See Suet. vita Iloratii; Ma- 
crob. Sat, 2, 4, 12; Seneca, Dialog. 10, 
4 § 3! Quintil. i, 6, 19; supra cc. 7, 
69« 71, 76, 86; Claud. 4; Tac. dial. 
13; Servius ad Verg. Aen. 8, 530. 
Tiberius [c. 61], Claudius [c. 41], Ha- 
drian [Spart. 16] and Severus [Spart. 
18] all wrote memoirs of their lives; 
and this had been prevalent in a pre- 
vious generation. Q. Catulus, Sulla, 
P. Rutilius Rufus had done so, and 
Tacitus [Agric. 1] says: Ac plerique 
suam ipsi vitam narrare fiduciam potius 
morum^ quam arrogantiam arbitrati 

Cantabrico tenus IseUo, see c. 20, 
p. 46. 

poetica summatixn, 'slightly/ *su- 
perficially.* Tib. 61 commentario, 
quem de vita sua summatim breviterque 
composuit. One epigram is preserved 
by Martial, 11, 20. 

tragoediam. Suidas /. c. mentions 
two tragedies, Ajax and Achilles. snc- 
cedenti, cp. Cal. 53 solebat...accusa' 
tiones defensionesque meditari ac^ prout 
stilus cessercUy etc. 

quaerentilmB amlcis. Macrobius 
\ScU. 2, 4, 2] gives the name of ihe 
friend, L. Varius, himself an author 
of tragedies. 

in spongeam, cp. Mart. 4, 10 curre 
sed insiructus: comitetur Punica librum 

Spongea; muneribus convenit illa meis. 
Non possunt nostros multae, Faustine^ 
liturae Emendare iocos: una titura 

86. ineptii8...recon<Utorum. Ofthe 
aflfectations of language and style which 
were coming into fashion, see Sen. Ep. 
xi4§ 10 cum adsuerit animus fastidire 
quae ex more sunt et illi pro sordidis 
solita sunty etiam in oratione quod 
novum est quaerit et modo antiqua verba 
et exoleta revocat ac profert^ modofingit 
et ignota ac deflectit^ modOy id quod 
nuper increbuit^ procultu habeturaudax 
translatio et frequens. See also Persius 
I, 80 — 106. Quintil. 2, 9 § 20 sermo 
rectus et secundum ncUuram enunticUus 
nihil habere ex ingenio videtur; illa 
verOj quae ubicumque deflexa sunt, tam- 
quam exquisitiora miramur, Cp. Pliny, 
£p. 3, 18, 10. 

sententianim IneptiiB atqne oon- 
dnnitate, a hendiadys for s. inepta 
concinnitatey * the vanity of an artiBcial 
style * (arrangement). Cicero uses con- 
cinnitas (i) of words in a good sense, 
Orat. § 149 forma ipsa concinnitasque 
verborum conficiat orbem suum. ib, § 81 
collocata verba habent orncUum^si aliquid 
concinnitatis efficiunt^ quod verbis mu- 
tatis non nuineat manente sententia, In 
a bad sense of affectation, Brut, § 287 
cU quid est tam fractum tam minutum^ 
tam in ipsa, quam tamen consequitur^ 
concinnitate puerile ? id. Orat, § 84 illa 
quidem fugienda sunt... paria paribus 
relcUa et similiier conclusa et eodempacto 
ccuientia et immutcUione literae quasi 
quaesitae venustates, ne elahorcUa con- 
cinnitas et quoddam aucupium delecta- 
tionis manifesto deprehensum appareat, 
(2) Of senteiUiaCf Brut. § 325 sententiis 
non tam grainbus et severis quam con- 
cinnis et venustis. de Clar, Or, § 271 




nitate et reconditorum verborum^ ut ipse dicit, fetoribus ; 
praecipuamque curam duxit, sensum animi quam apertis- 
sime exprimere. Quod quo facilius efficeret aut necubi 
lectorem vel auditorem obturbaret ac moraretur, neque 
5 praepositiones urbibus addere neque coniunctiones saepius 
iterare dubitavit, quae detractae afferunt aliquid obscuritatis, 
etsi gratiam augent. Cacozelos et antiquarios, ut diverso 
genere vitiosos, pari fastidio sprevit, exagitabatque 

■--. ^ • Dislike of 

nonnumquam; m primis Maecenatem suum, cuius pedantic 
lo myrobreckisy ut ait, cincinnos usque quaque perse- ?rcha- 
quitur et imitando per iocum irridet Sed nec 
Tiberio parcit et exoletas interdum et reconditas voces au- 
cupanti. M. quidem Antonium ut insanum increpat, quasi 
ea scribentem, quae mirentur potius homines quam intelle- 
»5 gant ; deinde ludens malum et inconstans in eligendo genere 
dicendi ingenium eius, addit haec: Tuque dubitas^ Cimberne 
Annius an Veraniu^ Flaccus imitandi sint tibi^ ita ut verbisy 

concinnae acutaeque sententicu. It may 
refer therefore to (i) artificial arrange- 
ment, (2) elaborate selection of words, 
(3) a sententious style. 

reconditorum yerboram fetoribaB, 
*the affectation of using far-fetched 
words.* This metaphorical use of fe- 
tores is not elsewhere found. Augus- 
tus meant to use a strong term of the 
style elsewhere indicated by the words 
putidus and puHdh, 

praecipuam...duzit, *made it his 
chief care,' cp. c. 41 rationem duxit, 

praepositiones urbilmB. Cicero [ad 
Att. 6, 9 § 1] wrote in Piraea cum exis- 
sem, He was blamed for this, and ac- 
knowledged that he shouid have written 
Piraeum^ but maintained that in was 
correct, non enim hoc ut oppido prae- 
posui sed ut loco [ad Att, § loj. 

cacozelOB, ' pedants/ *affected writers,' 
Quint. 8, 3 § 58 cacozelon vero est quod 
dicitur aliter quam se natura habet et 
quam oportet et quam sat est. 

antiquariOB, *fond of archaic forms,' 
Quintiiian [/. c. §§ 24 — 30] approves of 
this to a certain extent, sed utendum 
modo, nec ex ultimis tenebris repetenda, 
Sallust was the chief offender in this 
respect [§ 19]. 

exagitabat, 'violentlyattacked.* Cae- 
sar,iff. civ, i, 2 kiomnes convicio consulis 
correpti exagitabantur. Ofcriticism, Cic. 
Orat. § 27 cum etiam Demosthenes ex- 

agitetur ut putidus. 

Maecenatem...myrobreclii8 {fivpoppe- 
X€is) cincinnoB. The luxurious and effe- 
minate habits of Maecenas were noto- 
rious. Seeluv. i,66(withMayor'snote); 
12, 39 : Vell. Pat. 2, 88 § 2 otio ac mol- 
litiis paene ultra feminam fluens. The 
' scented curls ' are used as an emblem 
of his affected style, cp. Tac. OrcU. 26 
mcUim hercle Gai Gracchi impetum aut 
Lucii CrcLssi maturitatem quam calamis- 
tros Maecenatis aut tinnitus Gallionis. 

imitando. See Macr. ScU, 2, 4, 12 
Augustus quia Maecenatem suum no- 
verat stilo esse molli et dissoluto talem 
se in epistulis quas ad eum scribebat sae- 
pius exhibebat. . . * vale mi ebenum Me- 
dulliaet ebur ex Etruria^ lasur Arre- 
tinum, culamas Supernas, Tiberinum 
margaritumy CUniorum smaragde^ 
ictspi Igwviorumy beruUe Porsennae^ 
Carbuncule Hadriae,* 

Antonium...intellegant. Cicero fre- 
quently laughs at Antony's style. See 
2 Phil, § 95; 3 § 95; 3 §§ 21—2 ; 13 
§ 43 ; Plut. AfU, 2 ^xp^^o ^ T-jf KoKov- 
fUptfi fiJh ^AffMtK^ li^^V "^^^ \6y<ayt dv- 
dovvTL fidXiCTa KaT* iKeivov Tbv XP^^"* 
iXovTi 56 iroXX^i' dfioidrriTa vpbs t6v ^iov 
aifTov KOfiTrd^ Kol ippvayfMTiav ovra koX 
K€vov yavfndfMTOs Kal ^iXoTifdas av(a- 
fxdXov fJL€<rT6v. See p. 154. 

Cimbeme Annius. C. Annius Cimber 
was a partisan of Antony*s in B.c. 44— 




qjioe Crispus Sallustius excerpsit ex Originibus Catonis^ utaris ? 
an potius Asiaticorum oratorum inanis sententiis verborum 
volubilitas in nostrum sermonem transferendat Et quadam 
epistola Agrippinae neptis ingenium conlaudans, Sed opus est^ 
inquit, dare te operam, ne moleste scribas et loquaris, s 

87 Cotidiano sermone quaedam frequentius et notabiliter 

usurpasse eum, litterae ipsius autographae ostentant, 
phrases. in quibus identidem, cum aliquos numquam solu- 

3, and as such is attacked by Cicero and 
accused of having murdered his brother 
[Phil, II § 14 C Annium Cimbrum 
Lysidicifiliumy Lysidicum ipsum Graeco 
verbo^ guoniam omnia iura dissolvit : 
nisi forte iure Germanum Cimber occi- 
dit, Cp. id. 13 § 26 ; du/ Att. 5, 13]. 
Quintilian [8, 3, 18] quotes an epigram 
of Vergil, referring to this charge, and 
his inflated style of oratory : 

CorifUhiorum amator iste verborum 
Thucydides Britannus^ Alti4:ae febres^ 
Tau Gallicum, min^ al^ spinae mcUe 

illi sitf 
ita omnia ista verba miscuit fratri. 
Cimber hicfuit^ a quo fratrem necatum 
hoc Ciceronis dicto notatum est^ * Ger- 
manum Cimber occiditJ* 

CrlBpiu 8aUu8tln8...ex Orlginitms. 
Suetonius \de Gram. 10] quotes PoUio 
as saying that Ateius antiqua verba et 
figuras solitum esse coUigere Sallustio... 
videtque maxime obscuritatem Sallustii 
et audaciam in translationibus. ib. 15 
Lenaeuscalls %2\\\xsX priscorum Catonis- 
que verborum ineruditissimum furem. 
Quintil. [8, 3, 29] quotes an epigram : 
Et verba antiqui multum furate Ca- 
CrispCy lugurthinae conditor his- 
Fronto calls Wm frequentem sectatorem 
CcUonis. Seneca Ep, ii4§ 17 SaUustio 
vigente amputatcu sententiae et verba 
ante exspectatum ccuietUia et obscura bre- 
vitas fuere pro cultu, For an able dis- 
cussion of SaUust's archaisms, sometimes 
perhaps derived from coUoquial Latin 
surviving from ancient writers, see Intro- 
duction to Sallust Cat. by A. M. Cook. 
For the Origines of Cato see Fragments 
in Jordan*s edition, pp. i — 30. Cicero 
[Brut. §§ 65—68] speaks of the unde- 
served neglect of Cato's Origines, but 
owns antiquior est huius sermo et quae- 
dam horridiora verba. Ita enim tum 
loquebantur. Com. Nep. CcU. 3 senex 
(Cato) historias scribere instituit, Earum 

sunt libri septem. Primus continet res 
gestas regum populi Romani^ secundus 
et tertius unde quaeque cizntas orta sit 
lialica ; ob quam rem omnes Origines 
videtur appeUasse. In quarto autem 
beUum Punicum est primum^ in quinto 
secundum...reliquaque bella pari modo 
persecutus est usque ad praeturam Servii 
GcUbae (b.c. 151 — 150). 

Asiaticomm. Of the distinction in 
point of style between the Attici and 
Asiani (oratorsin the Greek citiesof Asia 
Minor), see Quint. 12, 10 §§ i, 16 — 20, 
Attici limati quidam et emuncti nihil 
inane aut redundans ferebant^ Asiana 
gens tumidior alioqui atque ictctantior 
vaniore etiam dicendi gloria inflcUa est. 
A kind of intermediate style was that of 
the Rhodian School. id.%\%. Cicero 
himself was accused by some of the 
fauUs of the Asiatic School, id. § 12 ; 
and had attended Rhetors both in Asia 
and Rhodes, see Plut. Cic, 4; while 
Antony adopted this style openly, see 
p* 153« Cicero distinguishes two ^(fw^rfl 
Asiattcae dictionis, quorum unum sen- 
tentiosumet argutum...: the other had 
admirabilis orcUionis cursus, omata sen- 
tentiarum concinnitas non eraty Brut. 
§ 325. But it had lost omnem illam 
salubrilatem Atticae dictionis. Hinc 
Asiaticioratores non contemnendi quidem 
nec celeritate nec copia, sed parum pressi 
et nimis redundantes. id. § 51. They 
also pitched their voices too high, id. 
OrcU. § 27 cum vero inclinata ululan- 
tique voce more Asiatico canere coepisset, 
quis eumferret? See Mayor on luv. 3, 

moleste, so as to offend against good 

taste, *with affectation. * CatuU. 42, 8 

mimice et moleste ridentem^ ' with a 

studied and affected smile.' 

AgTippinae neptiB, daughter of luHa 
and Agrippa, and wife of Germanicus. 
c. 64. 

87. antographae, autographs of Au- 
gustus may weU have been preserved 




turos significare vult, ad KaL Graecas soluturos ait; et 
cum hortatur ferenda esse praesentia, qualiacumque sint, 
contenti simus hoc Catone; et ad exprimendam festinatae rei 
velocitatem, celerius quam asparagi cocuntur ; ponit assidue 

5 et pro stulto baceolum^ et pro pullo pulleiaceumy et pro cerrito 
vacerrosumy et vapide se habere pro male, et betizare pro 
languere, quod vulgo lachanizare dicitur; item simus pro 
sumus, et domos genitivo casu singulari pro domus. Nec 
umquam aliter haec duo, ne quis mendam magis quam con- 

lo suetudinem putet. 

Notavi et in chirographo eius illa praecipue: non dividit 
verba nec ab extrema parte versuum abundantis 
litteras in alterum transfert, sed ibidem statim ship. 

in the Library of the Palatine, but 
Quintilian [i, 7, § 21] is more cautious, 
in epistulis Augusti, quas sua manu 
scripsit aut emendavit. 

ad Kal. Oraecas. This expression 
for *never,* though it has survived in 
common language, does not appear to 
occur elsewhere. Interest was due on 
the tristes Kalendae, [Hor. Sat. i, 3, 8.] 

prae8entia...Catone. In his graver 
years Augustus naturally came to look 
on loyalty to the existing state of things 
as the mark of a good citizen. Macrob. 
Sat, 2, 4, 18 Strabone in adulationem 
Caesaris male existimante de pervicacia 
Catonis, ait, ^quisquis prcusentem sta- 
tum civitatis commutari non voletet civis 
et vir bonus est.^ But here the point of 
the emperor's phrase seems to be *don't 
expect too much,' — using Cato as the 
synonym for the best attainable, as 
Valer. Max. 2, 10, 8 quae quidem effecit 
ut quisquis sanctum et egregium civem 
significare velity sub nomine Catonis 
cUfiniat. See luv. 2, 40. 

baceolum seems connected with jScun;- 
Xos, which Hesychius explains by 
dv&tjTOif cf. Suidas fjuiyas fJLh aw&rjros 64. 
Others have sug^ested blaceolum from 
/3Xa| *stupid' or *lazy,' Plato Gorg. 488 
A. But cp. the Italian baccelldne and 
bacidcco *doIt.' 

et pro pullo pnlleiaceimi, *and for 
dark he wrote darkish(?).' No satis- 
factory explanation of the last word can 
be given. It looks like some local 
dialect form. The MSS. mostly have 
baceolum apud pullum pulleiaceum; but 
the change is not great between &^ 
[ = ^/ pro'^ and ag [ = apud\. 

cenlto, 'insane,' Hor. S. 2, 3, 78. 

The word is generally derived from 
cerebrum as though it were cerebritus, 
But it seems better to take it from Ceres, 
comparing yviJup6\rjTrTos, as though con- 
tracted from Cereritus. 

yacerrosas from vacerra=stipes 'a 
stock,' *a dolt,' Liv. Andr. fr. 7 [Rib- 
beck] vecorde et malefica vacerra. See 
Festus s. V. 

vapide, cp. Pers. 5, 117 vapido sub 
pectorey *in your disordered breast.' It 
is a metaphor from flat stale wine, id. 
6, \*i et signum in vapida naso tetigisse 
lagena. Both Isetlzare \beta *a vege- 
table'] and lachanizare [Xaxai^/^ecrdai 
*to gather vegetables'] are unknown to 
literature. We may assume from this pas- 
sage that they were used colloquially. 

BimuB pro samuB. Other purists 
such as Messala, Brutus, Agrippa, used 
the same form, Mar. Victor. 9, ^k. 
C. 1. L. 9, 3473, 14. Priscian i, 6 
1 ^ u quando mediae sunt inter se 
sonos videntur confundercy cp. ei-/*/, 
tt-tl si-em, Ital. siamo. See Lindsay's 
Latin Language p. 29. 

domoB for domHs may perhaps have 
arisen from the ancient genitive in 
-uos [cp. senatuos, Sctum de Bacch., 
Bruns p. 151]. There was an old con- 
troversy as to the genitive and dative 
of the fourth declension, see Aul. Gell. 
4, 16, "R&msaiy, Latin Language pp. 380 
and 384. 

yersuB, of a *line' in writing, Cic. 
j4tt. 4, 16 primus versus epistulae^ id. 
de Or. I § 26 Demosthenes multos versus 
uno spiritu pronunciabat. Plin. JSp. 3, 
5 decem amplius versus hac tua interpel- 
latione perdidimus. 




88 subicit circumducitque. Orthographiam, id est formulam 
rationemque scribendi a grammaticis institutam, non adeo 
custodit ac videtur eorum potius sequi opinionem, qui 
perinde scribendum ac loquamur existiment. Nam quod 

saepe non litteras modo sed syllabas aut permutat s 
aut praeterit, communis hominum error est Nec 
ego id notarem, nisi mihi mirum videretur tradidisse ali- 
quos, legato eum consulari successorem dedisse ut rudi et 
indocto, cuius manu ixi pro ipsi scriptum animadverterit. 
Quotiens autem per notas scribit, B pro A, C pro B ac lo 
deinceps eadem ratione sequentis litteras ponit ; pro X autem 
duplex A. 

89 Ne Graecarum quidem disciplinarum leviore studio tene- 

batur. In quibus et ipsis praestabat largiter, magis- 
tro dicendi usus Apollodoro Pergameno, quem iam 15 
grandem natu ApoUoniam quoque secum ab urbe 
iuvenis adhuc eduxerat, deinde eruditione etiam 
varia repletus per Arei philosophi filiorumque eius 

Dionysi et Nicanoris contubernium ; non tamen ut aut 
loqueretur expedite aut componere aliquid auderet; nam et 20 

Study of 
which he 
did not 

drcnmdncit, 'draws a loop round.' 

88. per notas, 'in cypher,' lul, 
56, cp. Aul. Gell. 17, 9 §§ I — 5 libri 
sunt epistularum C, Caesaris ad C, 
Oppium et Balbum Cornelium^ qui 
rebus eius absentis curabant. In his 
epistulis quibusdam in locis inveniuntur 
literae singulariae sine coagnientis sylla- 
barum^ quas tu putes positas incondite ; 
nam verba ex his literis confici nulla 
possunt. Erat autem conventum inter 
eos claftdestinum de commutando situ 
/iterarumi ut in scripto quidem cUia 
a/iae locum et nomen teneret, sed in 
legendo locus cuique suus et potestas 
restitueretur, Dio 51, 3 ^WcrrcXXe hk 
«ca2 iKeljfois Kal roh oXXcks 0^\o(t, dirdre 
TL dioiTo di^ aiiroppTiTta» ffipiai drfXCiffcUj 
t6 Be&rcpov ael (Ttoix^iov toO ry ^17/LMiri 
vpoffTfKOVTOs (W iKcLvov dvT€YYpd4>€iv. 
This should be distinguished from Steno- 
graphy in which certain notae were used 
for words. Cic. Att, 13, 32; Plut. Cat. 
Afin. 3 ; supr. c. 64. Weichert, August. 
fr. pp. 146 — 7. 

89. ApoUodoro Pergameno. ApoUo- 
dorus of Pergamus was the author ofa sys- 
tem of rhetoric and founder of a sect or 
school calied after his name, opposed to 
that of Theodorus Gadareus, Strabo 13, 

4, 3 fkikKiurTO, hk i^rjpc tov ^AiroWdStapov rj 
Tou KcUaapoi tfnXLa tov Ze/SacrroO, 8idd- 
ffKaXov Twv \byiav yev^fievov. Quint. 
3, I, 17 Apollodorus Pergamenus qui 
praeceptor Apolloniae Caesaris Augusti 
fuit.,.Sed Apollodoriprcucepfa magis ex 
discipulis cognoscas...nam ipsius sola 
videtur Ars edita ad Mattium^ quia 
ceteras missa ad Domitium epistula non 
agnoscitf cp. id. 1, 1 1 § 2 ; Tacitus de 
Orat. 19 calis the books of Hermagoras 
and Apollodorus aridissimi. 

ApoUoniam, see c. 8, p. 16. 

Arei. For Areius of Alexandria see 
Dio 51, 16. Augustus spares the Alex- 
andrians partly on account of "Apeiov 
Thv voXlTrjv (fi vov <fn\oao<f>ovvTi re koI 
ffwdvTi ol ?x/"7^0' It was he who ad- 
vised against sparing Caesarion [Piut. 
Ant. 81]. He is mentioned by Quinti- 
lian with approval [2, 15, 36; 3, i, 16]; 
and his grandson Catilius, s. of Nicanor, 
is identified by some with the author 
of the epigram in praise of the Caesars, 
C /. C?. 4923. He wrote a consolatio 
to Livia on the death of Drusus [Senec. 
Dial. 6, 4 — 6]. Nicolas mentions also 
another teacher of Augustus, Alexander 
of Pergamus [c. 17]. Zonaras [10, 38] 
mentions Athenodorus of Tarsus. 




si quid res exigeret, Latine formabat vertendumque alii 
dabat. Sed plane poematum quoque non imperitus, delecta- 
batur etiam comoedia veteri et saepe eam exhibuit spectaculis 
publicis. In evolvendis utriusque linguae auctoribus nihil 

5 aeque sectabatur, quam praecepta et exempla publice vel 
privatim salubria, eaque ad verbum excerpta aut ^jj 
ad domesticos aut ad exercituum provinciarumque choiceof 
rectores aut ad urbis magistratus plerumque mitte- ^* 
bat, prout quique monitione indigerent. Etiam libros totos 

» et senatui recitavit et populo notos per edictum saepe fecit, 

ut orationes Q. Metelli de prole augenda et Rutili de modo 

aedificiorumy quo magis persuaderet utramque rem non ab se 

primo animadversam, sed antiquis iam tunc curae fuisse. 

Ingenia saeculi sui omnibus modis fovit; recitantis et 

▼ertenduxnqne, 'to be translated into 
Greek.' Yet Dio [51, 16] represents 
him as addressing the Alexandrians 
iXKii}PUTTl Sinas trivtaaLV ah^ov. 

poematnm, i.e. Greek poetry. 

oomoedla veteri, Hor. S, i, 4, i 
Eupolis atque Craiinus Aristophanesque 
poetae, We do not hear elsewhere of 
the representations of the old Greek 
Comedy in the time of Augustus. But 
the representation of Graeci ludi occa- 
sionally took place, Cicero ad Att. 16, 
5, i\fam. 7, I, 3. 

ezoerpta. Making selections from 
books read was a common practice. 
Plin. Ep. 3) 5 § 10 liber legebatur^ 
adnotabat excerpebatque ; nihil enim 
iegit quod non excerperet, Pliny him- 
sdf did the same, e.g. with lAwyy posco 
librum Titi Livi et qtmsi per otium lego 
atque etiam, ut coeperam, excerpo, Ep. 
61 20, 5. Thus Brutus the night before 
the battle of Pharsalia was engaged in 
his tent awTarrtjjv hnrofi^ HoXv^Lov 
[Plut. Brut. 4]. To this habit we owe 
the coUections of Photius and Porphy- 

orationes Q. MetellL Livy Ep. 59 
Q. Metellus censor censuit ut cogerentur 
omnes ducere uxores liberorum crean- 
dorum causa. Extat oratio eiuSj quam 
AugustuSf cum de maritandis ordinibus 
agerety veiut in haec tempora scriptam 
in Senatu recUavit. According to 
Aulus Gellius [i, 6, i — i\ this was 
Metellus Numidicus, Cos. 6.0. 109, 
Censor 102. But according to Livy it 
was Q. Caecilius Metellus Macedonicus, 
Cos. B.c. 143, Censor B.c. 131. Gellius 

preserves a few sentences of the speech . . . 
quoniam ita ncUura tradidit^ ut nec 
cum illis satis commode^ nec sine illis 
ullo modo vivi possity saiuti perpetuae 
potiusquam brevi voluptati consuiendum 

BntUi de modo aedlflciomm. P. 
Rutilius Rufus was Cons. in B.c. 105, 
when this speech was probably delivered. 
He was a man of great integrity, but 
was ruined by a conspiracy of the 
equestrian pubiicanif because as legatus 
in Asia (b.c. 95) he had resisted the 
extortions of the tax-gatherers [Livy 
Ep. 70; Vell. 2, 13]. For his style of 
oratory, which was painstaking but not 
brilliant, see Cicero Brut. § iio 
(Scaurus et Rutilius) etiamsi maximi 
ingenii non essenty probabiies tamen 
industria. He left a biography of him- 
self [Tac. Agric. i]. The measure 
seems to have concemed the height of 
the houses, which was dangerous. See 
luv. 3, 269; Cic. de leg. agr. 2 § 96 
Romam...cenacuiis sublatam et suspen- 
sam non optimis viis^ angustissimis 
semitisy and other passages quoted by 
Mayor. The regulation of Augustus 
was that houses were not to exc^d 70 
feet, Strabo 5, 3, 7 icpbi di tAj a-vfiirT(i>- 
<reis rd 0^ TCa» Koufiav olKodofirf/ji&rw 
KodeXibv, Kol K(a\6(ras i^ipeiv iroSiav 
i^JiofxyfKOVTa rb rrfAs Toii 6&>tf rcuf 
$i7iuo<r£cus. Nero repeated the regula- 
tion [Tac. Ann. 15, 43]. 

ihgenla, for men of genius cp. Vesp. 
17 ingenia et artes vel mcucime fovit. 
Tac. Agr. 2 monumenta ciarissimarum 
ingeniorum. Suetonius no doubt means 




benigne et patienter audiit, nec tantum carmina et historias, 

Patronace ^^^ ^^ orationes et dialogos. Componi tamen 
ofiiterary aliquid de se nisi et serio et a praestantissimis, 
"^*^"* offendebatur admonebatque praetores, ne paterentur 

nomen suum commissjonibus obsolefieri. s 

90 Circa religiones talem accepimus. Tonitrua et fulgura 
Hisfeeline P^"'^ infirmius expavescebat, ut semper et ubique 
toward pellem vituli marini circumferret pro remedio, atque 
portents. ^j omnem maioris tempestatis suspicionem in ab- 
ditum et concamaratum locum se reciperet, consternatus olim xo 
per nocturnum iter transcursu fulguris, ut praediximus. 

91 Somnia neque sua neque aliena de se neglegebat. Philip- 
pensi acie quamvis statuisset non egredi tabernaculo 
propter valitudinem, egressus est tamen amici somnio 


to compare the practice of Augustus 
with that of Nero and Domitian. 

redtaiitis. Of this practice the full- 
est illustration is given in Mayor's 
monumental note to luv. 3, 9. All 
the various kinds of recitation here men- 
tioned, — orations, history, dramatic and 
lyric poetry, — are enumerated by Pliny, 
Ep. 7, 17. 

ni8i...a praestantlfwlinlfl. Hence no 
doubt Horace's abstention from giving 
possible offence \pd. i, 6, 10] imbellis- 
qtu lyrae Musa poiens vetat Laudes 
egregii Caesaris et tuas Culpa deterere 

oomxnissioiilbiui, 'displays,* 'speeches 
for prizes' (^irtde^^eis). Caligula said of 
Seneca [c. 53] commissiones meras com- 
ponere. The term, drawn from the 
contests in the games, was applied to de- 
clamations made for display or for prizes, 
and not for a practical object, like the 
Greek Xb/yw. TravriyvpiKoL Cp. Suet. vit. 
/uven.j Et tamen diu ne modico quidem 
auditorio quidquam committere est ausus. 
Pliny Panegyr. 54 cum laudes Imperato- 
rum ludis etiam et commissionibus celebra- 
rentur, scUtarentur^ et in omne ludibrium 
effeminatis vocibus, modisy gestibus fran- 
gerentur. For such contests of oratory 
see the accounts of those at Lugdunum, 
Calig. 20, luv. I, 44. 

obBOlefieri, *to be discredited.' Cic. 
2 Phil. § 105 in homine turpissimo 
obsolefiebant insignia dignitatis. 

