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PREFACE.

HE main object of this volume is historical. Though

I hope that I have not neglected important points of
textual and grammatical criticism, my chief desire has been
to illustrate the work of Suetonius by putting before the
reader, as fully as space would permit, the materials which
exist for constructing the history of the life and times of
Augustus, and which expand and explain the necessarily
brief and summarised statements in the Biography itself.
I have therefore quoted freely from Dio and other writers,
and have printed in an appendix the entire Monumentum
Ancyranum (as emended and restored by Mommsen), with
dates and slight marginal indications of subject-matter, which
I hope may render it more readily available. To this I have
subjoined a few other inscriptions illustrating special points
in the Emperor's life, in addition to a considerable number
transcribed in the notes.

I feel, on looking back on my work, that I may at times
have sacrificed to this object of historical illustration some
critical discussions on text or language, such as might justly
have been expected. For Suetonius, like all good writers,
has a strongly marked individuality of style, and his own
peculiar method of manipulating word-forms and construc-
tions. It is not safe criticism to class all such as accounted
for by the usage of the ‘silver age, that is, after all, a usage
other than that of Caesar and Cicero. Suetonius differs as
much in style from such writers as Velleius, Florus, Pliny,

Vili PREFACE.

as he does from either Caesar or Cicero. Idiosyncrasy has
as much to do with it as date. It is easy to exaggerate
the difference itself. Caesar's vocabulary, writing as he does
on a narrow range of subject, is a singularly limited one.
Cicero, except in his more private letters, aimed at a literary
purism which must have been remote from the common
practice of the day either in colloquial or written language.
The admission into literature of words in common use con-
stitutes a large part of the difference, such, for instance, as
the fondness for the frequentative forms like pensare (c. 25),
pensttare (c. 66), gvassare (c. 67), taxare (cc. 4, 41), and of such
irregularly formed compounds as observantia (c. 76) and
praecipitium (c. 79). (Again, of the long list drawn out by
P. Bagge of words used by Suetonius which are not used by
Cicero and Caesar, or only in a slightly different sense, a
considerable number can be shewn by the practice of Vergil,
Horace, Nepos and Livy to have been current at and soon
after the end of the Republic. Such are af2e//atzo c. 100,
austrinus c. 81, avius c. 96, cerritus c. 87, cessare c. 42, conflare
c. 52, sedile c. 43, subtexere c. 68, titulus c. 31, and others.
In another class of words Suetonius has gone back to the
colloquialisms of an earlier age, as is shewn by the usage of
Plautus and Terence. Such are adapertus c. 53, condormire
c. 98, aquilus c. 79, invitare se c. 77. Some new words or
usages are naturally the result of new things, or a new view
of things. Such are actus c. 78, contubernium c. 89, exauctorare
C. 24, extemporalis c. 84, tetunum servare c. 76, missilia c. 98,
notare c. 64, praecognoscere c. 97, publicare cc. 29, 100, missio
CC. 17, 45, recensus c. 49, breviarium cc. 28, 101, Prosa ( prorsa
oratio) c. 85.

In constructions he is fond of using the present and
perfect subjunctive (for vividness) instead of the imperfect
or pluperfect, as in edant c. 55, exzgant c. 49, observata sit
C. 94, fugatae sint c. 16; and after verbs of exhorting or
commanding he prefers the construction without z/, as monet
imitetur c. 3; and usually puts a subjunctive after an...

PREFACE. ix

quam, prius...quam, though the clause is not in any way
oblique, see cc. 4, 101; so pridie quam...committeret c. 96. He
omits the preposition 7% with words conveying a well-under-
stood locative sense, such as continenti c. 16, regione (followed
by genitive) cc. 7, 41, munticipalibus agris c. 13. For quippe
qui he often uses ut qui cc. 30, 66, 72; for an non he has an
C. 94; for am sometimes anne c. 69; for z/Aico he uses coram
c. 27; for ex adverso he uses contra cc. 44, 94; cttra has the
sense of ante or sine cc. 24, 43, 66. He is fond of the con-
junctions sed et cc. 38, 45, 57, 70, 89, 93; and of sed or sed
quidem for xai rabra, cc. 16, 29, 68, 92, 98; tanquam and
quas; with subjunctive express the ground of an action
without necessarily any suggestion of unreality, cc. 6, 7, 10, 14.
MM oe more generally the points to be observed in his
style are(1) its brevity. This is not the epigrammatic brevity
of Tacitus, that master of the unexpected, who seeks to
impress his reader by surprising him. Suetonius is not
thinking of startling his readers: his brevity comes from a
wish to express much with the least possible expenditure of
words. It is business-like statement that he is seeking, not
ornament or brilliancy. (2) Allied to this is his zuconcinzittas,
his rejection of the ‘periodic’ style. His sentences are not
elaborated or arranged with a careful eye to the balance of
clauses, order of words, or intricate combination. To express
clearly what he has to say is the limit of his ambition. For
rhythmical prose he has either no ear or no patience. (3)
Thirdly, he is Parficipiorum amantissimus. This too is a
peculiarity which arises partly from the desire of brevity, but
partly also from a perhaps conscious imitation of Greek
These hints may serve as indications as to what to observe
in reading Suetonius. He is not a great artist in language ;
but he is a considerable grammarian, and his peculiarities
are not the result of carelessness, but rather of scholastic
precision.

x . PREFACE.

The earliest Editions of Suetonius appeared in Rome
(1470) and Venice (1471). The principal Editions since are
those of Erasmus (1518), I. Casaubon (Geneva 1595, Paris
I610), J. G. Graevius (Utrecht 1672, 1691, 1703), S. Pitiscus
(Utrecht 1690, Louvain 1714), P. Burman (Amsterdam 1730),
J. H. Bremi (Zurich 1820), C. G. Baumgarten-Crusius (Leipzig
1816), C. H. Hase (Paris 1828). The text in this volume is
mainly that of C. L. Roth (Leipzig 1890). I have found the
edition of Pitiscus, which contains the notes of the older
editions, very useful, especially in regard to the legal writers.
The standard edition is still that of Baumgarten-Crusius; and
nothing, as far as I am aware, has been done for Suetonius
in England.

For discussions of the style and diction of Suetonius the
following will be found useful :

H. R. Thimm de usu atque elocutione C. Suetonii Tranquilli,
Kónigsberg 1867.

P. Bagge de elocutione C. Suetonii Tranquilli, Upsala 1875.

Aém. Trachmann de conjunctionum causalium apud Gaium
Suetonium Tranquillum usu, Halle 1886.

R. Düpow de C. Suetonii Tranquilli consuetudine sermonis
quaestiones, lena 1895.

For the life of Augustus:

J. C. Dietrich 77zs£oria Augusti, Greisen 1666.

L. de Tillemont 777s£o2re des Empereurs, Venice 1732.

W. Drumann Geschichte Roms, Vol. 4, pp. 245—302.

Egger Examen critique des historiens anciens de la vie et du
ràgne d'Auguste, Paris 1844.

G. C. Hieronymi de Octavii Imperatoris moribus, Hamburg
1820.

M. A. Weichert Zziperatoris Augusti Scriptorum reliquiae,
Grima 1841.

M. Beulé Auguste et sa famille et ses amis, Paris 1868.

Merivale /Zzs£ory of the Romans under the Empire,
London, 1865.

C. SUETONI TRANQUILLI

DIVUS AUGUSTUS

Hondon: C. J. CLAY AND SONS,
CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS WAREHOUSE,
AVE MARIA LANE.

Glasgow: 263, ARGYLE STREET.

Geipyig: F. A. BROCKHAUS.
few Bork: MACMILLAN AND CO.
Bombay: GEORGE BELL AND SONS.

C. SUETONI TRANQUILLI

DIVUS AUGUSTUS

EDITED

WITH HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION, COMMENTARY,
APPENDICES AND INDICES

EVELYN S. SHUCKBURGH, M.A.