90. circa: for this post-Augustan 
use see Roby Z. G. § 1867. reUg^ones, 
'superstitious feelings.' 

tonitrua. This was perhaps physical 

fear as well as superstition. Tiberius 
(though holding the Epicurean view of 
the gods) toniirua tamen supra modum 
expavescebat, etturbatiore cculo nunquam 
non coronam lauream capite gestavity quod 
fulmine afflari negetur id genus frondis 
[c. 69]. Caligula [c. 51] is said cui mi- 
nima tonitrua etfulgura coniveret caput 
obvolvere^ ad vero maiora proripere se e 
strato sub lectumque condere. 

peUeln Tituli mazinL Pliny N. H. 
2 § 146, among the ways of escaping 
lightning, mentions tabernacula pellibus 
beluarum quas vitulos appellant, quo- 
niam hoc solum animal ex marinis non 
percutiat. Cp. Plut. Sympos. 5, 9 r(av 
ydp roio&rtay o^ SoKoOffiif iiri0Lyydv€Uf ol 
Kepawol KaOdirep oOdi rijs ^ptbKTfs rov 
Sipfiaros oddc rijs {falvrjs. loann. Lyd. 
de Ost. § 45 17 d^ <f>(aKri ws dTn^fiavros 
iiri^oX^ Kcpawov fmprvs ii ireipa djro- 
84d(OK€ ' rSnf ydp vcQv rd Iffrla, iv aXs 
ol patriKeis irXiovffi, ipcjKelois ddi<rrai 
dirodupOepovirda^. hipiuunv. 

In aMitnm . . .redperet. Seneca Nat. 
Q. 6, 2%6 quid enim dementius quam 
ad tonitrua succidere et sub terram cor- 
repere fulminum metu ? 

praedlzininB, c. 29. This is a curious 
use oi praedicOf and some MSS. give a 
variant supra diximus. 

91. Fhilippensi, c. 13, p. 26 n. 
Velleius [2, 70] says that it was his 
physician Artorius who urged him to 
leave the camp. See also Orosius6, 18, 
15. An inscription at Verona records 
the respect of his fellow-countrymen of 
Smyrna for Artorius. C. I. G. 3285 
MdpKov *Apr<i)piov 'AcricXijirid^v, 0€oO 





monitus ; cessitque res prospere, quando captis castris lectica 
eius, quasi ibi cubans remansisset, concursu hostium con- 
fossa atque lacerata est: Ipse per omne ver plurima et 
formidulosissima et vana et irrita videbat, reliquo tempore 

5 rariora et minus vana. Cum dedicatam in Capitolio aedem 

Tonanti lovi assidue frequentaret, somniavit, queri Capito- 

\ linum lovem cultores sibi abduci, seque respondisse, Tonan- 

V tem pro ianitore ei appositum ; ideoque mox tintinnabulis 

festigium aedis redimiit, quod ea fere ianuis dependebant 

10 Ex nocturno visu etiam stipem quot annis die certo emendi- 
cabat a populo, cavam manum asses porrigentibus praebens. 

Auspicia et omina quaedam pro certissimis observabat : 92 
si mane sibi calceus perperam ac sinister pro dextro Auspices 
induceretur, ut dirum; si terra marive ingrediente andomens. 

xs se longinquam profectionem forte rorasset, ut laetum maturi- 
que et prosperi reditus. Sed et ostentis praecipue movebatur. 
Enatam inter iuncturas lapidum ante domum suam palmam 
in compluvium deorum Penatium transtulit, utque coalesceret 
magno opere curavit. Apud insulam Capreas veterrimae 

ao ilicis demissos iam ad terram languentisque ramos con- 
valuisse adventu suo, adeo laetatus est, ut eas cum re publica 



Ka£(rapot 'Sic^offrov larpiv, ii pov\^ Ktd 
6 drjfMS TU¥ Xfivppaltaif irifiriffa» ijpuKL 
iro\vfM0Las x^P^^' ^^ ^^s drowned 
after Actium, Hieron. devir. ilL a 725. 

Tonantl loyl. See c. 29, p. 63. 

tlntlnnabula. Bells at Roman house- 
doors do not seem to have been common. 
A porter (ianifor, ostiarius) was close at 
hand, and the visitor knocked [pu/sare, 
see Livy 6, 34 ; Plaut. Asin. 382 ; Pliny 
N, H. 7 § 112 etc.]. Marquardt [14, 
p. 278] supposes that where there were 
tintinnabula they were rung by the 
porter to inform his master of an im- 
portant visitor. Seneca de ira 3, 35, 3 
quid miser expavescis ad clamorem serzn, 
ad tinnitum aeris aut ianuae impulsum ? 
Dio [54, 4] in his account of the dream 
thinks of the Ktbdtav carried round by 
the night watchmen, ol yiip rds awoiKia^s 
vifKTiap <ffv\dff<r<»fT€S K(ad(avo<f>opod<nv 6ir(as 
arjfMiveiv <r<f>i<riv, bir&rav pov\riO(a(TL, 

Btipem. . . emendicabat. Dio [54135] 
tells the same story, but does not seem 
to believe it, — koX tovto fjAv^ et ye r# 
iriffTbv, ofhca irapadidoTai, It may be 

a confusion with the habit of Caligula, 
— edixit et sirencu ineunte anno se 
recepturum stetitque in vestibulo aedium 
Kl, lan, ad captandas stipes \Cal, 42]. 
It is very unlike the usual dignity and 
reserve of Augustus. cavam manum, 
bent to receive the coins, cp. Arist. 
Equit, 1083 ifk^aiXt kvKK%, 

92. calceuB perperam. See Pliny 
N, H,2% 24 divos Augustus prodidit lae- 
vom sibi calceum praepostere inductum 
quo die seditione militari prope adflictus 

rorasset, *drizzled.' Varro L. L, 7, 
58 rorarii dicti ab rore, qui bellum 
committebant ante, ideo quod ante rorcU 
quam pluit. 

palmam, an omen of victory. Pliny 
N. H, 17 § 244 simili modo Trallibus 
palma in basi Caesaris dictatoris circa 
bella civilia eius : nec non et Romae in 
Capitolio in capite lovis bello Persei 
enata palma victoriam triumphosque 
portendit. Cp. id. 15 §§ 136 — 7. 

CapreaB, see c. 22. 

permutayerit. Strabo 4, 5, 9 Nea- 
ToXtra* bk KalTajbrrfv {Capreas) KaTi<rxov, 






Neapolitanorum permutaverit, Aenaria data. Observabat et 
dies quosdam, ne aut postridie nundinas quoquam proficis- 
ceretur, aut Nonis quicquam rei seriae inchoaret; nihil in 
hoc quidem aliud devitans, ut ad Tiberium scribit, quam 
hva^rifiiav nominis. 5 

Peregrinarum caerimoniarum sicut veteres ac praeceptas 

reverentissime coluit, ita ceteras contemptui habuit. 
feuS. Namque Athenis initiatus, cum postea Romae pro 

tribunali de privilegio sacerdotum Atticae Cereris 
cognosceret et quaedam secretiora proponerentur, dimisso 10 
consilio et corona circumstantium solus audiit disceptantes. 
At contra non modo in peragranda Aegypto paulo deflectere 
ad visendum Apin supersedit, sed et Gaium nepotem, quod 
ludaeam praetervehens apud Hierosolyma non supplicasset, 
conlaudavit. 15 

Et quoniam ad haec ventum est, non ab re 

fuerit subtexere, quae ei prius quam nasceretur et 


iroKifJUfi d^ diro/3aX6yT€S rds llidrfKo6(r<ras 
dirOiaPov T<£Xiy, ddvTOS airoh Kaiffapos 
Tou l^e^axrrov, rds d^ Kairpias tdio» 
voirjffafihov kttjiml Kal KaToiKodofi^^ffav- 
Toi. The exchange took place in B.c. 29 
[Dio 52, 43]. 

Aenarla (/scAia), also called Pt^Ae- 
cusae, opposite Misenum. 

poBtridle nimdiiias. The day after 
one of bad omen was avoided as well 
as the day itself. dies postridie Caiendas 
NoncLs Idm appellati atri, Varro L. L. 
6, 29; cp. Gell. 5, 17. Why the nun- 
dinae should be unlucky is not clear. 
But Macrobius \Sat. i, 13, 17] says 
that if they ever fell on the ist day of the 
year, that year was observed to be one 
of disaster to the state. Perhaps, as 
B.-Crusius sug^ests, its etymological 
connexion with novendiales, the feast 
of the dead, was held to give the word 
an ill-omened sound. 

nonls. The Calends, Ides and Nones 
were all days on which it was unlucky 
to begin any business [Plut. Q. R. 25], 
but the Nones were particularly so. 
Ov. Fcut. I, 57 Nonarum tutela deo 
caret. See Becker*s Gallus, p. 167. 

StKTf^liCav nominis, the unlucky 
sound 01 the word Nonis (non is). Cp. 
the story of the starting of Crassus frora 
Brundisium, and the man selling rushes 
from Caunus and crying Cauneas (in- 
terpreted as cave ne ecu), Cicero de 

Div. 2 § 84. And the unlucky Hostilius 
Mancinus who, on embarking for Spain, 
heard a voice calling mane, mane, 
Mancine [Valer. i, 6, 7]. So Laodamia 
is afraid to say anything as her husband 
starts [Ov. Ep. 13, %fi\, substitit auspicii 
lingua timore mali. 

93. Athenis initiatns, i.e. at Eleusis, 
in B.C. 31. Dio 51, 4 rd re iv t% 'EX- 
Xddi hu^KTfve KOi tQp Toiv deoip fivaTi^plup 
fieT^Xa^cy. For Augustus at Athens 
see C. I. G. \*j*i. 

ad Tisendmn Apln. Dio 51, 16 /cd<c 
r^s ainrfl Ta(iTit\% aWiai oiihk ry 'AtiSi 
ivTvx^^v ^64\rjae \4y(ov Oeovs dXX* o^x^ 
fiovi TrpoffKwetv elOLffOai. For the sacred 
buU kept to represent the god, see 
Herod. 2, 38, 153; 3, 28 — 29. Pliny 
N. H. 8, 184 Bos in Aegypto etiam nu- 
minis vice colitur : Apim vocant...non 
est fas eum certos vitae excedere annos, 
mersumqtu in sacerdotum fonte necant, 
quaesituri luctu alium quem substituant, 
et donec invenerint maerent dercuis etiam 
capitibus. But see RawIinson*s note, 
Herod. vol. 2, p. 356, as to the burial- 
place of the Apis. 

snpersedit, with infin., cp. Tit. 7 
spectare omnino in publico coetu super- 
sedii. The conduct of Gaius may have 
been dictated by respect for the well- 
known feelings of the Jews as to the 
entrance of Gentiles into the Temple. 
Orosius[7, 3, 5] attributes it to contempt. 





ipso hatali diie ac deinceps evenerint, quibus futur^ panying 

•^ 1 • Ai j. r 1 • «j. . . , his birth 

magnitudo eius et perpetua felicitas sperari animad- and child- 
vertique posset. '\iooA, 

Velitris antiquitus tacta de caelo parte muri, responsum est 

5 eius oppidi civem quandoque rerum potiturum ; qua fiducia 

Veliterni et tunc statim et postea saepius paene ad exitium sui 

cum populo Romano belligeraverant; sero tandem documentis 

apparuit, ostentum illud Augusti potentiam portendisse. 

Auctor est lulius Marathus, ante paucos quam nasceretur 

lo menses prodigium Romae factum publice, quo de- p^^ ^, 
nuntiabatur, regem Populo Romano naturam par- pected 
turire; senatum exterritum censuisse, ne quis illo '"^' 
anno genitus ediicaretur; eos qui gravidas uxores haberent, 
quod ad se quisque spem traheret, curasse ne senatiis con- 

15 sultum ad aerarium deferretur. 

94. VeUtris. See c. i. 

tacta...re8ponBum est. An appeal 
to an aruspex would be the natural 
sequel to such a disaster, Obsequens 
c. ii6 Piraeum Sulla cutn oppugnaret 
unus miles eius aggerem ferens exani- 
matus fulminey aruspex respondit. . . For 
the various prophecies founded on acci- 
dents by lightning, see Seneca N, Q. 2, 
49. Among other names given to fu/gura 
is rega/ia, cum forum tangitur vel 
comitium aut principalia urbis liberae 
loca, quorum significatio regnum civitati 
minatur. lohann. Lyd. ae Ostentis 51 
Stoj' Hk (rK0pTri(fiy4v7iTai.. .el /coTot 5Tffio<rlov 
r6irov ivifKiiyf/iL Kepawds, veavlas avaiSris 
rfjs fiaffiXelas iirCKd^tirai. P. B. belligerayerant. 
The rebellions of the Velitemi are re- 
corded by Livy, in B.c. 384 when they 
assisted the Volscians [6, 13]; in B.c. 
382 when they were joined by the 
Praenestines [6, 22], the city being 
stormed in B.C. 379 [6, 29]. But in 
B.C. 375 we find them taking the of- 
fensive, invading the Roman ager [6, 
36], assaulting Tusculum, and in conse- 
quence being again besieged by the 
Romans [6, 37 — 8, 42]. In B.c. 358 
another incursion into Roman territory 
is recorded [7, 15], till at last in B.c. 
337 l^y '^c Sctum de Latinis they were 
severely dealt with, their walls thrown 
down, their senators forced under penal- 
ties to live beyond the Tiber, and fresh 
colonists sent to occupy the lands of 
which their Senators had been deprived, 


quibus adscriptis speciem antiquae fre- 
quentiae Velitrae receperunt [8, 14]. 

Iiillas Marathas. See c. 79. 

regem ...partarlre. That various 
prophecies as to a king at Rome were 
current seems certain. They had pre- 
ceded the birth of lulius according to 
Suetonius [Serv. ad Verg. Aen, 6, 799]. 
They do not however seem to have 
made much stir as early as B.c. 63. In 
B.c. 45 it was reported that L. Au- 
relius Cotta (Cos. B.c. 65) intended to 
propose that the title should be given 
to lulius [Cic. ad Att. 13, 44; de diznn, 
^ § 54]' ^ut ^ ^^is ^^s grounded on 
a real or supposed Sibylline verse, it 
may have been common talk before. 
It has been of course connected with 
the Messianic hopei of the Jews, and 
there is reason to believe that the 
writings of the Septuagint were known 
to some at least of those who composed 
or circulated such verses at Rome. But 
how far this or the ^th Eclogue of 
Vergil can be thus connected is an un- 
solved problem. aerarlam deferretar. The 
Senatus-consulta were from early times 
in the custody of the Consuls. In B.c. 
446 Livy says these were ordered to be 
deposited by the Aediles in the temple 
of Ceres [Livy 3, 55]. Subsequently 
however they were deposited in the 
aerarium ScUurni, and at some time (it 
is not ascertained exactly when) this 
formality became necessary for their 
validity. Livy 39, 4; Cicero 5 Phil. 





In Asclepiadis Mendetis SeoXoyov/ievmv libris lego, Atiam, . 
cum ad sollemne Apollinis sacrum media nocte venisset, 
posita in templo lectica, dum ceterae matronae dormirent, 
obdormisse ; draconem repente irrepsisse ad eam pauloque 
post egressum ; illam expergefactam quasi a concubitu mariti s 
purificasse se; et statim in corpore eius extitisse maculam 
velut picti draconis, nec potuisse unquam exigi, adeo ut mox 
publicis balineis perpetuo abstinuerit ; Augustum natum mense 
decimo et ob hoc Apollinis filium existimatum. Eadem Atia 
prius quam pareret somniavit, intestina sua ferri ad sidera » 
explicarique per omnem terrarum et caeli ambitum. Som- 
niavit et pater Octavius, utero Atiae iubar solis exortum. 

Quo natus est die, cum de Catilinae coniuratione ageretur 
in curia et Octavius ob uxoris puerperium serius affuisset, 
nota ac vulgata res est P. Nigidium, comperta morae causa, 15 

§ la; 13 PAi/. § 12; 13 PAi/. § 19; 
Ca/. I § 4; los. An/. 14, 10 § 10 irepl 
uv SoyfjLdTwv ffvyKXi^Tov Fdlbs Ktuaap 
inrkp *Ioudal(av iKpive koX els ro Tafueiov 
o6k i<ftda(r€P dvevcx^WOA* Willems /e 
S^nat II, p. 216. 

ABdepiadis . . . 6coXo70V|Uv«>v. Ascle- 
piades of Mendes in Egypt is quoted by 
Athenaeus [3, 83 c] as the author of 
AlyvTCTiaKd, a history of Egypt. Suidas, 
s.v. 'KpdLaKoSt says that he also wrote 
Hymns and a regular treatise {wpay' 
fMTcla) Tjv upfiTfffe ypd<l>€iv Trepi^owrav 
tQv deoXoyiQv dTraffQv t^v (rvfKfxavlav, 
The plan of this work, *a harmony of 
all religions,' would account for his 
quoting supposed marvels in Italy. 

For Mendifl, ' of Mendesy ' the capital of 
a nome in the Delta, see Herod. 2, 42, 
46; Strabo 17, i, 19 5irov tov IlSjfa 
Tifiwri Kal tQv l^tfuv Tpdyov. The regu- 
lar adjectival form would be Mendaeus 
(St. Byz. Mevdaios). Suetonius has fol- 
lowed the analogy of such words as 
Magnes {yLdyvtfs). 

Atiam. See c. 4. Dio [45, 1] at- 
tributes the story to Atia herself...d6tyws 
hxvpll^eTo ix ToO *Air6\\<avos aMv 
K€KV7fK4vaL &ri KaTaSdpOowra /c.t.X. A 
similar story was current as to the birth 
of Scipio Africanus [Gell. 7 (6). i]. 

media nocte. See on c. 78. But 
this night visit of the matrons to the 
temple would seem (if it did take place) 
rather connected with the healing po wers 
of ApoUo, like the visits to the temple 
of Asclepius described in Aristophanes 

P/uius [653 — 734]» and as still practised 
in various shrines in the Greek islands. 

quo natiis . . . de Catilinae. We have 
no record of a debate on the Catiline 
conspiracy on the 23rd of September; 
but there had been many rumours con- 
ceming Catiline^s designs throughout 
the summer, and if, as there is some 
reason to think (in spite of much that 
has been said to the contrary), the 
elections were put off till about this 
time, there would be good reason for 
meetings of the Senate. The first of the 
well-known meetings (at which Cicero 
delivered the first Catilinarian speech) 
was not till the 7th of November. Dio 
(45, i ) telling the story does not men- 
tion the occasion of the meeting. 

P. Nigidinm. P. Nigidius Figulus 
was, according to Aulus Gellius [4, 9], 
the most leamed Roman next to Varro, 
with whom he classes him as chief 
props of leaming of the age, though jthe 
obscurity of his subjects or style nad 
caused him to fall into neglect [18, 14]. 
Gellius repeatedly c^uotes his works, the 
titles of some of which have come down 
to us, e/e antma/ibus [Macr. Sat. 3, 16, 
7], de dis \id. 3, 4, 6], de extis [Gell. 16, 
6], commeniarii grammatici [id. 19, 14], 
de auguriis [id. 7, 6 § 10] and others. 
His tonitrua/e survives in a Greek ver- 
sion by loannes Lydus, and the frag- 
ments of his works have been collected 
by J. Rutgers. He was a Senator in 
B.C. 63, and one of those selected by 
Cicero to take the confessions of the 





ut horam quoque partus acceperit, affirmasse dominum terra- 
rum orbi natum. Octavio postea, cum per secreta Thraciae 
exercitum duceret, in Liberi patris luco barbara caerimonia 
de filio consulenti, idem affirmatum est a sacerdotibus, quod 

5 infuso super altaria mero tantum flammae emicuisset, ut 
supergressa fastigium templi ad caelum usque ferretur, uni- 
que omnino Magno Alexandro apud easdem aras sacrificanti 
simile provenisset ostentum. Atque etiam sequenti statim 
nocte videre visus est filium mortali specie ampliorem, cum 

10 fulmine et sceptro exuviisque lovis Optimi Maximi ac 
radiata corona, super laureatum currum, bis senis equis can- 
dore eximio trahentibus. Infans adhuc, ut scriptum apud 
C. Drusum extat, repositus vespere in cunas a nutricula 

Catilinarian conspirators [Cic. pro SulL 
§ 43; Plut. Cic, 20]. He was praetor 
in B.c. 59, and afterwards a le^us in 
Asia Minor [Cic. Tlm. 1]. His ad- 
herence to the aristocratic party pro> 
cured his banishment, and though Cicero 
in writing a consolatory letter to him 
\Jam, 4, 13] gave him reason to think 
that Caesar would soon be induced to 
recall him, he died shortly afterwards 
in exile; Hieron. Chron. a. 709, 710 
(b.c. 45 — 4) Nigidius Figulus Pythago- 
ricus et magus in exilio moritur. 

horam. So as to cast his horoscope, 
founded on the natalis hora [Hor. Od. 

«f 17» ^9]- 

per secreta TliraoLae ' through remote 
parts of Thrace . * As go vemor of Mace- 
donia he had been engaged in war with 
the Thracian Bessi. See c. 3, p. 5. 

In Li1)en patrls luco. Herodotus 
tells us of a temple and oracle of 
Dionysos on Rhodope which, though in 
the country of the Satrae, was under 
the management of the Bessi, where the 
answers were given by a girl as at 
Delphi [7, iii]. Macrobius ScU. i. 18, 
1 1 describes the round temple of Liber 
or Sabazius, Some equivalent of Liber 
Pater seems to have been common in 
the East as far as India, Q. Curt. 8, 10. 

tantum . . .emlcnlaset, a favourable 
omen, Verg. G, 4, 385, EcL 8, 105, 
where Servius says hoc uxori Ciceronis 
dicitur contigisse; cum peracto sacrificio 
libare vellet in cinerem ex ipso cinere 
fiamma surrexit, quae fiatnma eodem 
anno consuiem futurum ostendit eius 
maritumj sicui in suo testcUur poemate. 

MagxLO Alexandro. Alexander passed 

through this district on his way to Asia, 
but his visit to the oracle is not recorded 
by Arrian. 

ezavUa lovis 0. M. The sceptre, 
tunica picta^ and palmata^ taken from 
the Capitol for the use of magistrates 
(consul or praetor) celebrating a tri- 
umph. See luv. 10, 38. Livy 10, 7 
lovis optimi omcUu decorcUus^ curru 
aurato per urbem vectus in Capitolium 
ascenderit. Lamprid. Alex. Sev, 40 
praetextam et pictam togam nunquam 
nisi consul accepit, et eam quidem quam 
de lovis templo sumptam alii quoque 
accipiebant aut praetores aut consules. 

radlata oorona. See coin on p. 145 ; 
cp. Verg. Aen, 12, 161 

ingenti mole Laiinus 
quadriiugo vehitur curruj cui tempora 

aurati bis sex radii fulgentia cingunt. 
The laurelled chariot and the white 
horses are also prognostics of a triumph, 
although some difiiculty has been made 
as to this decoration of the triumphal 
chariot, which is usually confined to the 
hands and heads of the victors, the 
fasces of the lictors, or the despatch an- 
nouncing the victory. Statius indeed 
[TTieb. 8, 128] has interea vittis lauru- 
que insignis opima Currus^ of the chariot 
of Amphiaraus ; and it seems probable 
that the chariots were so decorated, even 
though it is not otherwise mentioned. 

apud C. Drusum. No writer of this 
name is known. Some have supposed 
the reference to be to the laudatio of 
Drusus, son of Tiberius, at the fiineral of 
Augustus. See c. 100. But the prae- 
nomen of Gaius is nowhere else given 

II — 2 




A mira 



loco plano, postera luce non comparuit, diuque quaesitiis 
tandem in altissima turri repertus est, iacens coiitra solis 

Cum primum fari coepisset, in avito isuburbano obstre- 
pentis forte ranas silere iussit, atque ex eo negantur 
ibi ranae coaxare. Ad quartum lapidem Campanae 
viae in nemore prandenti ex inproviso aquila panem 
ei e manu rapuit, et cum altissime evolasset, rursus ex 
inproviso leniter delapsa reddidit. 

Q. Catulus post dedicatum Capitolium duabus continuis 
noctibus somniavit : prima, lovem Optimum Maximum e 
praetextatis compluribus circum aram ludentibus linum se- 
crevisse, atque in eius sinum signum rei publicae quam mariu 
gestaret reposuisse; at insequenti, animadvertisse se in gremio 
Capitolini lovis eundem puerum, quem cum detrahi iussisset, 
prohibitum monitu dei, tanquanl is ad tutelam rei publicae 
educaretur; ac die proximo obvium sibi Augustum, cum 
incognitum alias haberet, non sine admiratione contuitus, 
similiimum dixit puero, de quo somniasset. Quidam prius 
somnium Catuli aliter exponunt, quasi luppiter compluribus 
praetextatis tutorem a se poscentibus, unum ex eis demon- 
strasset ad quem omnia desideria sua referrent, eiusque 
osculum delibatum digitis ad os suum retulisset 




him, and therefore it has been groposed 
to read Caesarem for C There is no 
means of deciding the question. The 
story itself may be compared with the 
fanciful tale of Horace's childhood {Odes 
3, 4, 9 — 20], and with such as that told 
of Sir Thomas More [see Life by his 
great-grandson, p. 6]. 

coazare, onomatopoeia from ic6a^. 
Spart. Gda 5 § 5 elephanti barriunt^ 
ranae coaxant^ equi hinniunt, etc. 
' Campaiiae viae seems to be another 
name for the ina Appia^ for it led by 
the temple of Feronia on the border 
of the Pomptine marshes [Hor. S, i, 5, 
23]. The name does not occur except 
in an inscription, C.I.L,, i, 1291 [Wil- 
manns, 2727] ITVS • actvsqve • est • 


P CDccx. 
Q. CatQliiB poBt dedicatum. The 

temple of Capitoline Jove was bumt on 

the 6th of July b.c. 83. Quintus Luta- 
tius Catulus (Cos. B.c. 78) was at the 
head of the commission for its restora- 
tion, an office of which lulius Caesar as 
Praetor in B.c. 62 in vain tried to de- 
prive him, Suet. lul, 15. He had 
formally dedicated it in B.c. 68, but 
was still engaged in the interior decora- 
tion [Cic. Verr. 4 §§ 69, 82]. He died 
in B.c. 60 [pro Cael. § 59], when 
Augustus was not three years old. The 
story therefore does not hang together. 

rei pul>licae...g:e8taret. . That is a 
statuette of Rome. Dio [45, 2], who 
translates the account of these marvels 
from Suetonius, gives dKiofo. rafa ttjs 
*P(6/Ai7$. Such figures representing cities 
must have been common, just as the 
conventional figures on coins. At 
Rhodes we hear of a colossal statue of 
the Roman people [Polyb. 31, 15]. 

0BCulu2n=^j. dellbatum digltiB, 
lightly touched by his fingers. 




M. Cicero C. Caesarem in Capitolium prosecutus, somnium 
pristinae noctis familiaribus forte narrabat : puerum 
facie liberali, demissum e caelo catena aurea, ad fores 5^^^.^ 
Capitoli constitisse eique lovem flagellum tradidisse ; 

5 deinde repente Augusto viso, quem ignotum plerisque adhuc 
avunculus Caesar ad sacrificandum acciverat, affirmavit ipsum 
esse, cuius imago secundum quietem sibi obversata sit 

Sumenti virilem togam tunica lati clavi, resuta ex utraque 
parte, ad pedes decidit. Fuerunt qui interpretarentur, non 

10 aliud significare, quam ut is ordo cuius insigne id esset 
quandoque ei subiceretur. 