LATE FELLOW AND ASSISTANT TUTOR OF EMMANUEL COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE.

Cambridge :
PRINTED AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS.

1896

[AU Rights reserved.]

Cambridge :
PRINTED BY J. AND C. F. CLAY,
AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS.

VCONS 23

VIRO - DOCTISSIMO
HUBERTO . ASHTON - HOLDEN . LL.D. Lirr.D.
SCHOLAE * REGIAE * GIPPOVICENSIS
OLIM * MAGISTRO * INFORMATORI
CUIUS : EXEMPLO * ET - INSTINCTU

PRIMUM - LITTERAS * ADAMAVI.

| ao SZrre

PREFACE. xi

T. Mommsen Res gestae Divi Augusti, Berlin 1883.

G. Wilmanns Exempla Inscriptionum Latinarum, Berlin
1873.

G. M. Rushforth Latin Historical Inscriptions, Oxford
1893.

References to Mommsen's R.-Staatsrecht and Marquardt's
R.-Staatsverwaltung are made by the volumes and pages of
the French Translation.

I have to thank Mr P. Giles, Fellow of Emmanuel College,
Cambridge, for reading almost all my notes in proof and
giving me many valuable suggestions. Also Mr W. Chawner,
Master of Emmanuel, for doing me the same service in
regard to some of the notes. Mr W. W. Wroth of the British
Museum for aiding me to select some coins. Also Mr J. G.
Frazer, Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge, and Mr P. E.
Matheson, Fellow of New College, Oxford, for kind aid when
appealed to for it. Lastly I owe more than I can say to the
care and kindness of the officials of the Press.

CAMBRIDGE,
April, 1896.

ADDENDA ET CORRIGENDA.

p- 12, first column, note on Caepias, add: It has been suggested by Ihne to
read Kwmcds in Dio 45, 1, from Copia, the name given to Thurii on becoming a
colony in B.c. 193.

P- 7, left-hand column, 3 |. from bottom, for halting read halting-place.

p- 8, v5 5» I14l. - $$ Gnomaticé read Gromatict.

p- 16, 55 ae © oP ji - ércgolrwy read éredolruy.

p- 60, ,, T 4 l. a a Rushworth read Rushforth.
» Yight-hand ,, 61. x 3s B.C. 29 read 28.

p. 61, left-hand |,, 2 1. from top, for 29 read 28.

P. 51, margin, for Lolias read Lollius.

p- 96, note on tigrim, add reference Dio 54» 9

p- 108, left-hand column, first note, add reference, Cohen Monnaies frappées
sous l'Empire Romain, vol. 1. p. 67.

p- 132, l. 10 of text, add no. of chapter, 70.

ar ee E ee ee ————— 7 —— — ees

— ——— € o — -—

INTRODUCTION.

§ 1. AUGUSTUS.

THOUGH containing valuable material for biography and
history the work of Suetonius is neither history
: AMAA : Merits and
nor biography. By rejecting chronologicalarrange- defects of
ment he puts it out of his power to trace the Sweonius
. tography.
connexion of events, or the effect of circumstances
in developing character. .A number of detached facts are
told us of the conduct and policy of Augustus in various
departments of government or personal habit, and we are
left to sort and fit them into their proper place by the help
of others. Even if something is gained by this method, in
giving a view of his policy on each particular department
en bloc, more still is lost by putting out of view all that
explains motives, and justifies or condemns action.| Suetonius
seldom passes a moral judgment. He tells us facts or rumours
and leaves us to form our own. ] He in no way emphasizes
what has struck so many modern critics of Augustus, —the
surprising change from the cold cruelty of the triumvir to
the wise lenity of the Emperor. And though I think too
much has been made of this contrast by such writers as
M. Beulé’, a little more clearness in distinguishing the policy
of the two periods would have been useful in helping us to
understand the nature of the times as well as the character of
Augustus.

1 Auguste, sa famille et ses amis, Paris, 1867-8. The evident reference to the
régime in France at the time perhaps gave a peculiar zest to the denunciation of
Augustus and his crimes in M. Beulé's very brilliant and interesting, but scarcely
trustworthy, essay.

S. €

xiv INTRODUCTION.

In a sense indeed there was a singular unity in his cha-
racter and career. Without his great-uncle’s bril-
liant qualities (especially as a general) he avoided
many of his mistakes. He was able to retain the
services and fidelity of men best suited to carry out the
measures demanded by the time; and he had learnt the
statesman’s secret of effecting his objects without fatally em-
bittering opponents or alienating friends. These qualities had
shown themselves in the young man: they accompanied him
and secured his success through nearly half a century of a vast
and difficult government. When we consider the distracted
state of Rome during the last thirty years of the Republic and
the scandalous abuses in the provinces ; and when we farther
consider the frightful misuse of the autocracy by many of his
successors : it is difficult to withhold admiration from the man
who remedied the evils at home by a carefully veiled monarchy,
grafted with consummate skill upon the institutions of the
republic ; who removed the worst evils in the provinces by
strenuous and honest administration ; who gained the respect
of neighbouring rulers; who organised and kept in check the
army ; placed the finances on a sound footing ; adorned and
beautified the city; and left the vast Empire, not indeed
entirely free from danger, but on the whole peaceful, pro-
sperous and strong.

On all these points Suetonius gives us information, but
Our autho. ever a connected story. For that we must go
um elsewhere, and for the most part unfortunately to

Merits of
Augustus.

the life and : . : ; ,
rignof | Writers considerably posterior in time. Among

Augustus. them the first place must be given to Dio Cassius,
a writer of the 2nd and 3rd centuries?, who with many foibles
tells a straightforward story with (I think) an
evident intention of neither withholding nor mis-
representing facts. Here and there doubtless, as
in most writers, inaccuracies whether from mistake or pre-
judice may be detected in him; but on the whole his state-
ments are generally supported, when the test is possible, by
coins and inscriptions. Considering the length and import-

Dio
Cassius.

? Dion Cassius Cocceianus, b. about A.D. 155, d. after A.D. 230.

—— —.—— M77 -

AUGUSTUS. XV

ance of the public life of Augustus, and the literary activity
of the period, there seem to have been remarkably few con-
nected accounts of it either contemporary or immediately
subsequent. Such as there were have for the most part
perished. His youth indeed is described with some charm in
a fragment of Nicolas of Damascus, which ends
however with the death of Iulius, and is perhaps
too declamatory and eulogistic to be accepted
without considerable caution’, Appian‘ has much to tell
us of his civil wars, but ends with the death of
Sextus Pompeius (B.C. 35). This fay be in part
supplemented by Plutarch's lives of Antony and Brutus*;
and the Epitomes of Livy’s later books, ending Plutarch.
with the death of Drusus (B.C. 9), remain to show *%-

us how great our misfortune is in having lost them. Velleius
Paterculus is rhetorical and partial, though he
occasionally tells us something of value; and the
Annals of Tacitus only begin with the death of Augustus.
Of later writers Eutropius and Aurelius Victor (4th

cent) are mere epitomists; Zonaras (12th cent.) a Tacitus
rechauffé of Dio; and Orosius (4th and 5th cent), Victor,
though now and then producing something of in- rti
terest, is confused in chronology, and labours under

the disadvantage of writing with a special thesis, to be proved
at all hazards. The panegyrics of courtly poets seldom
add much that is substantial to our knowledge; yet, apart
from Vergil, Propertius, and above all Horace, the 3Horck.
Augustan period itself would have added little to Vergil,
our acquaintance with Augustus, had it not been for TENE
the preservation of that remarkable document on the wall of
an Asiatic temple, known as the Monumentum An- The Monu-

Nicolas of
Damascus.

Appian.

Paterculus.

cyranum, the most authentic piece of autobiography "77
that has survived from antiquity®. num.