Apud Mundam Divus lulius, castris locum capiens cum 
silvam caederet, arborem palmae repertam conservari ut 
omen victoriae iussit; ex ea.continuo enata subole^ adeo in 

15 paucis diebus adolevit, ut non aequiperaret modo^matricem, 
verum et obtegeret frequentareturque columbarum nidis, 
quamvis id avium genus duram et asperam frondem maxime 
vitet Illo et praecipue ostento motum Caesarem ferunt, ne 
quem alium sibi succedere quam sororis nepotem vellet. 

30 In secessu Apolloniae Theogenis mathematici pergulam 
comite Agrippa ascenderat; cum Agrippae, qui prior con- 

M. Gioero...]iro8eoatiui, that is, when 
lulius celebrated his triumphs in B.c. 
46, in which the young Octavius shared 
[see c. 8 ; Nic. Dam. 8]. 

flagftnnin, cp. luv. lo» 109 ad sua qui 
domitos deduxit flagra Quirites^ symbol 
of slavery, as citizens might notbe flogged. 

Bumentl yimem togam, see c. 8. 

timica lati davi, see c. 73. The 
wearing of this must have been granted 
by special favour, as it was ordinarily 
reserved for Senat6rs; but certain equites 
were laHclavii^ as has been shown p. 85. 

refluta. Dio 45, 2 6 x^"^^ Trepieppdyri 
iKaHpudev, It may have been a slit tunic 
such as that figured in Rich, J?ict, of 
K. AfUiq. p. 697. 

is ordo, i.e. the Senate. 

apud Mondam, c. 8, p. 14. Dio 43, 
41 Kalirep oiSiv odx^...icarair/Ml^6ti' i\Trl- 
(ras 5id re rcUXa Kal oux iJKKrra 5rt 
/3Xcurr6; ru iK (fxUviKOS iv r^ Tijs /Adxv^ 
X<fP^V ^"'''os e^BifS iirl r^ vlKff i^i<f>v, 
Koi oif \iy(a fiiv Stl oOk l^cpi ttoi twto, 
dXX* f^K iK€iy(p ye ^rt dXXd ry Tip ddeX- 
iprjs a&rov iyy6v<f t<} *OKTaovl(p. 

arlxnrem palmae, a genitive in appo- 

sition, as vox libertatis etc. 

tn Becesro ApoUoniae, c. 8. 

TheogeniB . . .pergalam, * the studio 
of Theogenes the astrologer.' pergula 
(pergo) is (i) anything jutting out &om 
a house, as a balcony or verandah, (2) 
a booth or studio, see Mayor on luv. 
10. 137, (3) a school, luv. Lc, sed nec 
structor ertt, cui cedere debeat otnnis 
Pergula, Here it seems some loft at 
the top of the house used by the as- 
trologer for taking observations of the 
staf^, such as used to be called a *garret.* 
For mathematici casting the horoscope, 
see luv. 14, 248 nota mathematicis 
genesis tua, Cp. id. 3, 42 ; 7, 200 ; 9, 32. 
Elsewhere called CAaldaei [Cato, A, H. 
5 § 4], and ctstrologi [Cic. divin, i § 132]. 
See also Suet. Tib, \\de infante mathe- 
maticus preclara spopondit. For the 
number and influence of the astrolc^ers 
in Rome during the Early Empire, see 
passages quoted by Mayor on luv. 14, 

Agzlppa. Octavian was accompanied 
to ApoUonia by Maecenas, Agrippa, Q. 
luventius and others, Nic. Dam. c. 31. 




sulebat, magna et paene incredibilia praedicerentur, reticere 
ipse genituram suam nec velle edere perseverabat, metu 
ac pudore, ne minor inveniretur. Qua tamen post multas 
adhortationes vix et cunctanter edita, exilivit Theogenes 
adoravitque eum. Tantam mox fiduciam fati Augustus s 
habuit, ut thema suum vulgaverit nummumque argenteum 
nota sideris Capricomi, quo natus est, percusserit. 

95 Post necem Caesaris reverso ab ApoUonia et ingrediente 
Portents ^^ urbem, repente liquido ac puro sereno circulus 
occurring ad speciem caelestis arcus orbem solis ambiit, ac ^ 

to himself. i_"jti« /-» •/?!• • a ri» 

submde luhae Caesaris fihae monimentum fulmine 
ictum est. Primo autem consulatu et augurium capienti 
duodecim se voltures ut Romuio ostenderunt, et immolanti 
omnium victimarum iocinera repiicata intrinsecus ab ima fibra 
paruerunt, nemine peritorum aliter coiectante quam laeta per 15 
haec et magna portendj^ 

96 Quin et bellorum omnium eventus ante praesensit. Con- 
tractis ad Bononiam triumvirorum copiis, aquila tentorio eius 

ffenituram. The hour and time of 
his birth, by which Theogenes could 
form his horoscope. 

thema, technically used for a 'horo- 
scope,' the map or plan of the stars at 
any given moment. Pitiscus quotes 
Sidonius, Epist. 8, ii quos (ut verbo 
matheseos utar) dimactericos esset habi- 
turus, utpote quibus themate cblato quasi 
sanguinariae geniturae schema paruisset, 
Augustus neglected his own rule as to 
the astrologers Caar^ iK irpoypoufnjs iraat, 
riiv tQv dffripwv didra^iv if<p* tjv iyeyiv- 
vriTO <l>av€pwffai Dio 56, 25. 

nammiim...Capriconii. Hor. Od. 2, 
1 7, 1 7 seu me Scorpius aspicit Formido- 
losuSf pars violentior NcUalis horae, seu 
tyrannus Hesperiae Capricomus undae. 
For coins of Augustus with the sign of 
Capricornus, see Eckhel pt. 11 nos. 134, 
198 — 9, 293. The sun enters Capri- 
comus on the 2ist December, and there- 
fore it is impossible to reconcile this 
statement with the birth of Augustus, 
without allowing for the fuU error of 90 
days in the old Calendar, which does not 
seem to have been the case in B.c. 63, 
see p. 9. Yet Manilius [2, 497] also says 

contra Capricornus in ipsum 
convertit visus, quid enim mirabitur ille 
maius, in Augusti felix qui fulserit 

ortum ? 

96. ingrediente eo nrbem, at the 
beginning of May B.c. 44, see Cic. ad 
Att. 14, 20. 

Inliae. lulia the wife of Pompey 
the Great who died in B.c. 54. Her 
tomb was in the Campu& Martius, see 
Suet. Itd. 84. 

anfirurium capienti, see on c. 78. 
dnodeclm ▼oltnres, Livy i, 7; repli- 
cata, ^double.* Dio relates this of the 
war of Mutina, [46, 35] S>\m re koI 
6ti Oi^ovTi airr<} St€ tov Kbtffiov koX t^ 
€^ou<riav ToO <rrpaTriyoG ^XajSe, SiTriL Tct 
i^irara iv wSun t<hs lepeloLS Sud^Ka od<rLV 
eifpiOij. Pliny [M /T. 11 § 190] places 
the occurrence at Spoletium, and adds 
responsumque duplicaturum intra an- 
num imperium. The absence of one 
lobe of the liver was a bad sign, Cic. 
div. 2 cc. 15 — 17, while a lobe of un- 
usual size was a good one, Valer. Max. 
I, 6, 9 quaeprima hostta ante foculum 
decidity eius iecur sine capite inventum 
est ; proxima caput iocinoris duplex 
hcdndt. Quibus inspectis aruspex tristi 
vultu nonplacere sibi exta, quiaprima 
tam tristiay secunda nimis laeta appa- 
ruissent. pamemnt for appamemnt 
not used by Cicero. 

96. contractis ad Bononiam. In 
November of B.c. 43 when the tri- 
umvirate was formed, which took place 




supersedens duos corvos hinc et inde infestantis afflixit et ad 
terram dedit ; notante omni exercitu, futuram quandoque inter 
coUegas discordiam talem qualis secuta est, et exitum praesagi- 
ente. Philippis Thessalus quidam de futura victoria nuntiavit 

5 auctore Divo Caesare, cuius sibi species itinere avio occurrisset. 

Circa Perusiam, sacrificio non litanti cum augeri hostias 

imperasset, ac subita eruptione hostes omnem rei divinae 

/\ apparatum abstulissent, constitit inter haruspices, quae peri- 

culosa et adversa sacrificanti denuntiata essent, cuncta in 

xo ipsos recasura qui exta haberent; neque aliter evenit. Pridie 
quam Siciliensem pugnam classe committeret, deambulanti in 
litore piscis e mari exilivit et ad pedes iacuit. Apud Actium 
descendenti in aciem asellus cum asinario occurrit, homini 
Eutychus, bestiae Nicon erat nomen; utriusque simulacrum 

15 aeneum victor posuit in templo, in quod castrorum suorum 
locum vertit. 

Mors quoque eius, de qua hinc dicam, divinitasque post 97 
mortem evidentissimis ostentis praecognita est. Cum 
lustrum in campo Martio magna populi frequentia prophetic 

aoconderet, aquila eum saepius circumvolavit trans- °^^^^ 
gressaque in vicinam aedem super nomen Agrippae 
ad primam litteram sedit; quo animadverso vota, quae in 
proximum lustrum suscipi mos est, collegam suum Tiberium 
nuncupare iussit: nam se, quanquam conscriptis paratisque 

iv yri<ndl(p tivX rod worafMV rod waph. r^v 
Bovtavla» wapapp^ovros Dio 46, 54. The 
same tale of the eagle is told by Dio 47i i . 

caliiB 8ibi specleB. See Dio 47, 41. 

non litantl, dat. * not getting a favour- 
able omen.' litaret to get a favourable 
omen from a sacrifice, is used (a) of the 
sacrificer, Plaut. Poen, 2. 41 m/ semper 
sacrificem nec umquam litem, cp. Otho 
8 victima Diti pcUri caesa litavit^ cum 
tcUi sacrificio contraria extapoHora sunt, 
(2) of the victim itself, Mart. lo, 73, 6. 
In Greek the distinction is marked by 
the active and middle voices : the victims 
are said KaWicpUiv [Herod. 6, 76], the 
sacrificer icaXXiep^e<r^at ib. 82. 

BuUta eruptlone. For the danger 
of Augustus at Perusia see c. 14 adfin. 

prldle quam. Dio 40, 5, who says 
that it occurred after tne defeat near 
Messene, cp. Pliny N, If, g% 55. 

eziliyit for ext/uitt a recurrence it 
seems to an ancient form. Fest. 206 M. ; 

cp. saUere Verg. G, 2, 384. 

aselliui. The same story is told by 
Plutarch, Anton. 65. 

templo, see c. 18. 

97. tn yicinam aedem...Agzlppae. 
The Pantheon, see p. 65. 

ooUegam, that is in the censorial 
office for holding the census (though 
not as censors but with imperio consu- 
/art). M. A. c 8 tertium consulari 
cum imperio conlega Tiberio Caesare 
filio (a.d. 14). See p. 60. 

YOta. . .nnncapare . . . solataraB. Cp. 
Val. Max. i, i Exi.^ 8 solvere vota pro 
incolumitate exercitus ab ipso nuncupata, 
Cic. 3 Phil. § II neglectis sacrificiis so- 
lemnibus ante lucem vota ea quae num^ 
quam solveret nuncupavit. Livy 31, 9 
vovit in eadem verba Consul prcteeunte 
maximo pontifice^tquibus antea quinquen- 
nalia vota suscipi solita erant, nanca- 
pare (nomen capere) is *to put into 
express words,' 'to solemnly name.* 




lam tabulis, riegavit suscepturum quae non esset soluturus. 
Sub idem tempus ictu fulminis ex inscriptione statuae eius 
prima nominis littera effluxit; responsum est, centum solos 
dies posthac victurum, quem numerum C littera notaret, 
futurumque ut inter deos referretur, quod aesar, id est reliqua 5 
pars e Caesaris nomine, Etrusca lingua deus vocaretun 

Tiberium igitur in Iliyricuni dimissurus et Beneventuni 

usque prosecuturus, cum interpellatores aliis atque 

^ys!"^ aliis causis in iure dicendo detinerent, exclamavit, 

quod et ipsum mox inter omina relatum est, nony si 10 
omnia morarentury amplius se posthac Romae futurum ; atque 
itinere incohato Asturam perrexit, et inde, praeter consuetu- 
dihem de nocte, ad occasionem aurae evectus, causam vali- 
98 tudinis contraxit ex profluvio alvi. Tunc Campaniae ora 
proximisque insuiis circuitis, Caprearum quoque secessui «s 
quadriduum impendit, remississimo ad otium et ad omnem 
comitatem animo. 

Forte Puteolanum sinum praetervehenti vectores nautaeque 
de navi Alexandrina, quae tantum quod appulerat, candidati 
coronatique et tura libantes fausta omina et eximias laudes 20 
congesserant, per illum se vivere^ per illum navigare, libertate 

tabnlls, in which the vows were 
recorded. See Festus s. v, nuncupata 
. . . Vota nuncupata dicuntur quae Con- 
sules Praetores^ cum in provinciam 
proficiscuntur^ faciunt, Ea in tabulas 
praesentibus multis referuntur, 

aeaar. Dio 56, 29 koX rb Xoiir6f 
irav 6vofJLa dehv irap^ rots Tvpaijpois voei, 
Hesych. aiool' Oeoi, iticb Tvfi/iTfp(a», See 
Buck Vbcalismus der Oskischen Sprache 
p. 146, who holds that the Etruscans 
borrowed aisar from other Italian 
dialects, — Oscan aio- 'sacrum,' aisusis 
*sacrificiis'; Umbrian esono *sacrifici- 
um,' eesona *divinas'; Marrucinian rt/jw 
*dis'; Volscian esaristrom *sacrificium.' 

In niyricuin, Tac. Ann, i, 5 vixdum 
ingressus\Illyricum Tiberius properis ma^ 
tris literis accitur ; neque saiis comper- 
tum est spirantem adhuc Augustum apud 
urbem Nolam an exanimem reppererit, 
Dio 56, 31 o^ tUvTOL ifKpavijs eifdifs 6 
Odvaros adrov iy^vero * if yb^Aiovla ipo^rj- 
deiffa fi^ ToG Ti/3ep/ov iv rji AeXfiarLq, ir* 
6vTos vetarepiffdy rt, ovviKpwj/€v aMv 
fJiiXP^^ ^^ ^iceti^os d<l>ijc€To. His mission, 
according to Paterculus [2, 123], was a 

pacific one ad Jirmanda pace quae bello 
subegerat. Tiberius had subdued Dal- 
matia in a.d. 9, and celebrated a triumph 
over it in A.D. 12 [Dio 55, 29 — 32; 56, 
II — 17; Vell. 2, iio — 115]. 

Asturam. Augustus goes by sea and 
rests at Astura, a small islet between 
Antium and Circeii, on which he, as 
many others, seems to have had a villa, 
cp. Tib, 72 rediens eigo propere Cam- 
paniam Asturae in languorem incidity 
quo paulupi levcUus Circeios pertendit, 

de nocte, *before daybreak,' for the 
sake of coolness (it was late July or 
early August). Vespcts, 21 in principatu 
maturius semper ac de nocte evigilabai. 
Cic. Att, 4, 3 in comitium Milo de 
nocte venii^ Metellus cum prima luce in 
campum currebat, 

98. Caprearum, see c. 92. Cam- 
panlae ora, a favourite yachting voyage, 
see Nero c. 27. 

tantiun quod, *only just,' see c. 63. 

per Ulum nayigare, Hor. Od, 4, 5, 
19 pacatum volitant per mare navitae, 
Prop. 3, 9, 71 At tu sive petes portus 
seu narnta linques Caesaris in toto sis 




dtque fortunis per illutn frui, Qua re admodum exhilaratus, 
quadragenos aureos comitibus divisit iusque iurandum et 
cautionem exegit a singulis, non alio datam summam quam 
in emptionem Alexandrinarum riiercium absumpturos. Sed 

5 et ceteros continuos dies inter varia munuscula togas insuper 
ac pallia distribuit, lege proposita ut Romani Graeco, Graeci 
Romano habitu et sermone uterentur. Spectavit assidue 
exercentes ephebos, quorum aliqua adhuc copia ex vetere 
instituto Capreis erat; isdem etiam epulum in conspectu 

10 suo praebuit, permissa, immo exacta iocandi licentia diripi- 
endique pomorum et obsoniorum rerumque missilia. Nullo 
denique genere hilaritatis abstinuit. 

Vicinam Capreis insulam Apragopolim appellabat, a de- 

memor lonio, M. A. c. 25 mare pacavi 
a praedqnibus. 

anreOB. The denarius aureus, said 
to have been introduced by lulius in 
B.c. 48, was equal to 25 silver denarii 
or 100 sesterces (about ^ of £1), 

Alexandrinanmi merclum. The 
commerce of Egypt had greatly revived 
under the Imperial government. There 
was a large trade with Italy in com 
and salt hsh, but also in articles of 
luxury. Aurel. Vict. £pit. i § 2 Auiits 
tempore ex Aegypto urbi annua ducenties 
centena millia frumenti inferebantur, 
Puteoli was the regular port for the 
ships from Alexandria. Seneca \,Epp, 
77 §§ I — 2] speaks of the tabellaria^^ 
^despatch boats/ that regularly precede 
the arrival of the Alexandrine fleet. 
Augustus laid up in the docks at 
Puteoli the ship that had brought the 
Egyptian obelisks [Pliny N, H, ^6 § 
70] ; nine days' sail from Alexandna to 
Puteoli was an extraordinarily good 
.voyage, fi/. 19 § 3. 

togaB...pallla, the distinctive Roman 
and Greek dresses, see c. 40. 

sermone. For the wide kno wledge and 
use of the Greek language by educated 
Romans, see passages quoted by Mayor 
on luv. 15, iio; cp. supr. c. 89. 

ephebOB . . . yetere Instltato. Capreae 
had, till its interchange with Augustus, 
been a part of the domain of Neapolis 
[c. 92], where Greek customs survived 
longerthan anywhere in MagnaGraecia. 
Strabo 51 4, 7 xkeiaro, ^' fx'"7 ''"^» 
'BXXi/i^iic^f d7W7^s ivravda crtiferat, 
yvfUfdaid re koI itprt^eia koI </>paT(dai 

Kal dvbfiaTOr ^EXXi^vt/ca.... The Greek 
ephebi were youths between the end of 
boyhood (18) and the age of full citizen- 
ship, a period expressed in Athens 
by ixX di€Th ifpfifia» PoUux 8, 105, 
part of which was regularly devoted 
to physical training in gymnastics. 
^Adrfv, iroX. 42 xc^poT-om di waidoTpl^as 
a^ois ddo Kal didaffKoKovs otriff; 6tXo- 
fiaxciv Kol To^e^cw koX dKOPTi^eiv koX 
KaTawiXTTiv d</>t.ivaL diddffKovffiv, 

miBsilia. Nero 1 1 sparsa et missilia 
omnium rerum per omnes dies, Macrob. 
Sat, 2, 4 § 22 Curtius eques Romanus 
deliciis diffluens^ cum macrum turdum 
sumpsisset in convvvio CaesariSf interro^ 
gavit an *mittere liceret,* Responderat 
princeps *quidni /iceatf* i//e per fenes' 
tram misit, The scenes in which this 
strange custom of throwing things at 
table sometimes ended are described by 
luv. 5, 25 sq. Cp. Horace Odes i, 27, 

viciiiam Capreis InBulam, 'the neigh* 
bouring islandCapreae,' lit. 'at Capreae.' 
Casaubon seems right in regarding Ca- 
preis as a locative; there is no island 
* near Capreae.' Cp. Cassius in oppido 
Antiochiae Cic. ad Att, 5, 18. A/lfae 
constiterunt in urbe opporfuna 4 Phi/, § 6. 
It may be compared to the manner of 
naming towns and islands in later Greek 
by adding i% Hiv (*in*) before the name, 
thus is Tdv KQ became Stanko, is rdv 
ir6\iv Stamboul. The expression here 
used shows the writer to be regarding 
Augustus at Naples, from which the 
members of his family slip off for a 
holiday at Capreae. An old commen- 
tator on luv. 10, 93 read Capreas; but 




sidia secedentium illuc e comitatu suo. Sed ex dilectis 
unum, Masgaban nomine, quasi conditorem insulae tcTlarrfv 
vocare consuerat. Huius Masgabae ante annum defuncti 
tumulum cum e triclinio animadvertisset magna turba multis- 
que luminibus frequentari, versum compositum ex tempore 5 
clare pronuntiavit: 

KrioTOv Be rvfifiop elaopSii irvpovfiepov 

conversusque ad Thrasylum Tiberi comitem, contra accu- 
bantem et ignarum rei, interrogavit cuiusnam poetae putaret 
esse; quo haesitante, subiecit alium: » 

'Opa^ <f>d€aai Maaydl3ap Tifia)fJb€POP ] 

ac de hoc quoque consuluit. Cum ille nihil aliud responderet 
quam, cuiuscumque essent optimos esse, cachinnum sustulit 
atque in iocos effusus est Mox Neapolim traiecit, quanquam 

etiam tum infirmis intestinis morbo variante; tamen 15 
s^eS! et quinquennale certamen gymnicum honori suo 

institutum perspectavit et cum Tiberio ad destina- 
tum locum contendit. Sed in redeundo adgravata valitudine, 
tandem Nolae succubuit revocatumque ex itinere Tiberium 
diu secreto sermone detinuit, neque post ulli maiori negotio ao 
animum accommodavit. < 
99 Supremo die identidem exquirens, an iam de se tumultus 

foris esset, petito speculo, capillum sibi comi ac 
words. malas labantes corrigi praecepit, et admissos amicos 

an xith century catalogue of Papal 
estates has insulam CapriB cum Mo- 
nasterio S* Stephani, Gregorovius H, 
of Rome in the Middle Ages li. p. 247 
(Engl. Tr.). 

MasgalMm, probably a freedman of 
African race employed by Augustus to 
superintend the improvements on the 
island. He calls him *founder' in jest: 
there was no *colony' in the technical 
sense on Capri. 

firequentari, apparently on the anni- 
versary of his death. For the custom 
of these torches in commemorating the 
dead see Ov. F, 2, 561. 

TlirasyluB was one of Tiberius' 
favourite mathematici, see Suet. Tib, 
cc. 14, 62; Cal, 19. 

ooxisaliiit...re8ponderet: the words 
show that Augustus was making a play- 
fiil trial of the prophetic powers of 


qiiinqueimale...g3mmieiiin. Strabo 
5, 4, 7 vwl di TrevTenjpiKbs Upbs dyijijtf 
avvTeXeiTat, xap* a^rois, fJLOvaucit re /coi 
yvfivLKbs M tXcIovs ijfUpas ipdpuWos 
ToTs iirLipa»€aTdToi.s tQp /corA t^iv 'EX- 
\dda. honori Buo, see on c. 59, Vell. 
Pat. 2, 123 interfuturus certamini lu- 
dicrOf quod eius honori scuratum a 
Neapolitanis est. 

ad destinatum locum, *to the place 
to which he had resolved to accompany 
him/ i.e. to Beneventum, on his way to 
Brundisium to embark for IUyricum. 
Vell. Pat. 2, 123 tamen obnitente pro- 
secutus filium digressusque ab eo Behe- 
venti ipse Nolam petiity et ingravescente 
in dies valetudine, cum sciret, quis vo- 
lenti omnia post se salva remanere 
accersendus foret^ festinanter revocavit 
filium, See also Tib. 21. Velleius /. c. 




percontatus, ecquid iis videretur mimufn vitae commode trans- 
egissey adiecit et clausulam : 

€t hk, Tl 

l)(pi KoX&^ To iralyviov, KpoTov B6t€ 
5 Kal iravTe^ ^fJM^ fJLeriL ;^apa9 irpoirefi^^aTe. 

Omnibus deinde dimissis, dum advenientes ab urbe de Drusi 
filia aegra interrogat, repente in osculis Liviae et in hac 
voce defecit: Livia, nostri coniugi memor vive, ac valel 
sortitus exitum facilem et qualem semper optaverat. Nam 

«o fere quotiens audisset cito ac nullo cruciatu defunctum 
quempiam, sibi et suis eifOavaaLav similem (hoc enim et 
verbo uti solebat) precabatur. Unum omnino ante efflatam 
animam signum alienatae mentis ostendit, quod subito pave- 
factus a quadraginta se iuvenibus abripi questus est. Id 

15 quoque magis praesagium quam mentis deminutio fuit, siqui- 
dem totidem milites praetoriani extulerunt eum in publicum. 

also affinns that Tiberius arrived in time 
to be with him at his death. Tacitus 
[Ann, I, 5] says that there was a doubt 
on the subject, neque scUis comperium 
spirantem adhuc Augusium apud urbem 
Nolam an exanimem reppererit. And 
Dio [56, 30] sajrs that Livia was sus- 
pected of hastening his end by means 
of a poisoned fig ; a slander repeated 
by Aur. Vict. ep. 1, 27. 

9%, Tnimnin, The mime or force had 
been long known at Rome, but had not 
perhaps taken its place as literature till 
towards the end of the Republic See 
Suet. lul. 39. The comparison of life 
to a drama is a common one, see Cic. 
de Sen. §§ 4, 50, 64, 70, 86. Sen. Ep. 
80 nec enim ullo efficacius exprimitur 
hic humanae vitae mimusi qui nobis 
partes has quas male agamus ctssignat. 
It may have some pathetic appropriate- 
ness to the career of Augustus, but it 
can hardly have been meant cynically 
by him, as Dio supposes, [56, 30] Kp&rw 
di 5i/j TUfa irap abTujv 6fioliin rcXs ytXw' 
roTOtotf un Kal iirl fdfiov rtpbs TeXevTJj 
airi^aat Kal ird/iiravv vdvTa tov twv 
dvOfHbruv piov 5i4aK(ayl/€v. 

dautiilam, the usual appeal at the 
end of the play for applause. Cic. de 
Sen, § 70 neque enim histrioni ut plcueai 
peragenda fabula sapienti us- 
que ad *■ *plaudite " veniendum est. Hor. 
A. P. 155 donec cantor ^vos plaudite* 

dicat. The word danBHla (claudo) was 
the technical expression for it. Cic. 
Cael. § 75 in quo mimo cum clausula 
non invenitur, 

d 8^ Ti. The restoration of these 
Greek lines is due to Roth. 

Dnud filia, Livilla, daughter of 
Drusus and Antonia, and sister of Ger- 
manicus and Claudius, see Suet. Cl. i fin. 
She afterwards married Drusus, son of 
Tiberius. For her tragic £ate see Dio 
58, 1 1 ; Tac. Ann. 2, 43, 84 ; 4, 40 ; 6, 3. 

defedt, Mied,' Quint. 5, 10, 79 de/icit 
omne quod nascitur. 

memor yiye ac vale. Cf. luv. 3, 
318 vcUe nostri memor. Hor. Od. 3, 
37, 14 ^/ memor nostri, GoUcUea^ znvas. 

«iiOavao-Cav. Cic. ad Att. 16, 7 § 3 
i//ud admirari satis non potui, quod 
scripsisti his verbis : * veni igitur tu^ qui 
€^0avaalav. veni. relinques patriam ' ? 
The word is rare and late (see L. and 
Sc). Polybius (5, 38) uses evOavaTttv of 
a noble death. A sudden and painless 
death was desired by lulius, Plut. Caes. 
63 ifiireff6vTos \6yov Totos &pa tQv Oojfd- 
T<av ApKTToSt dxavTas 4>0d(ras ifiSi^ev 6 

praetorianl, see pp. 53, 106. qoo 
pater Ootayiiui. Tac. Ann. i, 9 mul- 
tus hinc ipse de Augusto sermo...quo 
Nolae in domo et cubiculo^ in quo pater 
eius Octavius, tfitamjinivisset. 