3 Nicolas was secretary to Herod the Great. Iosephus attacks his accuracy
and accuses him of suppressing and misrepresenting facts in order to please Herod
[Ant. 16, 7, 1]. He visited Rome, and his favour with Augustus is mentioned by
Athenaeus 14, 652 a, and Plutarch Symp. 8, 4.

* Appian of Alexandria, temp. Trajan to Antoninus Pius.

5 Plutarch (b. about A.D. 45) wrote a life of Augustus, but it is lost.

5$ The writers of the period whom Suetonius might have used are discussed in

xvi INTRODUCTION.

In no part of the story of Augustus are the disadvantages
of Suetonius method more striking than in the chapters
dealing with those constitutional changes by which the new
autocracy was gradually evolved. Yet in no department is it
more necessary to observe dates, the order of events, and the
circumstances of the day, if we are to understand in the
faintest way how this immense and far-reaching change was
accomplished. For such help we must go to Dio Cassius.

The situation may be stated somewhat thus. Two evils
tie WEIÉ afflicting the Empire, disorder at Rome and
fon as maladministration in the provinces. For the
Augusius former the remedy in Cicero's eyes had been the
Sound it.

supremacy of a man at once powerful and loyal
to the constitution ; for the latter sharper legislation and the
purification of the law courts. Both had proved illusory.
Pompey had failed as a guardian of order, and a succession
of scandals had discredited the courts. Iulius had succeeded
Difficulties {0% 2 while in keeping order at Rome. He would
of lulius perhaps have succeeded in reforming the adminis-
Caesar. tration of the provinces, for which his legislation
had inaugurated a new and valuable principle. But he had
some special disadvantages. He had been in arms against
his country ; he had been long a leader of a party, and of a
party to which (though doubtless counting many good men)
the spendthrift and the reckless naturally drifted. Conse-
quently he was surrounded by men of bad character, to
whom he was obliged to commit affairs of importance’.
Again, in the course of party conflict he had roused many
implacable enmities and lost many friends. With all his
brilliance and clemency there was something in him that
provoked hatred and alienated loyalty. Nor was it of slight
import that he had nearly all the learned and literary class
at Rome against him. In spite therefore of the destruction

the next section. Of course the labours of scholars (and above all of Mommsen) on
this monument, and in the whole field of epigraphy, in reconstructing our know-
ledge of the early Empire, must hold the first place in our recollection and gratitude.

7 Bellorum enim civilium hi semper exitus sunt, ut non ca solum fiant quae
velit victor, sed etiam ut us mos gerendus sit, quibus adiwtoribus sit parta victoria,
Cicero fam, 12, 18.

AUGUSTUS. xvii .

which had befallen the opposition at Pharsalus, Thapsus, and
Munda, there were still enough nobles left with the will and
the power to thwart and murder him. But Octavian belonged
to a new generation. A mere boy when he first Superior
engaged in politics, he had no party ties to shackle Oe
him, or long-standing enmities to embarrass him. van.
Such friends as he had were personally attached. They did
not, like confederates in a conspiracy, demand a share of the
spoils; and, with rare exceptions, proved effective and re-
mained loyal. Nor did the events of the civil war ruin his
credit with the citizens. The cruelties of the proscription
were by many attributed more to his colleagues than to
himself*, And if his severities at Philippi and Perusia have
left a stain on his memory, they did not seem so horrible to
contemporaries accustomed to a stern code of military law,
and rendered callous by twenty years of bloody party strife
and civil war.
They were also the last. From the time of the fall of
Perusia in the spring of B.C. 40 he figured moreand ,, nens
more clearly before the eyes of the citizens as their decomes
best security for peace and prosperity. The times 555,7
were troublous. The ships of Sextus Pompeius “san dn-
. tony in the
scoured the seas, cutting off merchant vessels and eyes of the
stopping the supplies of corn. From Gaul came ^em ps
news that the Germans were crossing the Rhine, or 4o aad
that certain tribes were interrupting the passage of PC 3r
the Alps. In the East the Parthians were threatening the

frontier of Syria :
hinc movet. Euphrates, movet hinc Germania bellum?.