100 Obiit in cubiculo eodem, quo pater Octavius, duobus 

at Noia Sextis, Pompeio et Appuleio, cons. XI III. Kal. Sep- 
19 August temb. hora diei nona, septuagesimo et sexto aetatis 

anno, diebus V. et XXX. minus. 
Corpu§ decuriones municipiorum et coloniarum a Nola 5 

Bovillas usque deportarunt, noctibus propter anni 
honouK'*^ tempus, cum interdiu in basilica cuiusque oppidi 

vel in aedium sacrarum maxima reponeretur. A 
Bovillis equester ordo suscepit, urbique intulit atque in vesti- 
bulo domus conlocavit. Senatus et in funere ornando et in xo 
memoria honoranda eo studio certatim progressus est, ut inter 
alia complura censuerint quidam, funus triumphali porta du- 
cendum, praecedente Victoria quae est in curia, canentibus 
neniam principum liberis utriusque sexus ; alii, exequiarum 
die ponendos anulos aureos ferreosque sumendos ; nonnulli, 15 
ossa legenda per sacerdotes summorum collegiorum. Fuit et 

100. duobiis Sext....o(m8. A.p. 14, 
Dio 56, 29; Tac. Ann. i, 7. XTTTT. Kal. 
Sept. 19 August. The calculation as 
to the length of Augustus' life is based 
on the supposition that his birthday (23 
September) was according to the recti- 
fied lulian Calendar, A. W. Zumpt Cont' 
mentatio Chronologica de Imp. Aug, die 
natalii p. 547. decurloiieB, see c. 2, p. 3. 

a BovilliB equester ordo. The equites 
demanded this as a privilege from the 
consuls, commissioning the future £m- 
peror Claudius to make the request 
[Suet. C/. 6]. Bovillae was 12 miles 
down the via Appia. Dio 56, 31 t6 5' 
o^ ff(2fM t6 toO KifyodffTov iK /xiv ttjs 

Nl6X^S Ol TfMTOI. Ka6' iKdffTTJtf Tr6\tV iK 

duidoxv^. i^daTOffav ' wpbs Si d^ rj 'Pc6/it|7 
yev^ficvov ol Imrets irapa\ap6vT€S vvkt6s 
is t6 &<rrv iffCKOfJUffov. 

triumpliall porta. The funeral pro- 
cession was to leave by the gate through 
which triumphal processions entered. 
Its exact position is uncertain. Prof. 
Lanciani [Ramsay's Aniiq. p. 10] says 
that it spanned the modem via della 
bocca della Verita^ which, running 
between the Palatine and the river, 
enters the Campus near the ThecUrum 
Marcelli, This would suit Josephus' 
description of the triumph of Vespasian 
who entered from the Campus, first 
riding 6w. t<Sv OedTptatf [B. lud, 7, 5, 4]. 
See also Suet. Ner, 25 (Nero entered 
through the Velabrum and Forum on 
his way to the Palatine). Tac. Ann, 

1 , 8. The porta triumphalis is mentioned 
by Cicero in Pis, § 55. 

Victoria quae eat In curia. The 
figure which Augustus had himself 
placed in the curia lulia. Dio 51, 22 
t6 §ov\€vrfipiOv t6 *lov\l€iov...Ka0iip(a- 
aev' iviiTTTiffe di is aM t6 &ya\fjia t6 
Trjs viK^s t6 Kal vvv 6v. 

poiiend08...aureoB. This would a- 
mount to a pretty general mouming. 
The gold ring was not a special mark 
of the Senators. Originally it was given 
at the public expense to those Senators 
who were going on a foreign mission 
[Isid. orig. 19, 32 annuli de publico 
dabantur]. It was then adopted by all 
the nobilitas, but was not obligatory» 
for Marius retained the /erreus till his 
2nd consulship [Pliny N. I/. 33 §§ 1 1 
— 12]. Before the 2nd Punic war it 
had become the special mark of the 
ordo equester, and later on under the 
Empire was allowed to all ingenui. 
Willems, le Shuzt, i, p. 147. For the 
laying aside of annuli aurei in public 
mouming see Livy 9, 7 lctti clavi^ an- 
nuli aurei positi, Cp. U^. c. 47. 

OBsa legenda. That is, from the 
funeral pyre, the office generally of near 
relatives, and in most cases of women, 
Tib. 3, 2, 16 

incinctae nigra candida veste legant. 

Bummorum coUegiorum. Sc. ponti- 
Jices, augureSf septemviri^ Epulones^ quin- 




qui suaderet, appellationem mensis Augusti in "S^ptembfem 
transfefendani, quod hoc genitus Augustus, illo defunctus 
esset ; alius, ut omne tenipus a primb die natUi ad exitum 
eius saeculum' Augustum appellaretur et ita in fastos refer- 
5 retur. Verum adhibito honpribus modo, bifariam laudatus 
est: pro aede Divi luli a Tiberio et pro rostris Lauda- 
veteribus a Druso Tiberi filio, ac senatprum umeris ^^^^- 
delatus in Campum crematusque. Nec defuit vir praetorius, 

dectmviri, Dio 53, i koX aCn; ijukv ■ 
(iravijyvpii) 61A Tr4vT€ ixl iruv fJi^xP'' """^^ 
iylyvero rdis T4<r<rapat lepbxrdvaii ix ire/x- 
Tpoirrjs fiiXovffa ' Xiyta Si toiJs tc tovtI- 
<f>iKas Kal Toits oliavufTds^ to^ tc iirriL 
Kal t6^ TtevTiKoldtKa AvSpas KaXov- 
pjiyovs. M. A. 9 quattupr^ amplissima 

mensis Augastl. See c. 31. 

a(Uii1}ito...modo, i.e. by Tiberius, 
whorefiised extravagantfuneralhonours, 
see Tac. Ann. 8. Thus Tiberius* pane- 
gyrist Velleius [2, 124] sny^post redditum 
caelo patrem^ et corpus eius humanis 
honoribuSy nomen divinis honoratum. 

blfartam laudatus. The laudatio 
preceded the buming. The cortege 
was stopped opposite the place at which 
the oration was to be delivered, the 
wax figures of the ancestors carried in 
it were arrayed on curule seats round, 
and then some relation of the deceased 
mounted the rostra to deliver the speech. 
Polyb. 6, 53, 9. In case of public 
funerals the duty of delivering the 
speech was frequently entrusted by the 
Senate to some magistrate [Quint. 3, 7 
§ 2]. It was in fact a contio^ an address 
to the citizens at large, Cic. de kg. 2 § 
61 reliqua sunt in more: fimus ut indi- 
ccUur^...honoratorum virorum laudes in 
contione memorentur. Originally it was 
an honour reserved for magistrates for 
some special services, and even when 
the patriciate at large assumed the right 
for each of its members, it seems to 
have required some authorisation of the 
Senate or the Emperor. Marq. 14, p. 
420, see Tac. Ann. 3, 76. 

pro roBtrlB yeterlbuB. The Rostra 
standing between the Forum and the 
Comitium had been removed by lulius 
when he was restoring the Curia (b.c. 
44). • Dio 43, 49 Th ftrjfia Tb iv fji^atp 
Tov Trpbrepov r^j iLyopas tv « Tbv vvv 
TbfTOv &v€Xfapi(rBri. Dr Middleton [Re^ 
mains of Ancient Rome^ vol. i. p. 252] 
holds that the Rostra thus rebuilt were 

still called vetera as opposed to the 
Rostra luHa, a podium of the Heroon 
lulium^ built by Augustus, tb w"hich 
were affixed the beaksiof the ships taken 
at Actium [Dio 51, 19 Tt\v tc Kprfjriha 
Tov *Iov\i€lov iip<pov Tois tQv alx/ia\<if- 
Tld<av vi<av K0<rfirf6rjva4 . . . iyv<a<rajf'}. The 
rostra as made by Caesar were not quite 
a reproduction of the older rostra, for 
some of the statues were removed. See 
Cic. 9 Phi/. § 4. (An old emendation 
was a Tiberio pro rostris ; sub veteribus 
a Druso. The expression sub veteribus^ 
sc. tabemisy was the designation of a 
street along one side of the Forum.) 

in Campum, as being outside the 
pomoerium, Cic. de leg. 2 § 58 hominem 
mortuum in urbe ne sepelito neve urito. 
The buming of the bodies of Clodius 
and luUus Caesar in the forum was 
illegal and done in a popular riot. The 
exceptions were the Vestal virgins and 
certain families {virtutis causa) such as 
the Valerii and Fabricii, who however 
soon ceased to avail themselves of the 
privilege. Even on the Campus it 
was only allowed on special occasions. 
Again, to have a monument on the 
Campus or elsewhere in the city was an 
honour rarely granted and required a 
SCtum or a lex. See C. I. L. i, p. 186. 


Cic. 9 /%i7. § 4 maiores nostri statuas 
multis decreverunt\ sepulcra paucis. 
ib, § 1 7 utique locum sipulcro in campo 
Esquilino C. Pansa cos. seu quo in loco 
videbitur pedes xxx quoquo versus ad- 
signett quo Ser. StUpicius infercUur^ 
quod sepulcrum ipsius liberorum poster- 
orumque eius essety uti Quod optimo iure 
publice sepulcrum datum esset, The 
reason was that 'public' land could not 
be alienated without a law. The Ves- 
tals and the Emperors however were 



[lOO — 

qui se effigiem cremati euntem in caelum vidisse iuraret. 
Reliquias legerunt primores equestris ordinis, tunicati et 
The Mau- discincti pedibusque nudis, ac Mausoleo condide- 
soleum. runt Id opus inter Flaminiam viam ripamque 
Tiberis sexto suo consulatu extruxerat circumiectasque 5 
silvas et ambulationes in usum populi iam tum publicarat. 
101 Testamentum, L. Planco C. Silio cons. III. Non. Apriles, 

ante annum et quattuor menses quam decederet, 

Th^ will 

sign^ factum ab eo ac duobus codicibus, partim ipsius 
1 April partim libertorum Polybi et Hilarionis manu, scrip- »0 

tum depositumque apud se virgines Vestales cum 
tribus signatis aeque voluminibus protulerunt. Quae omnia 
in senatu aperta atque recitata sunt. Heredes instituit primos : 
Tiberium ex parte dimidia et sextante, Liviam ex parte tertia, 

above the law, Servius ad Verg. Aen. 
II, ao6 Imperatores et znrgines Vestaej 
gui legibus non tenentur^ in dvitate ha- 
bent sepulcra, Marq. 14, p. 422. 

vir praetorliiB, Numerius Atticus; 
see Dio 56, 46, who says that Livia 
presented him with 25000 denarii for 
his report. Cp. Seneca, de Mori, Claud, 
§ 2 Appiae viae curator est qua scis et 
divum Augustum et Tiberium Ccusarem 
ad deos isse, Cp. Dio 56, 42 i^^hi 54 
rcf i^ oMjs {irvpas) i^peOels dvlirraTo d>s 
Kol 8ii tV ^vx^ cU)roO cs rhv odpaybv 

reUqnias legenmt. Dio Lc.iihk 5^ 
Aiovia «cara x^^P^ whn-e iffUpait fierii, 
TQy irpiiniav Inriw ftelpaffa rd re doTa 
aAroO aweki^aTO xal is t6 fJunffieTov KaTi- 
Oero, Vergil Aen. 6, 227 reliquias vino 
et bibulam lavere favUiam Ossaque lecta 
cado texit Corynaeus aeno. Cp. c. 97. 

tii]ilcatl...iiudl8, 'without tneir saga, 
ungirt, and with bare feet.' These 
seem special marks of mourning on the 
part of soldiers, see c. 24. They are 
not mentioned elsewhere as ordinarily 
used at fimerals. 

MaiuOleo. The Mausoleum Augusti 
was a great mound of earth [tumulus 
Verg. Aen, 6, 874 : Tac. Ann, 3, 9] on 
a l]^ise of white marble 220 feet in 
diameter, surmounted with a colossal 
bronze statue of Augastus. Strabo 5, 
3, 8. It now fonns the Teatro Correa^, 
used as a kind of circus. Suetonius 
Cal, 15; Nero 46; Vesp, 23. It was 
filled by the time of Hadrian*s death, 
Dio 69, 23 (a.d. 138). For Mausolus, 
the Carian Prince, whose monument 

erected by his wife Artemisia supplied 
this word, see Dem. de lib, Rhod, 191. 
Diodor. 15, 36. He died in B.c. 353. 
Plin. N, H, 36 § 47. 

sexto Boo conirolata. b.c. 28. 

paUioarat, see on c. 29, p. 63. 

101. L. nanco, C. SUio cons., i.e. 
B.c. 13. 

▼IrglneB VestaleB, who frequently 
were intrusted with wills. See lul. 
83; Tac. Ann, i, 8; Plut. Anton. 58. 
So also with other important documents, 
see Dio 48, 12 (the agreement between 
Antony and Augustus in B.C. 41) : App. 
B, Civ, 5, 48 (the treaty of Misenum in 
B.c. 39). Marq. 13, p. 27. 

ln senata, Tac. Ann, i , 8 nihil primo 
senatus die agipassus est nisi de supremis 
Augustit cuius testamentum inlcUum per 
Virgines Vestae Tiberium et Liviam 
heredes habuit, The Senate had been 
summoned by Tiberius iure tribuniciae 
potestatis, Tib, c. 23. 

redtata, per libertum^ see Tib. l.c, 
Dio [56, 32] says that the fireedman 
Polybius read it, that being an office 
looiced on as unbecoming a Senator. 

atQne. The two rolls were signed 
and sealed in the same formal manner 
as the will. 

Ti1)enimL In the life of Tiberius l.c, 
he quotes the opening sentence Quoniam 
atrox fortuna Gaium et Lucium filios 
mihi eripuit, Tiberius Caesar mihi ex 
parte dimidia et sextante heres esto, 

priino8...Bec!Uid08. The primi are 
the real heirs. The secundi only suc- 
ceed in tase the primi (a) refuse tne in- 
heritance, or {p) die before coming of 




quos et ferre nomen suum iussit, secundos: Drusum Tiberi 
filium ex triente, ex partibus reliquis Germanicum liberosque 
eius tres sexus virilis, tertio gradu : propinquos amicosque 

• compluris. Legavit populo Romano quadringenties, tribubus 
-^ 5 tricies quinquies sestertium, praetorianis militibus Public 
singula milia nummorum, cohortibus urbanis quin- legacies. 
genos, legionaris trecenos nummos: quam summam reprae- 
sentari iussit, nam et confiscatam semper repositamque 
habuerat. Reliqua legata varie dedit produxitque quaedam 

lo ad vicies sestertium, quibus solvendis annuum diem finiit, ex- 
cusata rei familiaris mediocritate, nec plus perventurum ad 
heredes suos quam milies et quingenties professus, quamvis 
viginti proximis annis quaterdecies milies ex testamentis 
amicorum percepisset, quod paene omne cum duobus paternis 

15 patrimoniis ceterisque hereditatibus in rem pubh'cam absum- 
sisset. luiias filiam neptemque, si quid iis accidisset, vetuit 

age. The being entered as secundi or 
tertii was therefore often merely com- 
plimentary, with the off chance of being 
valuable. In this case the secundi are 
the natural successors of the primi, 
Hor. S. 2, 5, 47 leniter in spem Adrepe 
officiosus ut et scribare secundus Haeres, 
Cic. fam, 13, 61 qui me cum tutorem 
tum etiam secundum haeredem constitu- 
erit, The haeredes took the residue (in 
the assigned proportions) when the 
legacies had been paid. Tiberius ) 
(i + \)i Livia \, A woman could take 
a legacy up to a half, but was still pre- 
vented by the Voconian plebiscitimi 
(b.c. 169) fron(i being an heres [Gaius 
a, 274; Plin. panegyr. 42], but Gellius 
[20, 1 § 23] says that the law was obsolete 
and neglected. It had alwavs been 
evaded by means of trusts or legacies. 
Augustus is said to have asked for a 
special exemption for Livia» Dio 56, 32 
irapd rip ^ovKt^ ]fnJ<roTo rwrourov a^rg 
Kal irapd rbv »6fiov KaraXiiretv SvvriOiivai, 
quos et ferre nomen. Tiberius al- 
ready bore the name of Caesar from 
adoption [a.d. 4], and is described in 
monuments as Tiderius Caesar Aug,f. 
[Wilmanns 886, 887, 880 b], whereas 
before his adoption he is 7V. Claudius 
Ti, f Nero [Wilmanns 882]. He did 
not adopt the name * Augustus' until so 
called by the Senate [Dio 57, 2 — 3]. 
The inscription over him in the Mauso- 
leum gives him his full titles: OSSA* 


cos • V • The will made no difference 
to him in this respect, and Tacitus only 
refers to Livia, [Ann, i, 8] Liviam in 
familiam luliam nomenque Augustum 
cuisumebat. Henceforth she is lulia 
Augusta^ whereas before she was Uvia 
Drusi f, uxor Caesaris (compare Wil- 
manns 880 b and 906). 

Drasum. Drusus the son of Tiberius 
died in a.d. 23. The three sons of 
Germanicus were Nero, Drusus and 
Gaius (Caligula). 

tribubUB. For the two tribes with 
which Augustus had been connected, cp. 
c. 40, p. 89. See also Kubitschek de 
trib, Roman, origine^ p. 118. Tacitus 
[Ann, 1,8] seems to mean these trihules 
by the tenn. pieds : populo et plebi qucul- 
ringentiens triciens quihquiens, 

praetorianiB. See pp. 52, 106. co- 
hortibuB nrbanie, p. 105. 

conflBcatam, 'kept under the head 
of his private property.* See c. 15, 

P- 31- 
cnm dnobuB patemiB hereditatibuB, 

one from his father Octavius, which 

had been badly or dishonestly managed 

by his guardian [see p. 58] ; and that of 

his adoptive father lulius, who left him 

heres ex dodrante (fths). Suet. lul, 

83, supr. c. 7. 

Inlias. See on c. 64. ai qnid iis 




<sc. ( g [04- 

Dio [56; 


sepulcro suo infern. Tribus voluminibus, uno mandata de 
funere suo complexus est, altero indicem rerum a se ges- 
Resgatai tarum, quem vellet incidi in aeneis tabults, quae ante 
AtigitiH. Mausoleum statuerentur, tertio breviarium fotius im- 
perii, quantum militum sub signis ubique esset, quantum s 
pecuniae in aerario et fiscis et vectigaliorum residuis. Ad- 
iecit et libertorum servorumque nomina, a quibus ratio exigi 

epts fubluai ^ontintiatiiur, guantum 
civium secumtmqtit in armii, quvt 
elaists, rigna, fr^minciae, Iribula aut 
vtctigttlia tt ntttisilales ac largitiones, 
quat cuntta sua marruprtitrifistra/ Au^ 
guiliii, addidtralgue amsilium (eercendi 
intra termines tmperH, incertum metu 
an fitr invidiam. SenecaEfi. figobjects 
lo (he woid irn/iarium, sByiag (hal Ihe 
tnie Latin word is summarium. For 
Srtviarium loT an a.bslfiict of accouats 
see Cali. ii. 

TectltnUlonim TMidnli, 'aTreais of 
taxea,' 'bal&nces still in the hands of 
the receivent,' as is shown by Ihe defi- 
nition in the Dig. 48, 13, i (L. and Sh.) 
itgt lulia lit rtsiduii lenelur quipubli- 
cam pecuniam delegatam in usum ali- 
guem rtlinuit ntque in eum consumpsit. 
For (he fonn vsotl«»lloniiii cf. c. 53 
sponsaliorum. See Macrob. Sat. 1, 4 
§ 11 Asinius Pollio vecligcUierum frt- 
qutnler usurptl, quad vteligcd nan 
minus dicalur quam veetigalia^y which 
Macrobius seems to mean Ihal ■uectigal 
(a shortened form for vecligale) follows 
the mle of such adjectives used sub- 
sta.ntivally, roany 01 wbich have the 
gen. plur. in -onim, e.g. baceanalia, 
compitalia etc. Roby L. G. i 415. 

and principles of state which Auguslus 
thought it important to tie observed, ti 
rirapTov ^j-roXdi jra^ ^rurJti^^cLI t^ 
tlfiipiif (al T^ (Wv, dXXol TE lal Sruit 
/Ai^ dveXcuA/HiVL raXXoLJT, tra fiif raf- 
ToBaroC ij(kov tJj» r6\a »\ijp;iffi«ri' 
>iifr' av rvx'oin iyyiiA^i-Ktir Ira ro\i t6 
Biiipopar airtHt rpis roAt i/rTjnAovj ^. 

ftt4rai tal tfi.mir iriTplrfir •ol ^i 
fiTtdiwa AmpTar a^d rap^nai a^iatr, 
Jrui /iiJTt Tvpaii»iiSoi tij iriflu/iija-jj /njx' 
aS rToIffBJToi irrltav to iijftiffnii' aipaXi' 

ipiafiiirai tai /iijia/iwi ^ri tXeFoi' tHji' 
ApX^' irav(ijaai iSiXtiaai'' Sva^6\aKTiii 
Tf 7dp aArijr Iffladai Kal KwSv^f6iT(iv eit 
TotTou (al ri oiTa drMvat 1^1). 

Indu remn, Ihat which, with its 
official Greek transtation, has been pre- 
served foi us in ihe temple al Ancyra, 
and to a small extent at Apollonia. 
See Appendix A. 

tnriailniii. Tacitvis [Ann. i, 11] 
seems nol to dislinguish dearly between 
the two rotls any more than iiuelonius : 



Of the Ihree volumina left by Augustus the second was an index 
rerum a se gestarum (c. loi ; Dio 56, 33) which he wished to be 
engraved on bronze tablets to be affixed to the front of the Mausoleum. 
This was no doubt done, but these tablets have long disappeared. 
Fortunately a copy was also it seems commonly engraved on temples 
of * Augustus and Rome ' in the provinces with a Greek version as 
the Koiyfj SiaXcfcros. Of these copies one remains fairly complete 
on the walls of a temple at Ancyra in Galatia \Angora\ and some 
fragments at Apollonia in Pisidia. The first partial copy of the I^tin 
version was made by a Dutchman, Augerius Busbequius, when on a 
mission to Soliman in 1555, and was printed by Andrew Schott in 
an edition of Aurelius Victor (1577). This however was a mere 
fragment of the whole ; and since that time various attempts have 
been made to obtain a complete copy, as by Daniel Cosson, Dutch 
Vice-consul at Smyma (in the lyth century), and the Frenchman 
Paul Lucas by the order of Louis XIV. At length in 1861 Napoleon 
III. obtained a complete transcript by the exertions of G. Perrot 
and £. Guillaume. Finally, in 1882, C. Humann obtained a plaster 
cast of the whole, both Greek and Latin, in a series of plates which 
were safely deposited in the Museum at Berlin. This is the founda- 
tion of the text as restored and revised by Mommsen in 1883. 
S. 12 

«X. 43 


R^nim gestirum dfvf Augusti, quibus orbem terra[n//^] fmperio 
populi Rom. subi^cit, et inpensarum, quas in rem publicam 
populumque Ro[x^]num fecft, incfsarum in duabus aheneis pflfs, 
quae su[if]t Romae positae, exemplar sub[f]ectum. 

B.c. 44 Ann6s unddviginti natus exercitum privdto consilio et privata impensa 1 
{First compardvi, per quem rem publicam [^(9]minatione factionis 

IrAi» oppressam in libertdtem vindicd[w. Ob quae sen\zXxy& decretis 

honor[^]cfs in ordinem suum m[tf euilegit C Pansa A, Hirti\o 
consulibu[y, ^]on[w/a]rem locum %\imul dans sententiae ferendae, 
et /Vw]perium mihi dedit. R^s publica n[e quid detrimenti 

caperet^ me\ pro praetore simul cum consulibus ^xo\yidere iussit, 
Populus\ autem e6dem anno m€ consulera, cum \cos, uterque bello 
^ifn]disset, et trium virum ref publicae constituend[a^ creavit\ 

Quf parentem meum [inteffecer^yxnlt^ e6\s in exilium expulf iudicifs 2 
(lex Pedia) legitimfs ultus e6rum [/a]cin[«j, ^]t posted bellum inferentfs ref 
publicae vfci b[« «]cie. 
[-ff]ella terra et mari c\ivilia tf*t:/^r]naque tdto in orbe terrarum 3 
(Wars) s\uscept\ victorque omnibus \superstitib\yxs cfvibus pepercf. 

Exte[fw<w] gent^s, quibus tdto \ignosci pot\M\\t, rt7]nservdre quam 
excfdere m\alui\, MfUia civium ^6m2\norum adacta\ sacrdmento 
meo fiierunt circiter \quingen\t2i. Ex quibus dedd[jci in 

(Veterans) coloni\2J& aut remfsi in municipia sua stipen[^/> emeri\th millia 
aliquant[2^;» plura qu\z.m trecenta et ifs omnibus agr6s a \me 
emptos\ aut pecuniam pr6 ip\raediis a\ me dedf. Naves cdpi 

sescex\\tas praeter\ eis, si quae min6re[j quam trir\emes fuerunt. 

\Bis\ ovdns triumpha[7//, tris egi r]urulfs triumph6s et appelld[/f/j sum 4 
(Honours) viciens jf]mel imperdtor. \Cum deinde //t^]ris triumphos mihi 
%e\natus decrevisset^ eis j«]persedi . l\tem saepe laur^s deposuf, 
in Capi[/^//(? votis^ quae\ qu6que bello nxmic^paveram W«]tfs. 
Ob res d \me aut per legatos\ me6s auspicfs meis terra 
m\ariqu\e pr[<?]spere gestas c^\inquagiens et ^«/«]quiens decrevit 
senatus supp[/rVa]ndum esse dfs immc^talibus, Dies autem, pe\r 
qu6s ex sendtiis consulto [j]upplicatum est, fuere t>c\cclxxxx. 
In triumphis meis\ ducti sunt ante currum m[^]um regds aut 
r^d^^^um lib[^/7* novetn, Consul fuer^m terdeciens, c[w]m \scribeb-\ 


M€Or)piJLrjv€ViJL€vai vwtypdffyqfrav irpd^ti^ rc koX Swpcat SfjSacrroi) ^cov, a^ 
dTreXiTrev €7rt *Po)/jt?ys ivK€)(apayfi€va^ xaXKals onyXats Swt. 

1 *Et<5v ScKae[v]vea <8v to <Trpdr€vp.a Ip.-^ yvwfiy Kal ifioii dv[aX](Ofiao^tv 

ifrot^^ftao-a], 8t' ov ra Koiva irpdyfiara [ck r^]? t[<u]v avvo^^oo^a^fievcov 
Bovk^qa^ [i7Xev]0e[p(i)O^a. *E^' o]Ts 17 ot^vkXi/to? hraiviaaad [/xe 
i/rj^^tV/AOo^t] 7rpoo'KaTeX.c^e t^ fiovXg Tat<o Ild^vo-^a [AvXttt *lpruD 
r]7r[d]To[t]s, ev t^ Td^et t<3v V7raT[tK<3]v [d/jia t]6 o^[v/x)3ov]Xev€tv 
8ov(ra, pd/38ov[9] t* ^/aoi cS<i)k€v. [Hep]! Ta SvffioaLa irpdyfxara ft.yj ri 
^XajS^, c/iot /jtc^Ta T<3v v7rd]T<i)v 7rpovoetv iTrirp^ij/^v dvrl oTpaT7;yo[v]. 

[ *0 8]€ 8[^]/i,09 T<S avTw €VtavT<p, afi<f>or€pwv [t<3v vwdrwv 

7r]oX€fi<p 7re7rT<i)[K]o[T]<uv, ifi€ v7ra[T0v d^reSet^^ev Kat Tiyv t<3v Tpt<3v 
av8p<3v e^ov^Ta dp^v €7rt] rg Karaardtr^i t<3v &\rf]fio<TLiov 7rpa[y/xdT<i)v] 

2 [Tov5 Tov iraripa rov ifibv ^ovev]o^[av]T[a]5 iiiipL<ra Kp{\ar€<rLv €v8t]K0ts 

T€t/A<i)[p]7;(rd/jie[v]o9 avT(3v t6 [a^Ti^Tffia K]at [fie^Ta Tavra avTOv? 
TTokefJLOV e^TTt^cpovTas t^ Tra^T^p^t^St 8U iv€LKyj<ra irapardi^L, 

3 [lloXc/itovs Kal KaTa T^v] Kat KaTa 6dXa<r<rav €/A^v[Xtov9 Kat c^cdtikovs] 

€v 0X77 r§ olKOVfi€vrf 7roX[Xovs dve^efd/Aryv, v€tK]?7(ras tc Trdvrtav 
i<^€L<rdfi7jv [rijiv 7rcpt()VT(i)v 7roXctT(3v. r]d €$v7f, ots d(r<^aXc¥ 7;v 
oin'[yv(ii/i,77v ^ctv, IUr<a<ra fi]d\[X.ov'\ ^ c^cKoi^a. Mvpt(£8€S 'Poi/Aaio^v 
(rTpaT[cv](r[a(r]at V7r[6 t6]v opKov rov ifjubv cycvovr^o] €vyvs 7r[cvnfK]- 
o[vr]a* [c]^ (!v Kany^y^ayov cts Td[s] <x7ro[t]Ktas ^ (i[7rc7r€/i,i/^a ctsrds] 
i8ta[9] 7r(>Xci9 ^k[Xvo/i,cvov9] 

4 At9 €[7rt KcXiyros c^ptd/jt^cvcra], rpts [^]<^* dp/iaros. EtKO(rd[Kt9 

Kal d^ro^ 7rfio<rrfyop€vOrjv avro^Kpdroip. Tiys [(rwKXiyrov] 

\frrj^iur<r . . 

.(ov nyv [8d<^vi7v] 

[Atd rd 7r/)dy]/i[ara, d] 

[avT6s 17 8td T(3v 7rpc(r^€vr(3v ^/w3v] Karo^ptftxra, 7r[€vr]i7KOvrdKts 
[xat] 7r€vrd[Kts c^^Ty^wraro 17 (rv[vKX?7T]os tfcots 8ci[v] Ov€<rO<LL 
['H/A]cpat ovv av[Ta]t €[k ot;]v[kX?7tov] 8[<)]y/AaT[o]s iyivovro 
dKTa[K]()0"tat cvcvT/^KOvra]. 'Ev [r^ots c/Aots [tfptd/i,])3ots [^rpo to]v 
ifjLov dpfi[aro9 )3(Mrt]Xcts ^ [jSacrtXcoiv 7rat]8c9 [TrapTy^x^^Tycrav ^ca. 

12 — 2 



B.C. » 


a[»i] haec, \et agebam se\^\timum et trigensimum annum tribu]- 
niciae potestatis. 

[Dictatura]m et apsent[i et praesenti mihi datam a populo et 5 

senatu M. Marce^o e[/] L. Ar[rw«/iV? consulibus non accepL Non 
recusavi in summa frumenti /]enuri[fl r]uratio[«f]m 2iu\nonae, 

^i^]am ita B.d[ministravi, ut paucis diebu]s metu et per[/|c[A? 

^uo erat pcpulu]m \imv[ersum meis impensis liberarem]. Con- 

[sulatum tum </^i/]um annuum ^[tperpetuum non accepi]. 

B.c. 19 [Consulibus M, Vinucio et Q, Lucretio et postea F,] et Cn. l\entulis et 6 
B.C. 18 tertium PauHo Fabio Maximo et Q. Tuberone senatu populog]vL[e 
B.c. 1 1 Romano consentientibus] 




B.C. 29 
B.C. 28 




B.c. 8 

A.D. 14 

[Princeps senatusfui usque ad eum diem, quo scrips]- 

eram [haec, per annos quadraginta, Pontifex maximus, augur, 
quindecimviru]m sacris [faciundis, septemvirum epulonum, frater 
arvalis, sodalis Titius, fetialt]^ ful. 

Patrici6rum numerum auxf consul quintum iussd populi et senatiis. 8 
Senatum ter l^gi. Et in consuldtil sexto c^nsum populi conlega 
M. Agrippd ^gi Ldstrum post annum alterum et quadra- 

gensimum i€c[t\, Qu6 lilstro cfvium Roman6rum censa sunt 

capita quadragiens centum millia et sexag[/]nta tria millia. 
[Iteru]m consulari cum imperio lUstrum [j]61us fi^ci C. Censorin[^ 
et C] Asinio cos. Qu6 lilstro censa sunt cfvium Roman6ru[/« 
capita] quadragiens centum millia et ducenta triginta tria m[it/ia. 
Tertiu]m consuldri cum imperio lilstrum conlegd Tib. CsLe[sare 
filiofeci] Sex. Pompeio et Sex. Appuleio cos. Qu6 lilstro ce[«jtf 
sunt civium i?^]man6rum capitum qiiadragiens centum mill[Mr et 
nongenta /r]iginta et septem millia. Legibus novf[j latis 

complura ^]xempla maiorum exolescentia iam ex nost[ri^ usu 
reduxi et ipse] multarum T€r[um exe]m^\di imitanda pos[/<tfr/> 

[ Vota pro valetudine mea suscipi per cons]v\€s et sacerdotes (\\i[into 9 


['Yirarjc^vjov rpU Kal ScK^arojv, 5t€ T^avjra eypa<^ov, koX i7fii;[v 
Tpia]K[o(rro]v fcai €)98ofi[ov hqimp^^^^udj^ i^ovfria^. 

5 AvTc^ovo-iov fWL opx^v Kal airovTi Kai ircLpovri hi^fiivrfv [v^tto T€ toO 

S17/AOV Kai Ti^s o^vvkXi/tov M[apK]({) [M]apKeAAA> Kai AcvKi<p 'Appovv- 
Ti(w vTraTOis olyK ^8]e^a/ji7/v. Ov irapriTrfardiJLip^ ev t^J fifyLOTTf 

[tov] o-[etT]ov OTravci T17V imfiiX^Lav rrj^ ayopas, 17V ov^tw? ^eTiy- 
8€v]o^a, (ooT €v oXiyais i7/jiepa[i9 to]v Trapovros fj>6Pav koX Ki[v8]vvov 
Tats Ifjuai^ harravaLS rov hfjfjuov cXcv^epcoo^a^t]. "YiraTeiiav tc fJuoL 
TOT€ 8i[8]o/ji€V)7V Kat e[v]iavariov Ka[i 8]i[a] pCov ovk iStidfirfV, 

6 "YTarois MdpKO) OvivovKto» Kat KoiVT(p A[ovKp]i;T[i<{>] Kat /ACTa Ta[v]Ta 

IIoTrXta) Kat Nat<2> AevrXots Kat rpirov navAA,<u ^a^u^ Ma^i/A<p Kat 
Koiv[T<{>] TovfiiptavL r^s [re <r]vvKXi7Tov Kat rov 8i;/aov tov *P<o/AaiW 
6/i,oXoy[o]vvr<i)v, tv[a eirt/jte^XiyT^s rcUv re vofuov kol t<5v rpomav 
e^irt r^ /le^ytoriy [ef^ovo-^tlji /jt]o[vo]s xtLporovrfO^, ^PXyi^ ovSe- 
/jt[ia]v 7ra[pa ra irci]Tp[ia] ^tf]i7 ^LSofiivrfv SLV€&€$dfirfv d Se 

T<iT€ 8i' eftov 17 otJvkXi/tos oiKOvo/xei<rtfai ejSovXero, r^s 8i7ftap;(iK5s 
€fo[v]ortas cSv ercXe^^ra. K]at ravn^s avr^s t^s op)(rfs awdp\ovra 
[avr]6s dir^ njs ^tvvkXi/tov ir[€v]rdKts atn^cras [IX^a^Sov. 

7 TpiMV dv&pwv iyevofirfv ^fioaLmv rrpayfmnav KaropOiarrf^ <rvv€\€aw 

€r€<rLV 8cKa. npcUrov d^tcJ/Aaros T<)irov €cr)(pv rrj^ <rvvKX.'qrov 
a)(pL ravrrf^ rrj^ 17/Acpas, ijs ravra eypa^ov, €irt In^ Te(r(rap<iKovra. 
'Ap^tepevs, avyovp, rcSv 8cKairevT€ av8p(ov rdDv iepoirotcov, r(5v 
eirra di^8p€i>v iep07roi(i)v, d[8€]X^s dpovdXts, cratpos Ttrios, 

8 T(3v [iraT]piKi(i)v r6v dpLOfibv ev^aa ire/jtirrov virar[os lirir]ay]J rov 

rc SijfJiov KOL njs (rwKXi^Vov. [T^v (rv]vKXi7rov rpts circXc^. 
'Ektov viraros rrp^ dir[o]r€t/Ai7(riv tov Bftjfiov awdipxoi^r^a c^cdv 
MdpKOV 'Aypiinrav IXa^ov, ijris diro^retfti^^^ris /lerd [8vo Kai] re^r- 
(rapaK0(rr6v ^viavr6v [or^uve^K^XetV^i^. 'Ev 17 diroret/jti^^rei 'PoifiaiCDv 
€ret[/Ai7cr]a[i ro] Ke^aXat T€rpaK()[ortai e^^Kovra /Av[pid8es Kat rpior- 
;(tXtai. Aevrepov v^irariK^ If [ovo^tigt '^ /k)vos raia> Ki7V(r(i>piV({> Kat] 
rai({> ['Acrtvto) vircxrots ri^v diroret/ii^o-iv iXa^ov*] cv [^] dir^orci/iii^o^ci 
cret/AiJo-avTo 'Po^/xat^^cDV rer[paK()<riai etKoart rpets /JtvptdSes Kat r]pi[(r]- 
XiXtoi. K[ai TpiTOV virartK^ i^ovcriq. rds diror€i/Ai7]o^e[i]s IXa[j3o]v, 
[IX(d]v [orvvotpxoi^tt Tt^Septov] KatVapa r6v vwv /xo[v 2e^<{) UofJLrrrfLi^ 
Kat] 2e£r<{) 'ATrirovXi^to) viraTots' Iv 17 d7ror€Lfirj(r€L eretfti^aravro 
'PcDftatcDV r€rpaK()(riai evevifKOvra rpets /ivptaScs Kat eirraKi(r;(€iXioi. 
Etcrayaywv Katvovs v()/itovs iroXXd ^817 TcDv apxaitav iOtav KaraXvd- 
/Acva SL(i}pO(i}(rdfirfV kol avr6s iroXXcSv TrpayftdrcDV fjL^ifirffm ifmvrov 
rois fJi€r€Tr€Lra 7rapc8(i>Ka. 

9 Evxds virep n^s cft^s (narrfpia^ dvakafiPdv€Lv 8id T(i)v virdrcnv Kat tepccDV 




B.C. 12 


B.c. 19 

B.c. 13 


B.C. 29, 
25, 2 


B.c. 5, 2 

qu[^i/^ ««//^ senatus decrevit. Ex iVj] votis s[^]pe fecerunt vfvo 
\fne ludos aliquotiens sacerdotu]m quattuor amplissima co\\e[^iay 
aliquotiens consules, Privat^^im etiam et miinicipatim iiniver[j/ 
cives sacrificaverunt senipe\c apud omnia pulvfnaria pr6 vdX^^udine 

[Nomen meum senatus consulto iV?^]lusum est in salidre carmen et 10 

sacrosan^^/Mi* ut essem et ut ^]uoa[^] vfverem, tribiinicia 

potestis mihf \esset, lege sanctum est, Pontif]tyi maximus ne 
fierem in vfvf [^]onle[^<a^ locum^ populo id ya^^]rdotium deferente 
mihi, quod pater meu[x habuit^ recusavi, Cepi id] sacerdotium 
aliquot post ann6s e6 moi^tuo qui civilis motus (7]ccasione 
occupaverat, cuncta ex Italia \ad comitia mea .... tanta 
w«]Ititudine, quanta Romae nun[^]uam [anteafuissefertur^ coeunte] 
P. Sulpicio C. Valgio consulibu[j] . 

[Aram Fortunae reduci iuxta ? ae]d6s Honoris et Virtutis ad portam 11 
[Capenampro reditu meo 5d]natus consacravit, in qua ponti[y?^ et 
virgines Vestales fl««i]versarium sacrificium facere [iussit^ die quo 
consulibus Q, Z«^]retio et [M, Vinuc{\o in urbem ex [Syria redi^ 
et diem Augustali]?^ ex [c\o[gnomine nost]ro appellavit. 

[Senatus consulto eodem tempor\t pars [praetorum et /njbunorum [plebi 12 
cum consule Q. Lticret^^io et princi[//]bus [viris ob]wv3im mihi 
mis[j]a e[y/ in Campan^\d[m, qui] honos [ad hoc tempus] nemini 
praeter [m]t es[/ decretus, Cu]m ex Yi[ispa]n\i Gal[/iaque, rebus 
in his /]rovincfs prosp[^]re [^<?J/]i[j], ^[omam redi] Ti. Ne[r]one 
P. Q}x\[ntilio consulibu]s , dram [Pdcis ^]u[^]ust[«^ senatus pro] 
redi^/]!! me6 co[nsacrari censuit] ad cam[///w Martium, in qua 
wa]gistratUs et s^^rdotes et virgines] y\est]i[les anniversarium 
sacrific^^wim facer[^ iussit]. 

[lanum] Quirin[«/«, quem <r/]aussum ess[^ maiores nostri vo/uer]unt, 13 
[cum /]er totum \\mperium /^]puli Roma[«/ terra marique es]^tl 
parta vic[/mV]s pax, cum pr[/«j, quam] nascerer, [a condita] n[rb]t 
bis omnino clausum [/]uisse proddtur m[emort\ait, ter me 
princi[/d senat]\i^ claudendum esse censui[/]. 

[Fit\\o^ meos, qu6s \\xv[enes mt^\ eripuit {ox[tuna\ Gaium et Lucium 14 
Caesares honoris mei caussa senatus populusque Romanus annum 
qufntum et decimum agentfs consulis designavit, ut [^]um magis- 
trdtum infrent post quinquennium. Et ex e6 die, quo deducti 
[j]unt in forum, ut interessent consilifs publicis decrevit sena[/]us. 
Equites [^]utem Romdni universi principem iuventiitis utrum- 
que e6rum parm[w] et hastfs argentefs donatum appellaverunt. 


KaO kK€UTTqv TrcvTcnyptSa hlrr^iiraro "q <rvvK\rjro^, cx Tovrcov rwv 
€vx(iiv 7rA,fiOTaKts lyivovro tfcat, totc yAv €k t^s avvap)(ia9 twv 
recra-dpiav lcpccDV, totc Sc vtto twi' viraTwv. Kat icaT tStav 8c xat 
fcaTa 7roA,cts ovi^TravTcs ot TroXctTat 6fio^v/uia3[ov] <rw€)(iSi fBva^av 
vw€p rrj^ ifirjs o^w^Tjiyptas. 

10 To ov[o/ji]a p-ov (njVK\rjrov ^oyfiari ivw^pi^X.ijifiOTf ct[9 rov]$ o^aXtW 

V/Avovs. Kat tva tcpos ^ 8ta [/3to]v [t]c t^v 8rjfiap)^iKriv c;(a> iiovirCav, 
vo[fup iK^vpiiOrf. 'Ap\L€piaavvrfVj yv 6 Tranjp [/i.]ov [€<rp(]'?'***> 

rov ^fiov fjLoi Kara<f}€povroi cts tov tov ^cSvtos toitov, ov irpoo^cSc^- 
/'*['?]''• [^]'' ap\L€par€iav fLerd Ttvas evtavrovs aTro^^avovros rm) 

rrpoKar€ikrffji6ro^ avrrfv iv 7roA.ctTtKats Tapa;(atS} dv^lkrf^l^a, cis ra 
c/ML aLp\aip€ava i^ 0X17S r^s lTaA.tas too"ovtov irXiy^ovs ovvcXiyXv- 
^oTos, oorov ovScts cvTTpoc^cv wTTopTyo-cv IttI *P(o/A?ys ycyovcvat IloTrXiliji 
SovXTTtKto) fcat rat(p OvaXytc^) vTrarots. 

11 Bw/Aov Tv^'/? a-iorrfpiov vircp njs c/x^s ^TravoSov irpos r^ KaTn^v^; ttvXt; 

17 ovvkXt/tos a^tcpcDo^cv* Trpos ^ rovs lcpcts xat ras tcpctas cvtaixrtov 
Ovaiav TTOtctv ckcXcvo^cv cv iK€Lvrf rg i^fjiipq., iv J VTrarots KoiVTw 
AovKprfrL(a Kal MopKco OvtvovKto) ck Svptias cts *F<ifjLrfV iirav^X.rfkv' 
^ct[v], rrjv TC i^fiipav iK r^s rjfJi^ripa^ imawfuas rrpoorrfyopewrtv 

12 dkoyfJuarL a[v]vKA,i7rov ot ras fJi^yurra^ dp;(as apjavTc[s o^^vv /Acpct 

<rrparrfy<av Kal hrffJiAp\iiiV ficra vir[a]rov Kotvrov AovKprfrCov irrifi' 
<f>6rf<rdv fAOL VTravTTfoovrcs ftc^t Ka/Airavtas, ijfrts rct/A^ H^^XP^ rovrov 
ovSc cvt ct fjirf ifJML hlrrf<l)L<rOrf, ^Orc c^ *Iotravtas Kat raXartas, 

T<3v cv ravrats rais iirap\€iaL9 rrpayfjudr<jijv Kara ras cv;(as tcXcc^cv- 
rcDv, cts 'Fiofjirfv irrav^KOov Tt)3cpt({) [Nc]po)vt Kat UowXu^ KotvTtXtiip 
VTTcirots, PtnfJuov £[tp]i7vi7S %€^a<rT^s vircp n^s €fi^s c7ravo8ov d^tcpo)- 
^^vat i\ljrf<f)L<raro 17 owkXi/tos cv 7rc8t<^ ''ApccDS, 7r/)6s $ rovs rc cv rats 
apxaLS KOL rovs tcpcts rois rc tcpctas cvtav(rtovs OvcrCa^ iKiXewr^ Trotctv. 

13 nvAiyv 'EvvaAtov, 17 v'0at ol Trarcpcs ijfwtfv 'qOiXrfaav ctpi^vcvo/Acvi/s 

r^s VTTO *P<D/xato<.s rrdarfs yrjs rc Kai OaXda<rrf^j rrpo fikv c/aov, cf o5 
17 7r()A,ts iKrurOrf, T(p Travrt auovt 3is fJiovov KCKA,ct(r^at o/AoXoyctrat, 
CTrt Sc cfiov i7yc/A()Vos rpts 17 (TvvkXi/tos hljrf<f}L<raro Kk^urOrjvax. 

14 Ytovs ftov r^itov Kou AcvKtov KatV^a^pas, ovs vcavtas avrfprr<ur€V rj rvxft 

cts rrfv ifirfv r€LfJi[rf]v 17 t[c] <rvvK\rfro^ kol 6 Srjfio^ t(3v *P(o/Aai<i)V 
7rcvrcKat8cKacrcts ovras v7r(iTous aTrcSct^cv, tva fi€ra 7rcvTC cn/ cts 
rrp/ virarov ^\rfv ^laiXOiaaLV ' Kal d^* ^s dv i7/A€[pa]s [cts rrfv 
d]yopav [Kar^ax^^^o^o-tv, tva [/AC^rc^c^o-tv t^s (Tv^v^kAiJtov iij/rfifiuraro, 
t7r7rcts Sc *P(i)/AatW (rvv[7r]avrcs 'qy^fiova v^orrfTOs €Kdr€pov avrQv 
[7rp]o<n7yopcv(rav, d^nrtcrtv dpyvpcats icat 3opa(rtv [cr^ct/Ai/^rav. 




B.c. 29 
B.c. 13 

B.C. II 

B.C. 5 

B.C. 29 

B.C. 2 

B.C. 30 
B.C. 14 


B.c. 7, 6, 
4» 3»^ 


A.D. 6 

Plebei Romdnae viritim »8 trecenos numeravi ex testamento patris 15 
mei, et nomine meo «s quadringenos ex bell6rum manibiis 
consul quintum dedf, iterum autem in consuldtiS decimo ex [/]a- 
trimonio meo «& quadringenos congidri viritim pemumer[^]vf, et 
consul undecimum duodecim fnimentdti6nes frumento pr[/]vatim 
co^mpto emensus sum, et tribunicid potestate duodecimum 
quadringen6s nummds tertium viritim dedf. Quae mea congiaria 
p[f]rvenerunt ad [homilTiMm millia nunquam minus quinquaginta 
et ducenta. Tribu[«/V]iae potestdtis duodevicensimum consul 

XII trecentfs et vigint[/] millibus plebfs urbdnae sexagen6s 
denari6s viritim dedf. In colon[/]s militum me6rum consul 

quintum ex manibifs viritim millia nummum singula dedi; 
acceperunt id triumphale congiarium in colo[;2]fs hominum 
circiter centum et viginti millia. Consul tertium dec[/]mum 

sexagen6s dendri6s plebef, quae tum frdmentum publicum accipie- 
ba[/], dedi; ea millia hominum paullo pldra quam ducenta 

Pecuniam [pro\ agrfs, qu6s in consuldtU me6 quirto et postea con- 16 
sulibus M. Cv\asso e\t Cn. Lentulo augure adsigndvi militibus, 
solvf mUnicipfs. Ea [j]u[/«wfl5 j«/]ertium circiter sexsiens milliens 
fuit, quam [/]r6 Italicis praed[w] numeravi, et ci[r]citer bis 
mill[/<?]ns et sescentiens, quod pro agrfs pr6vin[<:]ialibus solvf. 
Id primus et [^^olus omnium, qui [//]eddxerunt colonias 
militum in Italid aut in provincfs, ad memor[/]am aetdtis meae 
feci. Et postea Ti. Nerone et Cn. Pisone consulibus, item[^]ue 
C. Antistio et D. Laelio cos., et C. Calvisio et L. Pasieno con- 
sulibus, et L. 'Lt\ntulo et] M. Messalla consulibus, et L. Cdnfnio 
et Q. Fabricio co[j.] miXit\ibus^ qu\6^ emeriteis stipendfs in sua 
municipi[fl remis]i, praem[/« «]umerato persolvf, quam in rem 
seste[rtium] q[uafer m]i\\ien[s ii]b[enfe]r impendi. 

Quater [/^]cunid med. iuvf aerdrium, ita ut sestertium mfllien[j] et 17 
quing[^]t[/i?«]s ad eos quf praeerant aerdrio detulerim. Et M. 
Lep[/]do et L. Ar[r]unt[/]o cos. i[n] aerarium militare, quod ex 
consilio m[eo] co[nsfifu/]um est, ex [^]uo praemia darentur 
militibus, qui vicena [aut //«]ra sti[pemii]a, emeruissent, «s 
milliens et septing[^]nti[««5 ex pa]t[rim]omo [m]eo detuli. 

B.c. 8 [Inde ab eo anno^ ^]uo Cn. et P. Lentuli c[^«j]ules fuerunt, cum 18 
d[^]ficerent \yecti\^aliay tum] centum millibus h[(?w/]num tu[;iw 
//]uribus i[«/]ato fru[men/o vel ad «]umma[rw]s ^ributus ex agro] 
et ^2X[rimomo] m[^]o [opem tuli\ 


15 ^riijn^ 'P(o/ia[Mi>]v Kar avBpa ifiBofiiJKOVTa ir^cvrjc ^rp^dpua CKao-rcp 

rfpLOfJirifra Kora BiaOiiJKrjv rov irarpo^ fiovy Kal rcp c/i^ ovopuari €k 
kaifivfxav \Tr\o[X.€\fiov dva CKarov ^rfvdpia irifjLirrov vTraros c8o)Ka, 
rrdXiv tc Sc^KaToJi' VTraTCucDV ck T[rj\f; ifirjs VTrap^ccos dva hrfvdpia 
CKaTov i^pii^^fiJiTo^a, Kat cv8cKaTov VTraTos ScJScKa ireiTOfUTpTJirtis 

CK Tov c/AOv ^tov air€fi.€Tpvfara, Koi &qfiap^iKrj^ l^ovcrLa^ ro 8o)$e- 
KaTOv CKaToi' Srfvdpia Kar dv&pa cScoKa* aiT[i]vcs cfiai c^TTiSoo*»? 
ovSeTTOTc ^ccrov ^A.^[o]v c[t]s avSpa^ fivpidivDV ctKO<ri ttcvtc. ^/^[p]- 
;(tKi7S c^ovo-ais oKToiKatScKaTov, waT^os] 8[o)8cKaTov] rpidKovra 
Tpur\i\ fwpidfnv 6\\ov iroXctTtK^ov c]^K0VTa Srjvdpui Kar dvSpa 
l8o>Ka, Kat aTTOiKOis o^TpaTtoiTcSv ifiMV Trc/ATTTOV VTraTOS €[k] Xa^vpoiv 
KaTGi avBpa dva StaKoo-ta TTCVTi/KOVTa Srjvdpui l8[o)Ka] ' €Xaj3ov Tavn/v 
T^v 8o)pcav cv Tats aTrotKuxiS dvOp(airu)V /Avptd8c$ 7rA,[ct]ov 3o)Sc[Ka. 
v^TTaTos T pt^o^KatScKarov dva e^Kovra ^vdpva T(p o^ctTOficT^pov^/Aevcp 
S1//A0) e8o)[Ka* ovTo]s dp[i]^/A[os 7rXeto)v ctKo]^©']^ [/i,v]pid8o)v vinjp- 

16 XpTJfiara cv waTeti^ T^rdpTrj ifju^ Ka[t] /jtcTa ravTa tVdTOts MdpKo) 

Kpcuro^o) Kat Natic^ AcvtXo) avyovpt rats 7rdA,eo'iV rfpCOfxrfO^a vrrkp 
dypo)V, ovs ifiipura TOts o^TpaT^tOJ^rats. Kc^aA.aiov ^yevovTO cv 
'iTaXtlgt /Acv ftvptat 7r[cvTaKi]o"[x]€[tA.tai /i.v]ptd8cs, [to)]v [8€ ^]7rap- 
;(CtTiKO)v dypwv [/ii]v[ptd8cs cfaKto^tX^tat ircv^TaKO^o^^tat]. Tovto 
Trporros Kat /aovos d7rdvT0)v cTrdiyo^a twv [KaTa]yaydvTO)v aTTOtKtas 
o^T/>aTiO)TO)V ev 'iTaXta ^ cv cTrapxetdts /Acxpt T17S c/ai^s i7A.tKtas. 
Kat /ACTCTretTa Tt)3cpt<^ Ncpo^vt Kat Nat<{) IlctVo^vt vTrdrots Kal 
irdAtv Patcp *Av0€OTt({> Kat Ack/aco vTrdrots Kat Pato) KaXovto^t^j) 
Kat AcvKio) Ilao-o^tifvcj) [v^irdro^t^s [Kat A]cvki<^ AcvtA^j) Kat MdpK<{) 
Mcarar({X[^] vTrdrots K[a]t AcvKticp Kaviv^t']^*», [K]at [K]ot'vT<i) ^a[)8]pt- 
Kt({) vVaTots <rrpaTio)T(us aTroXvo/jicvots, ovs Karrjyayov cts rds t8ias 
TrdX^cts], ifiiXavOpiarrov ovofJuiTi €8<i)Ka /i,[vp]t({8as ^yyvs [fivpta]s. 

17 TcTpd[K]ts XPVl4P'li^''^ ifioU [dv]€Aa)3ov to aipdptov, [cts] o [K^aTi/vevKa 

[x^etXtas [c7rT]aK0(rtas rr€VTrJKOVTa /Avpid8as. '^[at] M[(x]pK<i) [A.€irt8<{)] 
Kat AcvKt<{) *AppovvTL(^ v^Trdrots c]is t[o] o-T^p^a^Tto^T^iKov atpdptov, 
o T^ [«P-^] y['']<^[f"'I?] f^o-Tia-rrf, tva [e]^ avrov at 8o)p[€]at cto-^cjrctTa 
Tots c]/AOts ©-[TpaTt^oJTats 8t8o)VTai, o[t ctKO^^o-t^v €vtavTo[v]s ^ 
TrXciovas eorpaTcvoravTO, /A[v]ptd8a[s] TeT/)d[K]ts x**^'**5 8taKoo-tas 
rrevTrJKovTa [iK rfj^ «^P-^^s] vrrdpi^m Karqv€VKa, 

18 ['Air' cK^ctvov t[o]v cvtavTov, €*[<^'] ov Natos Kat IldTrXtos [A^cvrXot vTrarot 

cycvovTO, oTC v-ireXetTTov at 8i7[/i.d]<rtat 7rpd<ro8ot, dXXore /Jtev 8€Ka 
/Avpicio-iv, dX[XoT€] 8€ TrXctWtv cciTtKas Kat dpyvptKGis (TVVTdfctS €K 
T17S cfi^s v7rdp^eo)S e8o)Ka. 