Antony was in the East indeed with a great army to keep
back the barbarians. But not only was the East less interest-
ing to the Romans than the West; but, while scandalous
stories were reaching Rome as to Antony's revels in Egypt,
his infatuation with Cleopatra, and his disasters in the field,
the young Caesar was by his own exertions, or those of his
friends, gradually relieving the city ofthe terrors nearer home.

5 Dio 47, 7; Vell. 2, 66; Plut. Amz. a1.
9 Vergil Georg. I. 509, evidently written before Actium.

xviii INTRODUCTION.

Sextus Pompeius was crushed in B.C. 36; the movements in
Northern and Southern Gaul were checked by Agrippa in
B.C. 38-7"; the Illyrians, Dalmatians, Iapydes and Panno-
nians were subdued by successive expeditions under Pollio in
B.C. 39, under Augustus himself in B.C. 35—6, under Agrippa
and himself in B.C. 34"; the Salassi who blocked the Val
d’ Aosta were crushed in B.C. 34 by Valerius Messala?; and
Statilius Taurus had in B.C. 36-5, after the degradation of
Lepidus, secured the loyalty of Africa and Sicily without
striking a blow’. These achievements gave safety and peace
to Italy, and the poet only expressed the aspiration of the
citizens generally in his prayer to the gods,

kunc saltem everso tuvenem succurrere oid

ne prohibete !'*

The contrast with Antony, carving out kingdoms for his
own and Cleopatra's children, and credited with the

Piin design of transferring the seat of Empire to Alex-
position andria, was easily drawn, and Augustus took care
and forces

the hand of that it should be made very plain to the eyes of the
disposent Romans. The two men had never been cordial

friends since the young Octavius first landed in
Italy in B.C. 44 to claim his inheritance. Party needs had
brought them together; jealousy and mistrust were always
thrusting them apart. Reconciliations had again and again
been effected, now by the intervention of friends and ministers,
now by that of Octavia: but they were diametrically opposed
in disposition, purpose, and policy; and finally Octavian
deliberately brought on the conflict which ended at Actium,
when he thought himself strongest, and the case against
Antony most capable of being Fepresenteot in an odious light
to the citizens.

Actium and the suicide of Antony and Cleopatra gave
P him all that he hoped. He was now left alone ; the
Zum s».c. Old oligarchical party was destroyed; the legions,
[ye ins weary of civil war, were ready to be disbanded if

only the veterans could obtain bounties and land ;

1° Dio 47, 49. 11 Dio 47, 423 49: 35—38.
12 Dio 49, 34, 38; Appian ZZyr. 17. — !* Dio 49,44. !* Vergil G. 1, 500.

AUGUSTUS. xix

the survivors of the previous generation were tired of war;
the new generation were used to a directing hand. The
problem was how to secure his power without offending the
prejudices of the elder men too bitterly, or fatally obscuring
the hopes of promotion and activity on the part of the
younger. Hence was gradually evolved, with extraordinary
skill and sagacity, the theory of the Principate.

The term princtpatus rightly represents the fact ; it was to
be a primacy among other powers, as well as a

. ics . The double

primacy of rank among the citizens. But this develop-
primacy was developed in two ways ; and eventually poat A
the Principatus was attached both in men's minds
and in practical fact to the second of the two. On one side
Caesar was to become supreme by combining the powers of
the republican magistrates, with or without the offices them-
selves. He was to be consul or to have consular power.
Though not proconsul, he was to have proconsular power.
Above all, though not tribune (which as a patrician he could
not be), he was to have the £rzéunicia potestas. This was not
all conceived at once. At first he was always consul, and
therefore the question of the consular power did not arise,
and the proconsulare imperium was thought of afterwards.
But on the other hand he was to be invested with what was
practically a new office, though under a name which might
admit of being regarded as only an honorary distinction, freely
attributed to him by universal consent, and in virtue of which
he should appear to the whole world to represent in his single
person the majesty of the Empire: this was the prencipatus.