B.C. 28 
B.C. 27 

( Via Fla- 

Ciiriam et continens ef chalcidicum, templumque ApoUinis in Palatio 19 
cum porticibus, aedem divi luli, Lupercal, porticum ad circum 
Flaminium, quam sum appelliri passus ex ndmine eius quf pri- 
6rem e6dem in solo fecerat Octaviam, pulvinar ad circum maxi- 
mum, aed6s in Capitolio lovis feretri et lovis tonantis, aedem 
Quirinf, aed^s Minervae et lUnonis reginae et lovis Libertatis 
in Aventfno, aedem Larum in summa sacra vid, aedem deum 
Pendtium in Velia, aedem luventdtis, aedem Matris Magnae 
in Paldtio f(^cf. 

Capitolium et Pompeium theatrum utrumque opus impensd grandf 20 
ref(^ci sine uUa inscriptione nominis mef. Rfvos aquarum 

compldribus locis vetustdte labent^s refdcf, et aquam quae 
Marcia appelldtur duplicavi fonte novo in rivum eius inmisso. 
Forum Idlium et basilicam, quae fuit inter aedem Castoris et 
aedem Saturni, coepta profiigataque opera a patre me6 perf^ci 
et eandem basilicam consumptam incendio amplidto eius solo 
sub titulo nominis fili6rum m[eorum /Jncohavi et, si vivus n6n 
perfecissem, perfici ab heredib[«j iusst]. Duo et octoginta 
templa deum in urbe consul sext[um ex decreto] senatus ref^ci, 
nullo praetermisso quod e[^] ttm^[ore refici debebat\ Con[j]ul 
septimum viam Flaminiam a[^ urbe\ An[minum feci et pontes'] 
omnes praeter Mulvium et Minucium. 


In privato solo Martis Ultoris templum forumque Augustum [ex 21 
»«a«/]bifs fecf. Theatrum ad aede[«^] Apollinis in solo magna ex 
parte a p[r]i[z;]atis empto fdci, quod sub nomine M. Marcell[/] 
generi mei esset. Don[rt5 e\\ manibifs in Capitolio et in aede 

dfvi Iii[/]f et in aede ApoUinis et in aede Vestae et in templo' 
Martis Ultoris consacravi, quae mihi constiterunt «s circiter 
milliens. Auri coronarf pondo triginta et quinque millia 

miinicipifs et colonis Italiae conferentibus ad triumph6[j'] me6s 
quintum consul remisi, et postea, quotienscumque imperator 
a[^^]lldtus sum, aurum coronarium n6n accepi decernentibus 
munidpii^j-] et coloni^^] aequ[/?] beni[^]ne adque antea decreve- 

T[^]r munus gladidtorium dedf meo nomine et quinquiens fili6rum 22 

{SpectacUs) me[^]rum aut n[^]p6tum nomine; quibus muneribus depugna- 

verunt hominu[/«] ci[rdr]iter decem millia. Bis [fl/]hletarum 

undique accitorum spec[/^]c[/«/« /^]pulo pra[/?^«/ meo\ n6mine 

et tertium nepo[//j] mef nomi«/?. L[«]dos fecf vc^eo n6\cc\ine'\ 

B.c. 29 


19 BovA.€i^rT7p[4o]v Koi ro irXrja-Cov avrw x^zAkiSikoV, vaov tc 'ATrdAAcovos cv 

riaAarup oa>v oroais, vaov ^cov [*I]ovXw)u, Ilavof icpdv, oroav Trpos 
ImroSpofUff T(p TTpofrayopivofjiiv^a ^Aa^iviu), t/v ctaora vpoaayopevtoBai 
i$ ovoyuaro^ cKctvov 'OKTaouiav, o^?] TTpwTos auT^v aviarrjarev, vaov 
Trpos T<p /AcyaA,(p iTTTroSpd/Kf), vaovs cv Ka7r(.TCDA4(p A109 rpoTraLo- 

ifiopov Kol Atos Ppovrrjfrlov, vaov Kvpctv[o]v, vaovs *A^vas 

Kal ^Hpas )9a(riAx8o9 ical Aios *EAcv^cptdv cv *AovcvTtv(p, i/pcucuv Trpos 
T]J tcp^ 68^, tfccSv KaTOtictSt(i)v Iv OvcAt^ vaov NcdTi/To^s, va]ov 
fjLtjrpo^ OeiSv ev IlaAATta) cTroi/cra. 

20 Ka9rtT(i)A[to]v Kat ro HofnrrjCov Oiarpov €Kar€pov ro Ipyov dvakwfwxnv 

/Acywrrots CTrcorKCvacra ctvcv CTTtypa^^s tov ifiov ovofAaro^. 'Ayco- 

yovs v8(iT0)[v cv irXct](rTots TC^-irots r^ iraXavoTrjrL oA.t(r^({vov[Tas 
C7r]€(rKcva(ra Kat vStap ro KaAov/ACvov Map^Ktov eSt^irAcoora m/yi/v veav 
cts To puBpov [avTov €7roxcTcv<r]as. 'Ayopciv 'lovXtiav Kat ^axrL- 

[AtK^v Tiyv fiera^ r^^ov tc vaov T(3v ^LoaK6[pu}v Kal Kpdvov Kara]- 
fitfikrffjifva cpya viro tov [TraTpos eTcXctoMra Ka]t rrfv avrrfv fiaja-Lkuafv 
[Kav^ct(rav cirt av^^cvTt] ihd^^L avrrj^ ii irrLypaff^rf^ ovofjuaros T(3v 
cfuiDv vtcov V7r[7;pf(ii/Jti7]v Kal ct firj avTOS TCTcAct(iJK[o]t[/4t, T]cXc[t](o- 
[^vat vTTo] T(3v €/x(3v KXrfpovofittiv iir€ra$a. A[v]o [Kat dySo]- 

iJKovra vaovs cv t^ 7rdA[ct €kt]ov v7r[aTos 5dy/x.a]Tt ot;vk[A.]7;tov 
€7rc<rKcva(r[a] o[v]8€va 7r[€]ptA[t7ra)v, os] iK^Cvt^ T(p XP^^^ cTrt^rKcwJs 
cSctTo. ["Y^^ra^TOS €])38[o]fiov oSov $[Aa/Atvtiav drro\ 'Pctf/xi/s 
['Apt/xtvov] y[c0]vpas tc ras cv avr^ Trcioras liiu 8vctv t<3v fiJq 
€7r[t]8co/A€Vo)v €[7r]t<rK€ViJs irrorfira. 

21 '£v i8t<i)TiK^ i8dff)€L ^ApccDS * Afjivvropo^ dyopdv tc Scjdacm/v ck Xaffivpuiv 

iirorfora. 0caTpov 7r/>ds t(5 'A^rdAXcDVos va^ e^rt i8d<f)ov^ ck 

^rAetoTov /xcpovs dyopaa^ivros dvrjy€ipa cirt ovdfiaTos MapKcAAov 
Tov yafippov fiov, * XvaOifJuara iK Xa<f>vfmv iv KarrLrtokuo Kal va(3 
'lovAtcp Kat va(3 'A7rdAA(i>vos Kat 'E^rrtias Kat ''A[pe(i)]s dtf^Lipwra, 
a €/Aot Karia^rrf cvyvs /i.vpt<iSo)[v 8t]<r;(c[t]At€DV 7r€VTaK[o<rto)v]. E2s 
)(pvaovv aT€<f>avov XctT/xSv Tpt(r[/i,vpto)v] TrcvTaKto-xctAtwv Kara^cpov- 
(rats Ta[ts cv 'I^raAta 7roActTciats Kat ct^rotKtiats (7VV€X0)p7;[<r]a to 
[7r€/x]7rTov v7raT€v<ov, Kat var€pov badKL% [avT]oKp<iTO)p rrf>oarfyop€vOrfv, 
Tcis cts rov <rr€^avo[v c^^rayycXtas ovk iXa^ov \l/rf<f>Ll^OfjL€v<ov rwv 
7r[oA€tT€t](3v Kat diroLKLiav /tcTa t^s avTrj^ 7r/>o^[v/iitias, Ka]^ci[7r€p 
iifnff(f>Caavro 7r] pd^Tcpov]. 

22 [TptS fl0V0]/MXx[tiaV €8o)]Ka T(3 ifJUO OVOfJMTL Kal [^rCVTClKtS T(3v vt<3v fiov ^ 

v(]o)V(3v* cv ats fiovo[/Aa;(tats ifjuaxjiaavro €]v[yvs fiv]pi['o]t. Ats 
a^A7;T(3[v] rravr\a\60€v\ fielrair^fKf^OivTtav yv/iivtKo]v ay(3vos ^cav 
[t^ Sijfjua 7r]ap€<rxov t[(3 €]/i(^ dvd/xaTt Kat rptT^ov] t[ov vto>vov /aov. 
®cas C7rd77](ra 8t' €fU)v TcrpaK^ts,] 8ta Sc t(3v aAAo>v dp\tav iv fjAp€L 




B.C. 17 
B.C. 2 

quater , aliorum autem m[a^>/]rdtu[i^m] vicem ter et vicie[;2x] 

. \Pr\o conlegio xv virorum magis^/rr conF^S^^ colleg[a] 

M. Agrippa lud[(?j j]aecl[<7r(f]s C. Fumio C. [iS^ilano cos. 

\^feci, C\or^sul x///] ludos Mar[/ia]les pT[imus feci\ qu[t?j] ^st 

/]d tempus deincep[j] \n^equen^\Sjms anti^ \Jecerunt 

«?]n[^]les. [ ^«]ati[^]n[^j] best[/fl]rum Africandrum meo 

ndmine aut filio[rw]m me6rum et nepotum in ci[r]co aut [i]n foro 
aut in amphitheatris popul[(7 ^]edi sexiens et viciens, quibus 
confecta sunt bestiarum circiter tria m[//7]ia et quingentae. 





Navalis proelf spectaculum populo de[/// /r]ans Tiberim, in quo loco 23 
nunc nemus est Caesarum, cavato \solo\ in longitudinem mille et 
octingent6s ped^s, in latitudine[/« mille] e[/] ducentf. In quo 
triginta rostrdtae ndves trirdmes a[«/ birem^^s, plures autem 
min6res inter se conflixerunt. (^uibus /«] classibus pugnaverunt 
praeter r^mig^s millia Yio\minum /r]ia circiter. 

In templfs omnium civitdtium ^x\ovinct\z.t Asiae victor ornamenta 24 
reposui, quae spolidtis ttm\j>lis is\ cum qu6 bellum gesseram 
privdtim possederat . Statuae \mea\e pedestr^s et equestres et 
in quadrigeis argenteae steterunt in urbe xxc circiter, quas ipse 
sustuli exque ea pecunid dona aurea in aede Apol[//]nis me6 
nomine et ill6rum, qui mihi statuarum hon6rem habuerunt, 

Mare pacavi a praedonib[«]s. E6 bello serv6rum, qui fugerant i 25 
dominis suis et arma contrd rem publicam c^perant, triginta fere 
millia capta dominis ad supplicium sumendum tradidi. lura- 
vit in mea verba t6ta Italia sponte sua et me be[///], qu6 vfci ad 
Actium, ducem depoposcit. luraverunt in eadem ver^ba 

provi\ncia,e Galliae Hispaniae Africa Sicilia Sardinia. Qui sub 
\signis meis tum\ militaverint, fuerunt sendt6r^s plUres quam dcc, 
in ii\s qui vel antea vel pos^tk consules factf sunt ad eum diem 
qu6 scripta su[«/ haec^ lxxx///^ sacerdo^^t'^ ci[r^]iter clxx. 

Omnium "^ids^inciarum poptUi Romani\ quibus finitimae fuerunt 26 
gent^s quae v\on parerent imperio «^j]tro, fines auxi. Gallias et 
Hispanias pr6vincia[j^/ Germaniam qua inc/u\dit 6ceanus a Gddi- 
bus ad 6stium Albis flUm[/«« pacavi. Alpes a r^]gi6ne ea, quae 
proxima est Hadrid.n6 marf, \ad Tuscum pacari fec\i nullf gentf 
bello per iniUriam inlato. C\d\ssis mea per Oceanum\ ab 6stio 

Rh^ni ad s61is orientis regionem usque ad fi\nes Cimbroru\m 
navigavit, qu6 neque terra neque mari quisquam Romanus 


Tpw KoX elKoaaLKii, 'Yirkp rwv SeKatrivre [dvSp\<Sv, ^cdv (Twdp- 

\ovra MdpKov 'Aypwnr^av, ras 0]w [8]j,a cKarov ctwv yctvo/jievas 
6v[o/jia^o/Aeva]s ^'[ai^icXoipei^ iirorqcra VoLia ^ovpvuf «[ai] Taup Sc[(]- 
Xavo» vTraVois. "YiraTos rpLcrKai^€Karov [^eas "Aptiai irp]<i»TOS 
iiroTfaa, as /uieT €K€tvo[v x]po''®'' *^5 [tois /M.]€T€7r€iTa eviavTOis 

8 /ioi itrorjaav oi VTra- 

[toi] V i;s Srfpuav c 

23 N[av/Aaxtas (^eav tw ^fUi» cScD^fca 7r€[/)]av tov Tt[)3€pt8os, cv ^ rovt^ 

icrrl vv]v oXo^os Kato^a[p<i)]v, €KK€;(a)[KQ)s to €&i<^os] c[t]s /ai/k^o^s 
X^iXuov OKraKoauov wo& (uv, ets 7r]X<iT o]s x^^^^ 8taKo[(r]t<i)v. iv ^ 
TptaKo[v]Ta vavs Ifi^oXa e^ovcrat rpn^p^L^ ^ 8iKpoT[ot, at] Sc ^(roves 
TrXetovs ivavfidxrfcav. 'Ev t[ovt<{>] T<p arT<)X<p iJycovMravTo efo) t<3v 

ip€r<ov irpocnr^o^v ovSpes '''/^[t^crx^c^t^^X^tot. 

24 [TEv vaot]s ir[ao^]<3v 7rdX€<i)[v] r^s [A^o^t^^a^s veiKiyo^as tci <iva0c[/JiaTa 

ctTr^OKaTC^rTTyo-a, [a clxcv] t^Stiji] tepocrvXifo^as o vir' [c/aov] 8[t]ay<«)vt- 
(T^ets iroXe^/Atos]. 'Av8pi<iVTes ire^^ot Kat t^jinriroL /aov Kal c^' dppxunv 
dpyvpot €i<mJK€urav iv r^ 7r<)X€t €vyvs oy8oi;KovTa, ovs avTos ^pa, €k 
TovTov T€ Tov )(pi]fiaroi dyadipuara xpv<ra ev T<p va^ tov 'A7r<)XX<«)vos 
T^ re c/A^ ovd/uiTt Kat CKetvcDv, otrtvcs fic [r^ovTots Tots civ^ptaatv 
ir€Lfi7jaaVf dviOrfKO^ 

25 ®(iXa<r<ra[v] TretpaTevo/icvi/v vrro ctiro<rTaT<3v 8ovX<i>v [ei/)i7v]ev<ra' ef <Sv 

Tpcts w-ov /AVptc^8as Tots 8€[<r7r<)Tat]s cts KdXa<rtv irapi^Ka. "OfKxrcv 
[ets Tovs €/AOv]s Xdyovs drraca iy 'IraXta CKOixra kc^[/a€ TroXe/tov,] <p €7r' 
'Aktmj» eve^t^^Kiycra, i/ye/Adva c^^nJo^aTo. <i)]/Aoo^av eis rovs [avTOv]s 
Xdyovs ^7ra[p];(c[tat raXa^Tta 'Icnravui At)9vi/ St^KeXta 2ap]8<i). Ot 
V7r' €/A[ats OTy/jteats rd^re <rrpaT€v[(rct/xevot ^o^av <rvvKXiyTt][Kot ^rXetovs 
c7rT]a[KO<rt]<«)V' [c^v [avrots ot 17 ^rpdrepov ^] [/jteTcwetTa] cy^evov^TO 
[vir]a[Tot ets €K]€[t]v[i;v t^ rf^fi^pav, iv ^ Tavra ycypairTa]t, ©[^8017- 
Ko]vTa Tpe[t]s, t€p[et]s irpds 7rov eKarov €)38o/i.iy[K]ovTa. 

26 IIctarcDv €7rapxct<uv 817^10 [v 'P<i>]/Aat<i)v, als d/jtopa rjv Hffvrf ra firf viroTa<r- 

<r[d/A]cva tq 'qfjAripfi. rjy^fjiovic^ tovs dpovs €ir€vf[i7<r]a. raXaTtias 

Kat *Io^7ravtas, ofiOLtti^ Sl Kal T^pfmvLav Ka0<os 'OKcavos ireptKXetet 
air[o] ra8€[tp]<«)V ficxpt o-TdftaTOS "AX/Stos 7roTafto[v iv] ^ipqvy 
Karia-rrfaa, "AXmys (iiro KXt/taTos tov irXiyo^tov Etovtov KdXirov fJi€)(pi 
TvpprfVLKTJ^ OaXdaarf^ €LprfV€V€aOai rr^varfKo^ ov^cvt c^vct c^8tK<i)s 

circvcx^cvTos iroXcfiov. SrdXos ^ftos 8ta 'OKcavov diro arofiaro^ 

'Fqvov <tfs irpos civaToXas f^^XP^ c^vovs ^Cfjifipiov 8tcirXcv<rcv, ov ovtc 



B.C. 22, 24 


and Asia) 

B.C. 90 

A.D. I 

( Coionies) 


B.c. 20 

ante id tempus adft, Cimbrique et Charydes et Semnones et 
eiusdem tractUs alif Germdn6rum popu[/)i per legdt6s amicitiam 
meam et populi Romdni petierunt. Meo iussii et auspicio 

ducti sunt \dud] exercitiis e6dem fere tempore in Aethiopiam et in 
Ar[fl]biam, quae appel[/a/ar] eudaem6n, [maxim\2it(\\it hos[/]ium 
gentfs utr[/«]sque coY\iae\ caesae sunt in acie et [r]om[//«r]a 
oppida capta. In Aethiopiam usque ad oppidum Nabata perven- 
iluni] est, cuf proxima est Merod In Arabiam usque in finds 
Sabaeorum pro[rm]it exerc[//]us ad oppidum Mariba. 

Aegyptum imperio populi [^^]mani adieci. Amieniam maiorem 27 

interfecto rdge eius Artaxe c[K]m possem facere provinciam, 
malui mai6rum nostr6rum exemplo regn[w]m id Tigrani regis 
Artavasdis filio, nepoti autem Tigrdnis regis, per T[/. A^]ronem 
trad[^]e, qui tum mihi priv[/^]nus erat. Et eandem gentem 
posted d[«r]fscentem et rebellantem domit[/?]m per Gaium filium 
meum regi Ario[^tfr2;]ani regis Medorum Artaba[2:/] filio regen-* 
dam tradidi et post e[/wj] mortem filio eius Artavasdi. Quo 
[/«/^]rfecto [7Xfr«]ne, qui erat ex r^gi6 genere Armeniorum 
oriundus, in id rt\gnufn\ mfsf. Provincias omnfs, quae trans 

Hadrianum mare vergun[/ a]d orien[/^]m, Cyrenasque, iam ex 
parte magnd regibus eas possidentibus, e[/ ante^B. Siciliam et 
Sardiniam occv\pat\is bello servili reciperivf. 

Colonias in A.{v\\ca Sicilia ilf]acedonia utrdque Hispdnid Achai[^] 28 
Asia S^j^^ria Gallid Narbonensi Pi[j/]dia militum dedilxf . Italia 
autem xxviii \col6^\is,^ quae vfvo me celeberrimae et frequentis- 
simae fuerunt, vc\eis auspicis\ deductas habet. 

Signa mflitaria com^\\xY\a per\ ali6s d[«]c^s ami^^jfl] ditw\cii\s hostibu\s 29 
re[«^^]ravi ex Hispania et \Gallia et a Z>a/;v/]ateis. Parthos 

trium exercitum Roman[^]rum spolia et signa xt\ddere\ mihi sup- 
plicesque amicitiam populf Romanf petere coegi, Ea autem 
si[^]a in penetrdli, quod e[5]t in templo Martis Ultoris, reposui. 


B.C. II 



Pannonio[rw/« gentes^ quas «]nte me principem populi Romanf 30 
exercitus nunquam ad^/']^, devictas per Ti. [A^]ronem, qui tum 
erat privignus et legdtus meus, fmperio populi Romani s[«^/V]ci 
protulique fin^s Illyrici ad r[/^]am flUminis Dan[w]i. Citr[«] 
quod [Z>]a[^(?r]u[»/ /r]an[j]gressus exercitus meis a[w]sp[/W> 7^/V/]us 
profiigatusque [^o/, et\ pos[/^dJ trari^ Dan[//]vium ductus cy^erdtus 
me^s\ Da[dr^r]um gentes va^peria populi Romani perferre coegit\. 

Ad me ex ln\dia regum legationes saepe missae sunt^ numquam antea 31 
visae\ apud qu[«w]q[//^7/«] ^omanorum du\ctm, Nostram 


Kara yrjv ovtc Kara OdXafrfrav 'Vwfjjoiiav Ti? Trpo rouTov rov \p6vov 
wpoOTjXOev' Ka\ Kifi^poi Kal XoXv^cs Kai Sc^vokcs a\Aa rc iroAAa 
eOvrj Tcpfiaviav 8ia wpea-p^Luiv rrjv ifirjv «^iXwiv koI rrfv ^fiov 'Voifxaiiav 
ifnycrai^To. *E^^ imrayj Kal oiiavoi^ ato^iots 8vo urpartvfmra iirt^rf 
AlOioTTLa Kal *Apaj8ia r^ cvSai/Aovt KoXovfitvrf /icyaXas rc rbjv 
vok^fiioiv ^wafi€i^ KarcKOi/rcv cv iraparafci Kai TrXcurras iroXcis 
8opiaXajTOV9 tXafitv koI rrpotfirf iv AIOlotti^ y^^XP^ iroXccos Naj3an/s, 
i^ris coTiv (vyurra Mfpo^ty, ^v *Apa)3ii^ Sc fJi^^XP^ iroAcws Mapt)3a9. 

27 AtyvTrrov &qfiov 'Pw/xatW rjy^fiovLq. rrpoaWrfKa, 'Ap/icvtav rrjv /^[ct^j^ova 

dvaip^OivTO^ rov jSao^tXco)? 5vva/iievo9 Irrap^Lav w&^aaL /xaXXov 
i/SovXmjOrfv Kara ra Trarpta iJ/icSv ^^17 jSao^tXciav Ttypany 'ApraovcurSov 
vtw, vtoivo) 8« Tty/Kivov PaaLkim 8[o]vv[a]t 8ta Ttj3cptov NcpcDvo^, 
os ror' c/Aov wpoyovo^ ^v «at ro avro c^vo? d<l>LaTdfitvov kol avafroXc- 
/Aovv hafm<rO\v vrro Fafov rov vtov /aov jSao^tXct Apiofiapl^dveL, 
jSao-iXco)? MiyScDV 'Apra^a^ov vt(u, 7rapc8(i)Ka Kai /Acra rov cKctvov 
^avarov rw vi<p avrov 'A/rraovcurSiy • ov dvaipeOivro^ TLypdvrjVj os ^v 
CK ycvov9 'Ap/Acvtov ^ao^tXtKov, C19 rijv jSao^tXctav hrtfiAffa, *Eirap- 

\€Las aTrcuras, oo^at rripav rov Etovtov koXttov Starctvovo^t Trpos dva- 
ToXa9, Kat Kvpijviyv ck fi^Lal^ovo^ fiipov^ virb ^ao^tXccdV Kar€(r)(rffkiva^ 
KoX €fJLirpo<rO€V StKcXtav Kat 2ap8(a 7rpoKarctXi;/i.cva9 irokifua 8ovXtK<o 

28 'AirotKtia^ cv At)9vv/ StKcXti^ MaKc8ovta ev €Kar€p<f. rc *Io^avt<^ *A;(ata 

*A<ria Svpta raXarti^ t]J ircpt N(ip/3(uva IltcrtSti^ (rrpartdircSv Kanj- 
yayov. 'IraXia 8c ctKOcrt okto) (iTrotKta? c;(€t vir' c/tov Kara\0€L<raSy 
at ^/tov ircpt^^vros irXTy^ov^rat crvv;(avov. 

29 Siy/Aca? (rrpart(OTtKas [irXctovs v]iro aXXcov rjy^fiov^av arroP^pXrffiiva^ 

[vtK(3v TOv]s iroXc/uov9 aTTcXa^ov c^ *I(riravta9 Kat roXarta? xat 
irapa AaX/AarcSv. II(xpdovs rpiiov <rrpar€Vfidr<ov 'Pcofiatcav crKvXa xat 
<rrffi€as airo8ovvat ^/lot tKcras rc (^tXtav 8f//A0v 'P(u/iatW d^uu^rat 
i/v(iyKa(ra. ravras 8c ras (rrffjiias cv t(3 ''Apc(09 tov 'A/Avvropos 

vaov ()i8vr(i> arreOifirfv. 

30 Ilavvovutfv c^vi/, ot9 ir/>o c/tov i/yc/AOvos <rrpar€Vfia 'P(o/iaui)v ovk i^vyto^cv, 

rf<r<rrfO€vra vrro TlP^plov Ncp(i)vo9, os ror' c/aov ^v 7r/>oyovos Kai 
wpc^r^cvnys, i/yc/xovtiji Sijfiov 'F<ttfmL<Dv vrrera^a rd tc 'IXXvptKov 
opta /Ac;(pt ^l^rrpov irora/i.ov rrponffyayov ov ciretra 8c Acuccuv Staj^oGra 
iroXXi/ 8vva/At9 c/iots at(rtots otojvois KarcK^^TD/. Kat v<rr€pov fJL€ra\0€v 
rb ifwv <rrpdr€Vfjija rripav "l^rrpov ra Aguccov c^i/ irpo<rrdyfMra ^fwv 
"PiOfiaLiov VTTo/icvctv lyvctyKa^rcv. 
31 IIpos c/AC c^ 'Iv8tas ^acriXccuv irp€<rP€UU iroWdKi^ dTr€<rrdXrf<raVy ovSeiror^ 
rrpb rovrov ypovov 6^ct(rat irapa 'FiOfJLOi^av rfytfjiovL. T^v rffim- 




B.c. 28, 27 


B.c. 2 


A.D. 13 

zxti\idtiam p€tieruni\ per legat[^x] B[d!]stam[df^ Scythae\q}xt et 
Sarmatarum q[i// x««/ rt/r<i y7i/]men Tanaim \et\ ultrd reg[^j, 
^/^<i]norumque r^x et Hib^r[^r«w ^/ Medorum], 

Ad in^ supplices confug[^r««/] reg^s Parthorum Tfrida[/^x et postea] 32 
Phrat[^j] regis Phrati[x7?/r«j]; Medorum \Artavasdes\ Adia- 
benorum ^]rtaxares ; Britann[<7r]um Dumnobellau[««j] et Tim 

; \Sugambr\y[yya!L Maelo j Mar[<:]oman6rum Sueboru[»i 

rus\, \Ad me rex] Parthorum Phrates Orod[i]s filius 

fili6s su6s nepot[es^ue omnes misit] in Italiam, non bello superd- 
tu[^], sed amicitiam nostram per [tiberorum] suorum pignora 
petens. Plurimaeque aliae gentes exper[/d!^ suntp, ^.] fidem 
me principe, quibus antea cum populo Roman[(7 nullum extiterd\i 
legationum et amfcitiae [^]ommercium. 

A me gentds Parth6rum et M^d6ru[/« per legatos] principes eanim 33 
gentium rdges pet[/]t6s accdperunt Par[/^/ Vononem regis /%r]dtis 
fflium, rdgis Or6dis nep6tem ; M^df Aj^iobarzanem] regis Arta- 
vazdis filium, regis Ariobarzanis nep[^/^]. 

In consuldtil sexto et septimo, h[ella urbi civH]iaL exstinxeram per 34 
cons^nsum iinivers6rum [potitus rerum omn^wxmy rem publicam ex 
med potestate in ^tni,i[us popuiique Romani fl!]rbitrium trans- 
tuli. Qu6 pro merito meo senatu[^ consulto Aug, «//^]lldtus sum 
et laurefs postes aedium mearum \[estiti publice coronaq\ie civica 
super ianuam meam ffxa est [clupeusque aureu]s in [^]iirii Idlia 
positus, quem mihi senatum [populumque Romanu]m dare virtutis 
clem[^«//fl]e iustitia[^ pietatis causa testatum] est pe[r ^]ius cliipei 
[inscription]Qm, Post id ttm[pus praestiti omnibus dignitate, 

potest]dXis a,u[tem «]ihilo ampliu[j habui quam qui fuerunt /«]ihi 
quoque in ma[^>]tra[/]u conlegae. 

Tertium dec^i^^mum ronsulatu[;w cum gerebam^ senatus etequ]e^tQr ordo 35 
populusq[2^^] Romanus liniversus [appellavit me patrem /]atriae 
idque in vestibu[/<? «Jedium mearum inscriben[//«w esse et in curia 
^]t in for6 Aug. sub quadrig[/]s, quae mihi [eoc\ s. c. pos[//d:^ sunt^ 
decrevit Cum x^rf']psi haec, annum agebam septuagensu[w«/« 

Summary added after the death of Augustus. 

Summa peciin[/]ae, quam ded[// in aerarium vel plebei Romancte vel 3( 

///Jmissis militibus : denarium se[jc/]e[«j milliens]. 
Opera fecit nova aedem Martis, [lovis tonantis et feretri, Apollinis^ 

dfvf Iiili, Quirini, Minervae, [lunonis reginae^ lovis Libertaiis^ 


pav ^CKuiv T^iiiaa-av 8ta Trpccr^ccov Baarapvai koi l,KvOai Kai ^ap/m- 
Tcov ot C7rira8c oktcs toi) TavatSos irorafiov xai ot ircpav 8c j^ao-tXcts, 
Kat *AX)9av(tfV 8^ icat *\priptav koX "M.rjhtav j^ao^tXccs. 

32 IIpos cp,c tKcrat Kari^vyov ^ao-tXcts Ilap^cdv TctptSan/s Kat /tAcrcirctra 

^padrrji PaariXem ^pdrov [vto9, MjiyS^cDv] Sc 'A/wao^vao-SJiys, 
*A8ta)9[i;]v<Sv ['A^pra^fapiys, BptTa]wo)V Ao^vocAAavvos xat T[t^ 

, So]v[y]afi)8pa)V [M]atXo)v, MapKo/iav(i)v [Soviy/Swv] 

pos. [npo]s €p,€ /3aortXcv9 Ilap^cov <>pa[aTi79 

'12p(i)8o]v vto[s v]tovs [avrov] vtcovov^ rc iravras eircfii/rev cts 'IraXtav, 
ov 7roXcp,(p Xct^^ct9, aXXa r^v ly/i^c^rcpav «^tXtav (i^t(i)v cTrt tckvcdv 
^vc;(vpots, TrXctoTct rc oXXa Wvrf irctpav ^X[a])8cv Si7p,ov 'Po^/acuW 
irtbTca)s ^ir' cp,ov iTyc/iovos, oTs ro wptv ovSc/uia ^v wpos 8^/iov 
'Pcd/iatW 7r[pc](r/3ct(ii)v Kat <f>ikia^ Kotvoivta. 

33 Hop c/jiov c^vi^ n(ip^o)v Kat Mi/Scjv 8toi 7rpc<7/3ccDV TcSv Trap* avrot9 irpiorwv 

jScuriXcts alrrjadficvoi IXa/3[ov] Ilcfp^ot Ovovc^vi;v /3a(rtXccDS ^pdrov 
v\t]6v, )9a(riX[cQ)]9 *0/)a58ov vtcDVC)»'' M^8ot * XpioPaptflLvqv /Sa^o-^tXcws 
*Aprapd^ov viov, jSa^riXccDS *Apto/3ap^<xv[ov vtcD]voV. 

34 'Ev virarcta CKriy Kat ^fi^p-y p^^ra ro rovs €v<^Xtov9 fjSco-at /xc 7roXc/iiov9 

[K]ara ras €v;(as tcdv €/i.(t>v 7roXc[i]rcDv ei/Kpari^s ycv^J/Acvos TrctvrcDV tcdv 
irpay/i.(ircDv, €k rijs C/117S cfovo-tas cts r^ r^s (rvvKXTfrov Kat rov 
Svjfiov rcDV *FcD/xat<i)v /AcnfvcyKa Kvpti/av. c^ ijs atrtias Soyfian 
(rwKXifrov Sc/3a(rro9 7rpo(r[iyyopc]v^Tyv Kai 8c^<^v(U9 &tfffioa-ia ra 7r/x)7rv- 
X[a /Aov ^crr€^d]i7, 5 rc 8pvtvos (rrc^avos 6 5t8<)/icvos cirt (rcDnypta rcSv 
iroXctrcDV V7r€pci[v](i) rov 7rvX(3vos njs e/i^s otKtas dvcrcfty, o7r[X]ov 
rc x/>v(rovv cv T(p )9o[v]Xcvn7pta> dvarc^[c]v viro rc nys (rvvKXifrov Kai 
Tov 817/iov rcDv *Pa)[/ia]tcDv 8ta njs lmypa%f>rj% dptrrjv Kal cirtetKctav Ka[t 
8]tKato(rvviyv Kai cvcrcjSctav c/jtot fiaprvp^l. 'A^ta)/A[a]rt irivro^v 

StiyveyKa, iiovaia^ 8c ov8cv rt irXctov c^r^ov tcdv owapfavra)v /xot. 
35 Tpt(rKat8€Kan;v viraretav ayovr()s /xov 17 rc (rvvKXiyros Kat ro tinrtKov 
rayfjua o rc (rvv7ras ^fjuo^ tcdv *PcD/xatcDV Trpoayjyopevai fjL€ iraripa 
7rarptSos Kat rovro €7rt rov 7rpo7rvXov r^s otKtas /10 v Kat €V ra) fiovktv- 
rrjpLto Kal iv rQ dyop^ rg ^tPaar^ vwo r<3 dpfiarL, o fioi Soyfmri 
crwKXiyrov dvrriBrjy €iriypa<l>rjvai hfrrj^lxraro. '*0t€ €ypa%f>ov 

Tavra, lyyov eros i/SSofJurjKoaTOV Iktov. 

36 SwKc<^aXata)(rts rfpiOft^rffiivav )(pn^fjiaTo^ ets ro alpdpuov rj ets roi^ ^rjfiov 
Tov 'Pa)[/Aai]cDV ^ cts rovs dTroXcXv/ACvovs (rr/^artaJras : e^ /Avpt(£8cs 

L fjivpw&viv, '^pya Katva cyevcro vir* avrov vaot /acv ''Apca^s, Atos 

PpovTrfa-iov Koi Tf)oiraxo<f>6paVf Ilavds, *A7rdXXa)vos, ^eov lovXtov, 
Kvpctvov, 'A[^]vas, 'Hpas j3ao-tXt8os, Atos 'EXevdcpiov, 

s. 13 


Larum, deum Penitium, luy[mtatisj Matris deum, Lupercaiy 
fulvind\r ad circum, cilriam cum ch[aicidicOyforufn Augustum, 

dasiiua]m luliam, theatrum Marcelli, [p]oT[ticus , 

nemus trans T^Jiberlm Caesarum. 

Ref<kit Cz.^ito[iium 5ami]sque ae^es [;i2/]m[^ actoginta] duas, 
thea[/]rum Pompef, Aqu^arum rivos, vt]Bm Flamin[^x»]. 

f mpensa p [in spect]BiCu\[a scaenica et munera] gladiatorum 

a,t![fue athletas et venationes et naum]2ict\[iam] et donata pe[^]unia 

a(?) [/ifr]rae motu incendioque 

consumpt[^] B,[ut viritim] 2L[mias x^mi/]oribusque, qu6rum census 
expl^vit, in[»]umera[^7r]s. 


rjpia\iiiVy OtQsv Tr\arpCuiv , Ncdn^ros, Mi/rpos ^ccSv, 

)9[ai;Xcvn7piov] o^ x^^'^^^'^^ 9 dyop^ Scj^acrr^ , Biarpov 

MapK€X\ofVy ^^[aja^iAiK^ 'lovXta, ofXoros Kaura/xtfV, oroai 

^v] naXaT[i]<p, OToa cv linroSpofUf ^Xafuvii^. 'Eirco'iccv(ur0[i7 ro 

Ka]7rir<oXiov, vaoi dySoi/KOvra 8vo, 0c[ar]pov II^o/A^Tnjiov, 
68ds <>Xa/biivia, dy(i>yoi v8dra>v. [Aflnr]dvai 8c C19 ^cas xai /jlovo- 
fjLaxov^ Kai dOkTjraq kol yavpja\iav koX drjpo/JLaxiav 8a>/ocai [rc] diroiKiaiq 
irdXcciv iv 'IraXiigi, ttoXco-iv ^v iirap\€uu9 a^^urp.^ '^^[^] ^y^p^tMt^^ 
irrirovi^fcvuug rj Kar avhpa ^"Xois koX crwKXriTiKol^f <iv ras rct/Ai^o-cis 
Tfpoo^c^cirXi/pQMrcv: dircipov ttX^^^os. 




C 1. Z. X. 8375 (at Cumae). Rushforth 38. 

Aug. 19. [XIIIIK, Septembr, eo die Caesarprt]mum consulatum in[«/ ] 

Sept. 3. [/// ^0ft, Septemhr, eo die ^^^rjcitus Lepidi tradidit se Caesari. 

Suppli[<:]a[/w . .] 
Sept. 23. [K////-^. d7<^(^^r. «]atalis Caesaris. Immolatio Caesari hostia. Sup- 

plicatio . . . 
Oct. 7. Nonis Octobr. Drusi Caesaris natalis. Supplicatio Vestae. 
Oct. 18. XV K. Novembr. eo die Caesar togam virilem sumpsit. Supplicatio 

Spei et Iuve[«/«//]. 
Nov. 16. XVI K. Decembr. natalis Ti. Caesaris. Supplicatio Vestae. 
Dec. 15. XVIII K. lanuar. eo die a[r]a Fortunae Reducis dedicatast quae 

Caesarem \ex transmart'] 

nis provincis red[uxit], Supplicatio Fortunae Reduci. 
Jan. 7. VII Idus lanuar. e[o die Caesar] primum fasces sumpsit. Supplicatio 

lovi sempi[terno]. 
Jan. 16. [A^F^III K. Febr. eo di[^ Caesar Augustu]s appellatus est. Sup- 

plicatio Augusto. 
Jan. 30. [/// X Febr eo die ara Pacis Aug(ustae) dedicata] est. Supplicatio 

imperio Caesaris Augusti cust[^^i^] 

[civium Romanorum totiusque orbis terrar]um, 
Mar. 6. [Prid, Non, Mart, eo die Caesar pontifex ma^imxxs creatus est. 

Supplicatio Vestae, dis pub(licis) P(enatibus) p(opuli) R(omam) 

Apr. 14. [XVIII K, Mai, eo die Caesar primum vicit, Supplt]c2X\o Victoriae 

Apr. 15. XVII K Mai, eo die Caesar primum imperator app^tWsXus est Sup- 

plicatio Felicitati Imperi. 
May 13. [//// Id, Mai, eo die aedes Martis dedicatast, Supplica]\\o Molibus 

May 24. [VIIII K, lun, natalis Germanici Caesaris, •S»//]licatio Vestae. 

July \%, [II II Id, lul, natalis divi luli, Supplicatio Iov]if Marti Ultori, 

Veneri [Genetrici], 
Supp/i]c3Ltio lovi 



To avenge his great-uncle*s murder was the first object of Octavian 
[c 10, M. A. i]. The revenge took gradually a wider sweep, but it 
was in the first place to be exacted from those who had taken actual 

^ part in the murder. Of these men Suetonius [Caesar 80] says that 

scarcely any survived their victim more thaii three years, or died a 
natural death. All were condemned under the lex Pedia^ and were 
either executed, or perished by shipwreck, or fell in battle, or killed 
themselves. Dio [48, 1] says that all but a few met with the fate 
which the murder of a benefactor deserved. Plutarch \Caes, 69] 
declares that the Fortune which attended Caesar in his lifetime 

% became an avenging spirit after his death, pursuing and tracking his 

murderers over land and sea till none were left. It is scarcely 
possible to test this statement completely, for the number privy to 

ei the conspiracy was large, — 60 according to Suetonius \Caes. 80], 

121. 'some obscure and some young' [Cic. 2 PhiL § 26], and accordingly 

many of their names are unknown to us; but with some exceptions 

■0, it is confirmed by what we learn of those whose names have been 


Su; The most extensive list of names is that given by Appian B, civ. 

2, III — 113, but some are learnt from other sources. They are : 

lii)^ M. lunius Briitus Caepio. 

Killed himself at Philippi ii,c 42. App. 4, 131; Dio 47, 49. 

^ Dec. lunius Brutus Albinus. 

KilUd in Gaul B.C. 43. App. 4, 98; Dio 46, 53. 

" ' C. Servilius Casca. 

P. Servilius Casca. 

Cic 2 Phil. § 27. Publius was tribune in b.c. 43, and was con- 
detnned under the lex Pedia [Dio 46, 49 ; Cic adfam, 16, 15 ; 13 PhU, 
§ 31], but escaped from Rome and fought at PhUippi [b.c. 42. Plut. 


Brut 45} He either fell there or perished soon afterwards^ but ii ts 
not knawn wMch, Gaius seems to have been Tribune in b.c. 44 and 
to have tried to disdaim any share in the murder [Dio 44, 52], but 
Cicero [2 PhU. 27] and Appian [B, civ. 2, 113] speak of both brothers 
being among the assassinSy and Plutarch \Caes. 66] represents Casca 
(he gives no praenomen or nomen) exclaiming d&^kt^ fioif$€u His sub- 
sequentfate is unknown. 

Caecilius and Bucilianus. 
AppiaUi /.c. Nothingis known ofthese two brothers. Bucilianus 
accompanied M. Brutus and presumably shared his fate [Cic. cuL Att. 
iS> i7i§2i 16, 4 §4]. 

C. Cassius. 
Killed himself at PhUippi^ App. B. civ* 4, 113 ; Dio 47, 46. 

Cassius Parmensis. 
Put to death in b.c. 31 ^r 30, see note onp. 8. 

Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus. 

// has been questioned whether he was among the assassins. 
He was however condemmd under the lex Pedia and was in the 
proscription list Cocceius^ the legate of Antony in b.c. 40, denied that 
he was an assassin [App. B. civ. 5, 62]; but Cicero [2 Phil. §§27, 30] 
names him emphaticeUly^ and Appian^ though he does not mention him in 
his account of the murder^ speaks of him elsewhere [B. dv. 5, 59] 
as a o-^ycvs Fatbv Kouropos, as also does Dio [48, 7 and 54]. He 
was in command ofships at the time ofthe battle of Philippiy and after 
thatjoined Sext Pompeius ; but after the treaiy of Tarentum [b.c. 37] 
became reconciled with Antony^ by whose influence he secured the Consul- 
ship in B.C. 32. Though on the rupture between Augustus and Antony 
in that year he left Rome and joined the latter^ he quarrdled with 
Cleopatra and joined Augustus before Actium^ but died shortly after- 
wards^prior it seems to the actual battie [Dio 50, 13]. See p. 38. 

Q. Antistius Labeo. 
Father of the jurist [see c. 54]. He caused a slave to kill him 
in his tent after Philippi [App. B. civ. 4, 135]. See Cic. Ep. ad 
Brut. I, 18; 2, 27. 

Q. Ligarius. 

Plutarch [Brut. 11] caiis him Gaius. Cicero haddefended him on 
a charge of vis. With his two brothers he perished in the proscription of 
B.C. 43 — 2. App. B. civ. 4, 22 \Qaz. pro Lig. 12 \fam. 6, 13, 14; 
AtL 13, 12, 19, 20, 44]. 


Minudus Basilus 

was tnurdered hy his awn slaves in retaliation far a barbarous 

act on his part early in b.c 43 [App. B. civ, 3, 98]. In the assassi- 

nation he wounded Rubrius by mistake [Nic. Dam. c. 24]. He was a 

friend of Cicerds [Att, 11, 5], who wrote congratulating him on the 

murder \adfam, 6, 15]. 

Sextius Naso 
perished in the proscription of b.c. 43 — 2 [Appian B, civ. 4, 24]. 


Otherwise unknown, He was put to death by Antony at 
Ephesus after Philippi aa 42 [App. B, civ, 5, 4]. 

L. Pontius Aquila. 
He was legatus to Dedmus Brutus in b.c 43 [Dio 46, 38; 
Cic. II Phil, § 14; 13 Phil, 27], and was killed in the battle at 
Forum Gallorum^ near Mutina^ 15 April b.c. 43 [Dio 46, 40]. 

Rubrius Ruga. 
App. B, civ. 2, 113; Nic. Dam. c. 24. Hisfate is not recorded, 

Ser. Sulpicius Galba. 

Great-grandfather of the Emperor GcUba [Suet. GcUb. 3]. He 
wrote the well-known account of thcbattle at Forum GaUorum on the 
iS^h of April [Cic. fam, 10, 30]. Appian's assertion that he was 
among the assassins is confirmed by a sentence in Antonfs letter to 
the Senaie^ Cic. 13 Phil, 33. He probably feU in the course of the 
campaigny as his name is not mentioned among the proscribed, 

M. Spurius. 
Nothing is known of him or his fate, 

Perhaps L, Statilius^ an a^gur [Cic Att, 12, 13 § 2; 14, 3]. 
He was killed at Philippi, Plut Brut, 51. 

C. Toranius. 

See p. 58. He perished in the proscription^ App. B, civ, 
4, 12, 18; Orosius 6, 18, 9. He was betrayed to the emissaries of 
the triumvirs by his son, [Valer. Max. 9, 11, 5.] 

L. Tillius Cimber. 

Though a grecU friend of lulius \C\c fam, 12, 13, 3; 2 Phil, 
§ 27], ^ struck thefirst blow \Iul, 82]. He brought a fleet from his 
province of Bithynia to aid Brutus and Cassius in Macedonia b.c. 42 
[App. B, civ, 4, 102, 105]. He either perished in the course ofthe war 
or immediately after it, He would meet with no mercy as being con- 


demned by the lex Pedia. Wtfind the gavemorship of Bithynia vacant 
in B.C. 41 — o [App. B, civ. 5, 63^^«.]. 

C. Trebonius. 
Killed by Dolabdla in Asia b.c. 44 — 3, Cic. 1 1 Fhil. §§ i — 8, 
13 Fhil. § 22 ; fam. 12, 12, 14, 15. 

P. TunilUus 
commanded a ship in the fleet of Cassius B.C. 44 — 3 [Cic. fam. 
12, 13; App. B. civ. S, 2]. He afterwards joined Antony^ but was, 
given up to Octcnfian with the hope of conciliating him in b.c. 30, and 
was by him put to death. Dio 51, 8; Valer. Max. i, i, 19. 

Besides these, who seem to have taken an active part in the 
assassination, Plutarch says that Gaius Octavius and Lentulus Spinther 
joined them on their way up to the Capitol, feigning to have been 
in the plot [Plut. Ccus. 67, cp. Cic 2 Fhil. § 25} Appian \B. civ. 
2, 119] adds to this category Favonius, Aquinius, Dolabella, Murcus 
and Patiscus. 

Of these Gaius Octavius is unknown to us. P. Comelius 
Lentulus Spinther, though he thus openly joined the conspirators 
[Cic. Att. 13, 10; fam. 12, 14], and served at Philippi, managed to 
escape, and was alive at least up to b.c. 27 [Eckhel 5, p. 185]. M. 
Favonius was executed after Philippi [Dio 47, 49: see note on p. 27]. 
Aquinius may be the M. Aquinius pardoned by lulius in b.c. 47 
\bell. Afric. 57, 89], but we have no account of him after that. 
Dolabella took advantage of the murder of lulius to assume the 
consulship, but he soon showed by his execution of Trebonius in 
Asia that he was not at one with the assassins. He was driven to 
suicide in Syria by Cassius, b.c. 43. How far he did at first openly 
connect himself with the assassins is not clear, but for some time 
Cicero was thoroughly satisfied with his speeches and actions [Cic. 
Att. 14, 20 — 21; 15, 13; 16, 11]. L. Statius Murcus (once a iegatus 
of lulius) had been praetor in the year before the assassination, and 
if he was in Rome at the time must have been on the point of start- 
ing for his province (Syria). He afterwards did good service to the 
cause of Brutus and Cassius with his fleet; but joining Sextus 
Pompeius after Philippi he was assassinated, owing to the jealousy of 
Menodorus [Dio 48, 19]. Patiscus was with Cassius as pro-quaestor 
in command of a ship, b.c. 43 [Cicfam. 12, 13, 15]. 


|s « 


i i I 
M- I 





£t41 -• 


5-8 8*1 












-» ^ 

fl »-• 


** 4) 



e «. 



















c o 

CL i-C 


rt 4) 
•" co 










o • 



n ^ 


8 ^ 

3 o 





eg S S S «•'3 
"oj o«r? a o a 

^ h4 c^ 





»1 c« 





^ o 


— • 




■ o • 

•a Q 

.0*«. <=^ 




H^ 2 

S • 
■g -< 



o! " • 


^ - 





«2 • 






Thus on Nero^s death, in a.d. 6^^ all those who could trace their 
descent from Augustus or his sister had passed away, with the one 
exception of lunia Calvina. In iLD. 7 the expected succession in the 
Imperial family as far as Claudius is shown by an inscription on an 
arch at Pavia, which includes Gaius and Lucius, who had died a few 
years before, Wilmanns 880 : 






Druso iulio ti. f | avgvsti . nepoti | divi . pron • caesari | pon- 







Tiberius is called avgvsti f. since his adoption in a.d, 4; of 
those named none but the last, Claudius, survived Tiberius (a.d. 37). 
Gaius died in a.d. 4 ; Lucius a.d. 3 ; Drusus, son of Tiberius, in 
A.D. 23; and Drusus, son of Germanicus, was starved to death in 
A.D. 33 [Tac. Ann, 6, 23 — 4], having been bom it seems in a.d. 7 
or the year previous [Tac. Ann, 4, 4]. It seems strange that his elder 
brother Nero b. a.d. i, and afterwards (a.d. 20) married to lulia 
daughter of Drusus s. of Tiberius, should be omitted [Tac. Ann, 3, 29]; 
he was starved to death in a.d. 29 [Suet. Tib, 54]. Nero and Drusus, 
as sons of Germanicus (adopted by Tiberius), would naturally come 
before their uncle Claudius. Gaius (Caligula) was not bom till five 
years later (a.d. 12). 



[Numders refer to ChapiersJ] 

Actium 17, 18, 96; war of 9; triumph 

of 13; victory of 18 
Aegyptus 17, 18, 66, 93 
Aemilius Adianus 51 
Aemilius Papus 2 
Aemiiius Paulus 16, ip, 64 
AemiUus, son of the tnumvir 19 
Aenaria ^2 
Aesculapms 59 
Aeseminus Marcellinus 43 
Aetolia 17 
Africa 16, 47 ; Afer 4 ; triumphus Afri- 

canus 8 
Agrippa 16, 25, 29, 35, 42, 63, 64, 66, 

94. 197 
Agrippa Postumus 191 51, 64, 65 

Agrippina 64, cp. 73 

Ahenobarbus, v. Domitius 

Ajax 85 

Albanae columnae 72 

Albis 21 

albulae aquae 82 

Alexander the Great 18, 50, 94 

Alexandria 17, 71 

Alexandrinae merces et navis 98 

Alexandrine triumph 22, 41 

Alpes 79 

Ancharia 4 

Annius Cimber 86 

Antistius Labeo 54 

Antium 58 

Antonii 17 

C. Antonius 5 

L. Antonius 9, 14, 15, 68 

M. Antonius 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 17, 

20, 21, 28, 49, 62, 69; letters of 7; 

to Augustus 69; on Augustus i, 4, 

10, 16, 28, 63, 68, 69 

Antonius, s. of Marcus 17, 63 

Antonius Musa 59, 81 

Apis 93 

Apollo 70, 94; temples of, at Actium 

18; on the Palatine 29, 52 
Apollo Sandaliarius 57, Tortor 70 
Apollodorus of Pergamum 89 
Apollonia 8, 10, 89, 94 
Apollophanes 16 
Appuleius, Sextus, 100 
Apragopolis 98 
Aquileia 20 
Aquitania 21 
Areus 89 

Aricia 4, Aricinus ib, 
Armenia 21 
Asclepiades Mendes 94 
Asia 3, 17, 26 
Asiatici oratores 86 
Asinius Epicadus 19 
Asinius PolUo 29, 43 
Astura 97 
Athenae 93 
Atia4,(8), (6i),94 
M. Atius Balbus 4 
Attica Ceres 93 
L. Audasius 19 
Avemus lacus 16 
Augustus, see Index II. 
Augustus, derivation of the name 7 
Augustus mensis 31, 100 
Augustum saecttlum 100 

Baiae 16, 64 
Beneventum 97 
Bessi 3 

Bononia 17, 96 
Bovillae 100 
Brundisium 17 



D. Brutus lo 
M. Brutus lo, 13 

Q. Caecilius Metellus 89 
Caesar, v. lulia gens 
Caesareae urbes 60 
Caesarion 17 
Caesarum nemus 43 
Calagurritani 49 
Campana via 94 
Campania 79»9S 
Cantabria 41, 81 
Cantabrian war 20, 29, 85 
Capitabubula 5 
Capitolium 94, v. luppiter 
Capreae 72, 9«, -eis 98 
Capricomus 94 
C. Cassius 9, 10 
Cassius of Farma 4 
Cassius of Patavium 51 
Cassius Severus 56 
Castricius 56 
Catilina ^, 94 
Cato (Uticensis) i^, 87 
Q. Catulus Capitohnus 94 
Celadus 67 
Ceraunii montes 17 
Ceres, see Attica 
Cimbricum bellum 23 
Circeii 16 
Cleopatra 17, (69) 
Claudia 62 
P. Clodius 62 
Cordubensis 51 
Corinthia vasa 70 
Corinthiarius 70 
lex Comelia 33 
Comelius, a centurion 46 
Comelius Balbus 29 
Comelius Gallus 66 
L. Comiiicius 29 
Cosmus 67 
Cremutius Cordus 24 
Cotiso 63 
Curtii lacus 57 

Daci 8, 21 , 

December 32, 71 

Dehnatia 21; Dehnatian war 20; 

triumph 22 
Democnares 16 
Diale flaminium 31 
Diana 29 
Diomedes 67 
Dionysius 89 
Dioscurides 50 
Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus 17; Ap- 

pend. p. 198 
Drusus s. of Livia (71), 99 
Drasus s. of Tiberius 100, loi 

M. Egnatius 19 

Q. Ennius 7 
Etrasca Ungua 97 
Eutydius ^ 

Fabiani tribules 40 
Fannius Caepio 19 
M. Favonius 13 
Flaminia via 30, 100 
Fortuna 65 
Fulvia 17, 62 

Gallia 21 
Galliae 79 
Gallus 40 
Q. Gallus 27 
gallus (Matris deum) 68 
Gallus, V. Comelius 
Genius Augusti 60 
Germani 21, 49 
Germania 23 

Gennanictts, s. of Drasus 341 64, 10 1 
Getae 63 
Gigantes 72 
Glyco II 

Graeca bibliotheca 29; Graecus cliens 
40 ; Graeci pugiles 45 

Hadrianus (7) 

Herculis Musaram aedes 29; Hercules 

Tiburi 72 
Heroes 72 
Hieroso^rma 93 
Hilarion loi 
A. Hirtius iOi 11, 68 
Hispania 68 ; Hispaniae 8 
Homer ^uoted (//. 3, 40) 65 
Hortensius' house 72 
Hylas 45 

L. Idus 43 

Illyricum 21, 25, 97 ; lUyrican army 19 

Inalpinae gentes 27 

Indi 21 

Inferummare 49 

Italia 13, 17, 45, 59 

lanus (Juirinus 22 ; marmoreus 31 
ludaea 93 ; ludaeus 76 


C. Caesar, grandson of At^ustus 

«6. «9» (43)1 (56)» 64» 65, 67, 93 
L. Ca^ar, firandson of Augustus 

«6, 2p, (56), 64, 65 
lulia, sister of the Dictator 4, 8 
lulia, d. of the Dictator 95 
luHa, d. of Augustus 19, 63, 65, (73) 
lulia, eranddaughter of Augustus 

64, 65, 7«. (73) 
luliae 65 (bis) 
C. lulius Caesar 4, 8, 10, 17, 31, 

35«45»^> 94; DivusjjiS 
Divus lulius I, 15, 17, 31, 94, 100 



lulius Marathus 79, 94 

lulius portus 16 

luoius Novattts 51 

lunius Satuminus 27 

luppiter, O* M. aji 94 ; Capitolinus 26, 

30, 91, 94 ; Olympius 60; Tonans 29, 

91; Trag^oedus 57 

C. LAetorius 5 

Lanuvium 72 

Lares Cubiculi 7 ; Compitales 3 1 

Latina bibliotheca 99 ; Latine 89 

Latinitas 47 

Lepidus, v. Aemilius 

Liber pater 94 

libumica 17 

M. Lidnius Crassus ai 

Licinus 67 

Locri 16 

Lolliana clades 23 

Lucrinus lacus 16 

lupercale and -ia 31 

Lyda 65 

-Macedonia 3 

Maecenas 66, 74, 86 

Mallia 70 

Marcellae 63 

Marcelli theatrum ao 

M. Marcellus, s. of Octavia 63, 66 

Mardus Philippus 8, 29 

Mars 1,18; Ultor 2 1 , 29 ; .templum (96) ; 

Martius Campus 43, (100) 
Ma^bas 98 
Massilia 65 
Mater Deum 68 
Mauri 83 

Mausoleum loot loi 
medici 42 
Medioluiium 20 
Menas 74 
Mendes 94 
Misenum 49 
L. Munatius Plancus 7, 29 [another, 

c. 101] 
Mundus 94 

Musarum Herculis templum 29 
Mutina 10, 12, 77; war of 9, 84 
Mylae 16 
Mytilene 66 

Naulochus 16 

Neapolis 98; Neapolitans 92 

Neptunus 16, 18, (96) 

Nerulonensis 4 

Nicanor 89 

Nicon 06 

Nicopous 18 

P. Nigidius 94 

Nilus 18 

Nola 98, 100 

Nonius Asprenas Torquatus 43, 56 

November 32 
Nursini 12 


Octavia, the elder sister of Augustus 

Octavia, the younger sister of Au- 

gustus 4, 29, 61, 63, 73 ; Octaviae 
porticus 29 
Octavii proavus et avus Augusti 2 
Octaviorum duplex familia 2 
C. Octavius Div. Augusti pater 3, 

7» 8, 27, 70, 04, 100 
Octavius dux Velitemorum i 
C. Octavius Rufiis 2 
Octavius vicus i — 2 
Ordni senatores 35 
Oriens 13 

Palatium 29, 72 ; Palatina domus ib. 