(1) And first the absorption of the republican powers.
The ribunicta potestas was the most important of dun
these; and his attempt to obtain the Tribuneship in — ases the
B.C. 44 seems to show that he had early seen that ipie dn
this office, with its power of initiation, obstruction, E
and control, would give him what he wanted'. The 74,75.
first step was taken in B.C. 36-3, immediately after ^e.

15 à uàp Aoplrios oddéey $arepás, ws ye kal cuppopwv wohdwv semeuagévos, éved-
xj«c ev, Dio 50, 3.
16 Dio 45, 5; Plut. Ast. 16; Suet. c. 10.

xx INTRODUCTION.

the final defeat of Sextus Pompeius. Besides the ovation
e and other honours decreed to Octavian on that
The person occasion, a residence on the Palatine was assigned
of August to him, and his person was declared to be under
rhek is the protection of the same /eges sacratae as those of
theleges the Tribunes, with whom he was to share the
sacratae. — official bench in the Senate”. Whether this was a
spontaneous idea of the Senate, or came from a suggestion of
his own, it is at any rate the first use of the Tribunate as a
means of giving him a special position, and the first indication
of the principle that the difficulty of his being ineligible to the
Tribunate might be got over by the possession of the power
without the office.

Still it was the privileges rather than the power that were
eds given by this vote. The next step was the power.
Tie Trin. It was taken in B.C. 30. Antony was dead: all
die^ P — opposition was at an end. Death in battle, suicide,

or submission had put the world at Caesar's feet.
When the news was brought home by Cicero, the great
orator's son, the Senate hastened to lavish their now familiar
honours. Among others more or less extravagant, Caesar
was to have the ¢ribunicia potestas for life, with a right of
auxilium within the city and half a mile beyond the pomoe-
rium (which was not in the competence of the tribunes) and
the right of giving a casting vote in all zudzcza*,

Still, important as the Zrzbunicia potestas was to him, it was

in point of dignity inferior to the consulate, which
B.C. 23. : ;
Thetriby. at any rate in theory made him head of the State.
riis reri But there were certain inconveniences about the
new consti- consulship, which he held in successive years from
DONE B.C. 31 to B.C. 23. At home it involved (at any rate
in form) a division of functions and powers with a colleague.

7 rnv T€ oikla» alto éyngloavro kal rd unre Néyy Te UBpl{eOac* el 06 uj, rois
avrots rév TotoUTÓ T. Üpácavra évéxecOa ola rep érl TQ Snudpxy éréraxro. — kal yap
érl rav atruv BdOpwrv cvyka0éfec0al aduw EXAaBev. Dio 49, 15.

18 Dio 51, 19. THY Te é£ovelav THY r«v Snudpxwy da Blov Exew kal rods ésioo-
pevous airdv kal évrós ToÜ mwunplou kal tw uéxpis dydbou nuoradlov dpóvew, Ó
pnoevt raw Ónpapxobvrov é£ijv, Exxdyréy Te Sxdsew kal Wiper twa abrov év wacr rois
dcxaornplas wowep "AOnvas PépecGa:. This last rather dubious expression seems
to imply some sort of appellate jurisdiction, at any rate in cases of doubt.

AUGUSTUS. xxi

In the provinces it might place him in an equivocal position
in regard to the proconsul In B.C. 23 therefore a great
change was made, which in fact recognised the new consti-
tution that had come into existence. Augustus resigned the
consulship, which he did not hold again till B.C. 5, and in
exchange received the proconsulare imperium, which was not
to be laid down upon his entering the pomoerium, and was to
be superior (mazus) to the zmperium of the proconsul or pro-
praetor in every province. He was also to have perpetually
the consular privilege of bringing any business before the
Senate which he chose. He had already in B.C. 27 received
special powers in those provinces in which there were legions,
but this new proconsulare imperium made him in theory as
well as in fact supreme in all alike. Still in this new con-
stitution he clung to the shadow of popular choice and
republican position, and the ¢ribunicia potestas, now confirmed
again to him for life, was openly treated as his most important
function: the years of his tenure of it starting from B.C. 23
are used as the ordinary mode of dating events on coins and
inscriptions»,