Pannbnia 21 ; Pannonica bdla ib, 

Pansa 10, 11 

Parthi 8, 21, 43 

Parthina gens 19 

Patavinus 51 

patricii 2, 10 

Peloponnesus 17 

Penates 92 

Perasia 14, 96 

Perusinum bellum 9, 14 

Philippi 96 ; battle of 91 ; war of 9, 13, 

22, 29 
Phoebe 65 
Phoebus 70 
phonascus 84 
Pinarius 27 
Plautius Rufus 19 
PoUio, v. Asinius 
Polus 67 
Polybius 10 1 
Pompeius (Magnus) 31 ; statua Pompeii 

ib. ; theatrum Uf. ; liberi 8 
Sext. Pomp. 9, 16, 47, 74; attacks 

Augustus 68 
Sext. rompeius cos. a.d. 14, 100 
Praeneste 72, 82 
Ptolemaeus(?) 18 
Puteoli 44 
Pylades 45 

quin^uatrus 71 
Quinnus lanus 22 

Raetia 21 

Raeticum vinum 77 

Ravenna 20, 49 

Regium 16 

Rhenus 21, 25 

Romae et Augusti templum 52 

Romani equites 40 ; Romana civitas ib. 

Romanum foram 72 

Romulus 7, 95 



RnfiUa 69 

Sabbata 76 

Saeculares ludi 31 

Saepu 43 

Salassi ai 

C. Sallustios Crispus 86 

Salutis augurium 31 

Salvidienus Rufus d^ 

Samus 17, 46 

Sardinia 47 

Satumalia 75 

Scaptienses tribules 40 

Scribonia 63, 63, 69 

Scutarius 56 

Scythae 11 

Septa, the 43 

P. Servilius Isauricus 61 

Sextilis mensis 31 

Sibyllini libri 31 

Sicilia 3, 16, 15, 47; Sicilian war 9, 

16, 32, 70, 96 
Sigambri ai 
C. Silius 71, loi 
C. Sosius 17 
Spartacus 3 
Sphinx 50 
Statilius Taurus 29 
Stephanio 45 
Suetonius (7) 
Superum mare 49 
Surrentum 65 
Syrncusae (Augusti) 73 
Syria 17; Syri pueri 83 

Tarquinius Priscus 3 

Tarraco 36 

Tedius Afer 37 

Telephus 19 

Terentia 66 ; Terentilla 69 

Tertulla 69 

Thallus 67 

theatrum Balbi 39 ; MarcelU 39, 43 ; 

Pompeii 31 ; theatra trina 45 ; thea- 

tralis poena 40 
Theogenes 94 
Thes«ilus quidam 96 
Thraces 3 
Thracia 94 
Thrasyllus 98 

Thurinus ager and pagus 3 — 3 ; r^o 7 
Thurinus Augustus 7 
Tiberis 30, 37, 43, 100 
Tiberius 40, 51,* 63, 65, 71, 76, 85, 86, 

07, 98, 100, lOI 
Tibur 73, 83 
C. Toranius 37 
triumphalis porta 100 
Troiae lusus 43 
Sen. Tullius 3 
M. Tullius Cicero 5, 94 
Q. Tullius Cicero 3 

Valerius Messala 74 
Valerius Messala Corvinus 58 
Varro Murena 19, 56, 66 
Quintilius Varus 33; Variana clades 

I*., 49 
Velitrae i, 6, 94; Velitemi 94 
Venus (iactus) 7 1 

Vergilius, quoted (Aen. i, 383) 40 
Vestales virgines 31« 44» 10 1 
Victoria, figure of, 100 
Vindelici 3i 
L. Vinicius 64, 71 
T. Vinius Philopoemen 37 

xysti *ji 
xystia 45 


[Tke numbers refer to ihe pages of this edition,] 

A manu 130 ; a matre 7 
abdicare 126 
accommodare 75 
acina 143 
acroama 141 
acta ofthe SencUe 10, 82 
actus rerum 75 ; actus diumus 145 
ad spectaculum 96 
adesse clientibus 115 
adlectio 2 

iubption, forms of ii^y 125; adoption 
of Agrippa Postumus and Tiberius 

aedes and templum, difference between 

aedes Apollinis 64 

Dianae 65 

Herculis Musarum 64 

lovis Olympii 119 

Martis Ultoris 62 

Satumi 65 

Tonantis 63 
aedituus 10 

aerarium Satumi 84, 161 ; militare Jo6 
aesar 168 

aetati indulgere 109 
affinitates 104 
agey quaestorian 56 
Agrippa, public works of 65 — ^^ 
albulae 149 
altemis 149 
alveus Tiberis 67, 83 
ambitio 55 

ambitus, repression of 88 
amphitheatrum Tauri 65, 95 
angustus clavus 139 
annuus 57 
antiquarii 153 

anuli ius 88; anulos aureos ponere 172 
appellatio 77 
aquae, charge ofthe 83 
aquilus 147 


ara of the Octavii i ; of lulius at 
Perusia 29 — 30; in provinces to 
Augustus 119 

aratores 94 

aretalogi 141 

argentarius 134 

army, changes in 52, 106 

C. Asinius Vo\\\ojoins Antony 24 

assem et libram, per 123 

assertus in ingenuitatem 140 

aspis 40 

d<r0aX|^s OT/jaTi^XiiTi^s 55 

athletae 95, 98; athletamm privil^a 

atrium Libertatis .65 

auditorium 151 

augurium Salutis 71 

Augusty month of 69 

Augustus, biographers of \y Introd. § i ; 
faiher of 9; birthday of 9; names 
bome by i2\ assumes the toga virilis 
2, 14; raised to the Patriciate 2; 
mcuie Pontifex 2 ; in Spain with 
lulius 15; at Apollonia 15; hears 
of the death of lulius 16; his early 
policyy his connexion with the op- 
timates and Cicero 21, 22; his at- 
tempted cusassination of Antony 22; 
his first imperium 22 ; cU Mutina, 
Philippi and Perusia 23 — 30; wars 
with Sextus Pompeius 31 — 35; cele^ 
bration of his Sicilian victory 36; 
breach with Antony and victory cU 
Actium 36 — 39; victory at AleX' 
andria and settlement of Egypt 39 — 
43 ; conspiracies against 44 — ^46 ; his 
foreign wars 46 — 52 ; his military 
discipline 52 — 55; offices held by 56 
— 60 ; meditates restoring the republic 
61 — 62 ; his works on the Palatine 
63 ; undertakes care of via Flaminia 
6^ ; his restoration ofsacred bui/dings 




68; his reforms 6p — 76, 86, 98; his 
l^isUUim 78; his dealings imth the 
Senate 79 — 85 ; his avoidance of public 
receptions iii; his Ulnesses 15, 26, 
61, 118, 148; his absences from ItcUy 
117; his bentfactions 90 — 94 ; his 
colonies 10 1 — 102; his management 
of the provinces 102 — 103; of the 
fieet 104 — 105 ; his modercUion^ his 
marriages 11 1 ; his hright eyes 146; 
his reUUions with mother and sister 
120; his handwriting 124, 155; his 
tnemoirs 152; his letters Intr. p. xxxi. 
note 58 ; temples and altars to^ in the 
provinces 119; his death 172; his 
will 174 

aureo hamo piscari 55 

auspicantes militiam 85 

auspicia 47 

autographae of Augustus 154 

auxilia 104 

avunculus maior 13 

Baceolus 155 

basilica lulia 64 

bctth^ hour ofthe 143 ; hot baths 148 

beardt wearing of the 146 

bella civilia 18; extema 46 

belua 139 

biferae ficus 142 

birthday of Augustus 9, 116 

breviarium Imperii 176 

buccea 143 

businesSi hours of 76 

Cacozeli 153 

calciamentum 139 

Calendar^ correctton ofthe 69 

calfacere 136 

caligati 55 

calumnia 74 ; calumniator 75 

calumniari 25 

campestres operae 4; exercitationes 149 

Campus, buricUs in the 1 73 

candidati Caesaris 114 

capita bubula, ad 10 

Capreis {loc^ 169 

carcinoma 127 

caseus bubulus 142 

caste II 

catervarii 100 

cavea media 98 

celeber i 

cella penuaria 1 1 

cena recta 140 

cenacula 90 

cenare adulteria 133 

censores 84 

censoria potestas 60 

census held by Augustus 60 — 61 

centumviralis hasta 82 

cerritus 155 

certamen Graecum 99 

certum habere 9^ 

Cestius Macedonicus of Perusia 29 

children at the imperial table 124 

chirographus 124, 155 

cibus meridianus 144 

Cilicia 142 

circa 158 

circuitus 39 

circumtonsus 10 1 

circus 90 

citra 53, 96 

civilitas 108 

clades Variana 51 

Classis, the port of Ravenna 105 

cXzs&xs^ stations (f the 104 

clausula 171 

clavus 139 

clementia of Augustus 108 

Cleopatra, schemes of %1\ death of 40 

clientela 39 

coelibes and orbi, disabilities of *i% 

cognitio 107 

cognoscere 77 

cohortes urbanae 105, 175; praetoriae 

106, 175 
coUegia 73; collegia summa 172 
collocare pecuniam 37 
coloniae in Italy loi — 102 
comitia, the 88 
commentarii diumi 124 
commilitones 54 
commissio ludorum 97; commissiones 

(^TTiSe/^ets) 158 
commoda sacerdotum 70 ; praemiorum 

53 ; missionum 53, 106 
comoedia vetus 157 
competere 70 
compitalicii 72 
concinnitas 152 
conclavia 137 
condicio 122 

conditorium Alexandri 41 
condormio 145 
confiscare 31, 175 
congiarium 92 
conmrationes 44 
consaucio 46 
consilia semenstria 81 
consistere 90 

consulares asjudges in thepromnces 77 
consulships of Augustus 56 — 57 
contribuere 104 
convivari 140 
com trade ofEgypt 43 
coroUarium 99 
corona radiata 163 
cubicula aestiva 137 
cubiculi Lares 12 
culleus (see parricidium) 76 
cum with indicative 148 
cura and curator 83 



cuna III 
curiosus 59 

Decemviri stlitibus iudicandis 82 

decimatio 93 

decurias recognoscere 64; decuriae iu- 

dicum 75 ; tribus et decuriae 117 
decuriones 102 
deducere 63 
deficior 151 
deificaHm oflulius 30 
delator 128 
del^atus iudex 77 
desiderare 129 
desideria 39 
designatores 100 
despiciens 53 
Diale flaminium 7 1 
dictaiorship iio 

digitus inmmis 10 1 ; salutaris 147 
diplomata 107 
discincti 53 
discruciare 29 
dispensator 130 
distorti 150 
divisores 4 

ditforce, restrictions on 79 
5w$6«c<£^6os 132 
dominus iio 
domos (gen,) 155 
dona militaria 15 
donari 11 
ducenarii 75 
ductu 47 
dvatfyiifda 160 
dwarfs 96, 150 

Edicta 113 

in edito 138 

egelidus 148 

elephants iii 

eloquentia 150 

empirey division of between the trium- 

virs 17 — 18, 28 
emptos a patre 123 
ephebi 109 
epistula 107 
equestris militia 102 
equites on stage and arena 96 
equitum travectio 86 
equum reddere 86 
ergastula, inspection of 73 
essedum 142 
e^avatrla 171 
evocati 115 
exauctorare 53 
excerpta 157 
excitare 29 
excubiae 52 
exerceo 8, 29 
exsibilo loi 
exuviae lovis 163 

Fabulatores 145 
in fabulis 132 
facultas 31 
falsae tabulae 45 
fans 148 
fatidica 69 
faustis ominibus 117 
feminalia 148 
fercula 141 
ferreae litterae 12 
fetor 153 
fingo 9 

fire-brigades 54, dd 
fiscus 31, 89 
fleet^ construction of a yi*^ stations of 

focillare 36 

foederatae civitates 103 
foUicula 150 
forensia 140 
foruli 69 
forum, loitering in the gi; exhibitions 

in 94 — 95; foram aleatorium 136; 

fomm Augusti 62 
Foram Galloram, battle cU 23 
frigus 129 
framentum, distribution of 83, 92 ; 

mischief of 93 
fungor, construction of 80f 82, 99 
fustuarium 53 

Gallia Cisalpina 22 
gallus 131 
gatnbling 135 
gaza 91 
genius 66^ 119 
geronticos {yepovriKiOi) 135 
gestu gustuve 14 
gladiatores 98, 100 
grassatores, suppression of Ti 
gratiam facere 38, 87 
gravedo 148 

Haerere 134 

harenae atque harundines 147 

hastae auctio 53; hasta centumviralis 

heredes primi secundi ^/^. 174 — 175 
hereditas, laws of lyy 
Herod 104 
hiemare 138 
histriones omnium linguaram 94; his- 

trionum coercitio 100; licentia loi ; 

histriones atparties 141 
honorare 100 
hordeo pascere 53 
hostiaram more 30 
hostis iudicatus 37 
houses^ height of 1^*1 

Ignominia 53 
imagines 7 



immatuiitas spoiuarnm 79 

imperator 49 

imperittm cf Augusius 56 ; imperiom 

aogendum 49, 176 
incendia 54, 03, 60; ofthe palace 117 
indez rerum 176 (see monumentum 

indicti 54 

infinUwe presetU of future aetiim 93 
in^enia \yi 
initiati 100 
iniuria 115 
inobservantia 143 
insane princes^ treaimeni of lo^ 
instnimentum regium 134 
insulae Campaniae 138 
inundaiions 62, 67 
invitare se 144 
ita...ut 87, 93, 114, 126 

Jewels dedicated in temples 68 

luris ambieui 74 

ius dicere \ofthe Emperors) 76 

Kalendae Graecae 155 

king at Rome^ prophecies of i6\ 

kings set up by Augustus 104 

Lanistae 93 

Lares compitales 72 

laticlavii 165 

Latinitas 103 

latus clavus 85, 139, 165 

laudationes 14, 150, 173; inacourtof 

law 115 
lecticula lucubratoria 144 
lectus imus 1 24 
legati, places of in theatres 97 ; legati 

of Augustus 46 
leges Augustae 78 
legio decima 53; alauda 75; quarta 

and Martia 17 
legionSf number of 36, 52 
legitima coUegia 74 ; legitimus senatus 

80; legitimi pugiles 100 
lex Uondition* 49 
lex Cornelia de iniuriis 115 
„ „ de falsis 45, 77 
„ curiata 145 — 116 
„ Furia Caninia 89 
„ Gabinia 81 

„ lulia de adulteriis 11 — 13 
,, de ambitu 88 
,, de coUegiis 73 
„ de iudicibus 75 
,, de provinciis 8 
„ de sodis 3 
,, theatralis 87 
„ Papia 81 
„ Pappia Poppaea 78 
„ Pedia «o, 31 
„ Pompeia 75 


lex Roscia 87, 97 

„ Rufrena 31 

„ Servilia pidlia] 75 

„ Voconia 175 
libelli 99; famosi libelli 113 
liberalitates ofAugustus 90 — 91 
libertas iosta 90 
libertinus miles 54 
libumicae 30 

lightning, pfaces struck by, 63, 161 
litare 167 
locum habere iia 
lorica sub veste 80 
ludi, editors ofo^^ 98 
ludi compitaliai 72 

„ honorarii 75 

„ magni 5« 

„ pontificales 98 

,, quinquennales 43, 119 

„ saecidares 71 

,, victoriae Caesaris 20 
ludii 141 
ludis (time) 100 
lusus Troiae 95 

Mactare 31 

magisterium 3 

magistratus ofAugustus 56 

magistri vicorum 66, 72 

male 50 

maleHcium 75 

mango 132 

manubialis pecunia 67 

manumission^ regulations as to 89, 93 

manus ^stake* 136 

mariti 98 

marmoream (Romam) relinquere 62 

marriage^ laws of 78; marriage with 

foreigners 132 
medici 93 
micare 27 

militare aerarium 106 ; militare opus 43 
military service^ length of \o6 
milites in theatres 98 
mimus 171 
missilia rerum 169 

mis^o ofgtadicUors 100; ofso/diers 106 
modulata carmina 117 
momenta horarum 108 
monumentum Ancyranum quoted 13, 

21, 22, 26, 47, 48, 50, 51, 57, 

58, 61, 62, 64, 68, 72, 94, loi, 

106, iio, 173 
mora^ Italian game of 1*1 
moriendum est 29 
morosus 129 
mortuum vidit 39 
mos civilis 37 ; morum legumque r^i- 

men 60 
muli 82 

L. Munatius Plancus/mu Antony 24 
munera at the SatumaHa 141 



murales (coronae) 55 
murrinus calix 134 
Mutina, battles near 23 
myrobrochus 153 

Namei assumed by Tiberius and Livia 
i^ff', of Caesar taken by Augmtus 1 7 

natales 10 

naufragium duplex 32 

navale proelium 95 113 

negotium {fegal meaning) 75 

nemus Caesarum 95 ; nemora 139 

Neptuno invito 34 

nomenculator 45, 112 

nomina abolere 74 

noneSf an unlucky day 160 

notare 124; per notas scribere 156 

nuces 150 

numera 81 

Numerius Atticus 174 

nummularius 9 

nummus (sestertius) 92; nummi regii 
141; nummus aureus 169 

nundinae 160 

Oblimatae fossae 43 

occurrere 29 

ocellati 150 

oculis rectis 33 ; oculi eifossi 59 

officesy extra-constitutional 56 

official acts during the night 145 

officium salutationis 59, 112; officia 

cotidiana 120 
opera publica 83 
opinari de 109, 130 
optimates 21 
orations 51 
orcini 7p 

ordinarii pugiles 100 
Origines ofCato 154 
ovatio 51 

Pagani 59 

pagus 4 

palma 92 

paludamentum 23 

Pantheon, the 65 

pantomimus loi 

par impar 136 

parricidium, punishment of 76 

Parthians^ intended expedition of lulius 

against 15 
paruerunt 166 
pater patriae 117 — 118 
pavimentum 137 

per aestatem 32 ; per publicum 1 1 1 
peregrini, exputsion of 93 
pergula 165 
penstylus 148 
perrogare 82 
pertaesus 121 

petasus 148 

phalerae 55 

phonascus 151 

pila 150 

pisciculi 142 

plebs, meaning of 98, 102, 108 

pontificatus maximus, election of Au- 

gustus to the 68 
populus ^ city populace* 88, 94 
porticus Liviae et Octaviae 64 
postal service 107 
potentia 28 
praeceptores 93 
praecipitium 146 
praecipuus i 
praedicere 158 
praefectura urbis 83 
praelucere 64 
praetextati 98 
praetores, number of 84 
praetoria in the country 138 
praetoriani 52, 106, 171 
praetorii in the treasury 82 
prandium, time of 99, 144 
prepositions with names of towns 153 
princeps iuventutis 123 
pro contione 14 ; pro partibus 25 ; pro 

praetore 22 
processions^ complimentary 1 1 1 
proconsulare imperium 56 
proconsulatus 6 

proconsuls inSenatorial provinces 6^y 109 
professio 6 
prolatio 67 
propagare 52 
proscription^ the ^S; Verres in the lists 

of 134 
proseco 2 

provinciae, division of 102 

psylli 40 

publica iudicia 63 

publicare 63, 96 

publice 38 

pugillares 87 

pullati 90, 98 

puUeiaceus 155 

pulvinar 99 

Quaestores urbani 82 ; quaestor Caesa- 

ris 126 
quasi 25, 34, 46 
quattuordecim ordines 29, 87 
et quidem 32 
quinquennale certamen 170; see also 


Rationarium 62 

rationem vitae reddere 87 ; rationem 

deducere 94 
recensus populi 88 
reddo 2 
regia, the 72 



regioHs of Rome lo, 66; of Italy loi, 

see Introd. p. xxxiii. note 87 
regna {surrounding the Emfire) 104 
rel^tio in agros 53; relegatio and 

exiliura iia — 113 
religio est 1 1 
reliquias legere 1 74 
repetere 74 
replicata locinera 166 
republict restoration of contemplated 61 

— 6a; statuetteof 164 
rescripta of the Emperors 99; ansvfers 

to pamphlets 151 
residua vectigalium 176 
rivers^ executions in 130 
rostra vetera 173 
rudera 67 

Sabbata 143 

sacerdotes, addition to the 70 

sacramentum 53 

sacrarium 10 

sacrum Lupercale 71 

salutatio 59; salutationes promiscuae 

scalae anulariae 137 
a se 89 ; de suo 09 
seal with head o/Augustus 108 
secessus 138 
secta 10, 25 
secundarius panis 142 
secus muliebre 98 
sed (koX ravra) 87, 140 ; sed et 1 1 
segestria 150 
sella and lectica 1 1 1 
senatores, places of in games 97 ; sena- 

torum census 9 1 — 92 ; senatorum liberi 

senatus, lectiones of 79 ; places and day 

of meeting 9o\ quorum in 81; acta 

of 10, 82 ; respectful treatment of 1 11 

— 112 
senatus consulta, custody of \6i ; con- 

ferring honours on Augustus 115 
sententiae in the senaie^ order in 

taking the 81 — 82; sententiarum in- 

eptiae 152 
seponere 126 
sermones 151 
sestertium 92 
sextantes 144 
shceving^ fcLshion of 14,6 
shipwrecks 32, 34 
signatores ofa will 77 
simus 155 

societas [ofthe triummrs) 25 
soleae 140 
solium 149 
sordes 74 
sors ultima 45 ; sors rerum inaequalis- 

simarum 142 
sortitiones iudicum 63 

spectacula 94 

speculator 50, 140 

<nr€v^ PpaitiOi 55 

sphmx in seal of Augustus 107 

spongia 142, 152 

siA>nsa et uxor 121 

sponsalia 112 

standards, restoration ofthe 50 

statuae, of the emperors and kings 41 ; 

ofviri triumphales 72 ; silver 109 
stemma Octaviorum 3; Caesarum Ap- 

pend, C 
stips thrown into lacus Curtius 1 16 ; 

stipem mendicare 1 59 
stratum iii 
strenae 116 
strigilis 147 

styUt extravagance of j$7 
sub manum 107 
sudjunctizfe, loose use of loS 
subsellia 115 
subucula 148 
super 15 
superesse 115 
supersedere 160 
supinus 33 
supprimere 73 
supra 137 

Tabellae duplices 59 ; tabella tertia 

tabulae debitorum 74 ; votorum nuncu- 

patorum 168 

talus 135 

tanquam 11 

taxo 9 

Tcxyb<t>vov 138 

temere 34, iii 

templefor meeting ofSencUe 80 
of Apollo in Palatio 62 
of Bellona 63 
of lanusi closingof 50 
of luppiter Capitolinus 164 
of Rome and Augustus 109, 

templeSy night spent in 162 

tensas deducere 97 

tesserae 80; (dice) 135 

testamentum of Antony 37 ; testamenti 

licentia 113; testamentum ingratorum 

theatrest eniployis in 100 
theatrum Marcelli 64, 96 ; Balbi 65 ; 

theatra trina 10 1 
^eoXoyoi^/Aeya 162 
thorax laneus 148 
thronus 133 
thyrsus 144 
tibialia 148 
tigris 96 
tintinnabula 159 
tirocinium fori 57 






titulus 119 

toga, disuse of 90 ; worn by fareign 

princes 120; toga pinguis 148; toga 

virilis 14, 165 
togatarius 101 
tonitrua, fear ^158 
torques 54, 96 
torture ofslaves 60 
tralaticius 21 
tribules, payments to 89 
tribunal praetoris in the theatre 98 
tribuneship^ Augustus tries for in vain 

20 ; its decline 87 
tribunicia potestas 60, 87 
\xAi\i& of Augustm 89, 114, 175 
triumpnales viri 67; triumphsdi effigie 

72; triumphalis porta 172 
triumphus 40, 51, 85 
triumviratus 17, 57 — 58; triumviratus 

legendi Senatus et equitum 84 
triviales 141 
tumultus 44 
tunicati 53, 174 
tutor 58 

twelve gods, the 132 
tympanizare 131 

Unctorium 143 
uva duracina 143 

Vacare 16 

vacatio triennis 78 

vacationi in November and December 


vacerrosus 155 

valitudines 15, 20, 26, 61, 148 

vallares (coronae) 55 

vapide 155 

vectigalia nova 107; vectigaliorum 176 

vehicula 107 

venatio 95, 99 

vengeance on assassins 19, 59 

versus 155 

VestalSf the 70, 117 

vestis domestica 139 

veterani 22, 28, 31 

vexillum 54 ; vexillum caeruleum 55 

viae, charge ofthe 33, 67 ; via Campana 

vicatim 94 

vicem, construction of 99 
vici (ofthe city) 66 
victores exercitus 23 
vigintiidratCi the 85 
vinctus tortusve 90 
vitricus 17 
vitulus marinus 158 
volumina 176 
vomica 127 
vomitandi consuetudo 144 

Whales in the Mediterranean 139 
women hostages 49 ; wine forbtdden to 
women 120 

Xystus 139 
xystici 100 

cambridgb: printed by j. and c. f. clay, at the university press. 


3 blDS DDI4 bll 71S 




1415) 723.14' 

All books moy be recolled 



(liri 8 Z002