(2) The consuls however were still nominally head of the
State. It was necessary that some means should ,,
be found to give Augustus (as he was called since /rincipate
B.C. 27) in form that first place which he already eral
had in reality. It was thus, as I conceive, that the — of 2rinces
theory of the principate took a new development.
It was not a development of his position as princeps senatus,
which he had been since B.C. 28. That only gave senatorial
rank, bringing no privileges beyond the right of being asked
first for his sententia, which as consul (who introduced busi-
ness but did not vote) would be of no value to him. The
name may have suggested the new title; but it was used in
an essentially different sense. Its novelty and indefiniteness
were its chief advantages. His consular, proconsular, and
tribunician powers were very great, but after all had certain
traditional limits. As princeps of the whole State, on the
other hand, he would exercise whatever: magisterial powers

19 Dio 53, 42.

xxii INTRODUCTION.

he possessed without question as to precedence or rights of
colleagues, and in all parts of the Empire alike. It was not,
as were his other powers, founded on any shadow of republi-
can magistracy, and was perhaps never exactly defined ; but
as it placed Augustus in rank and dignity before all other
magistrates, so it gave him the right not only of exercising
those powers, uncontrolled by colleagues, but also of doing
everything else not included under them. Eventually it
came to be treated as the reality which it was, and Augustus
could speak of events me principe, or ante me principem, just
as he might have said me consule or ante me consulem™.
Like other powers of the new régime, however, it was
. . arrivedat gradually. At first it seems to have been
1st princt- à . :
pate for conferred (without the name perhaps) in connexion
may. * with the imperial provinces at the division of B.C. 27.
In them Augustus was to exercise for IO years a
power unlike any that had been recognised before. When
this apy7n is renewed in B.C. 19-18 the rule in the provinces
had been secured by the perpetual proconsulare imperium, and
this novel power was not needed. From henceforth at each
renewal this 5yeuovía or TpoaTacía has ceased to have any
special connexion with the provinces, and applies equally.
to the whole Empire, and is, as Dio [53, 16] says, a real
*monarchy'?. It was this title and office which expressed

390 M, A. cc. 30 and 32. I accept Prof. Pelham's proof that prénceps was not
a development of princeps senatus [9'ournal of Phil. Vii. 16, p. 322], though I
think that the title of princeps tuventutis (i.e. equitum, or all below the Senate)
given afterwards to Gaius and Lucius shows that in one aspect of it there was a
feeling in men's minds that the two were in some senses connected; and I also
venture to think that ‘leader of the Roman Nobility’ and ‘elect of the Roman
people! do not adequately express the ideas ever attaching to the Princeps.

41 This account of the origin of the primcipatus, in some degree (I think) new,
requires to be supported. It seems to follow from Dio. In 53, 13, when describ-
ing the division of the provinces, he says that Caesar wishing to avoid the imputa-
tion of ‘monarchy’ accepted the government (dpx7#) of them for 10 years only. In
summing up the results of his administration of the provinces, however, he declares
it to have been a real monarchy, which the periodical renewal [d\Aa £r vévre, etra
wévre, kal pera ToÜro Óéxa kal Érepa adlis Ofka Tevráxs airy éy»$lo05] made
practically life-long. But when he tells of the various renewals, he has a new
name for the office (which yet can only be the renewal of the first) ; in B.c. 19 he
calls it rpooracla [44, 12], in B.C. 8 *ryepovía [55, 5], in A.D. 3 zyeporía [55, 12];
in A.D. r3 *posracía [56, 28]. These are his words for the Latin principatus,

AUGUSTUS. xxiii

the unity of the Empire in the face of the world of foreign
nations, and the coordination of all powers and offices under
the supreme control of one, who yet had adopted a title so
little arrogant that it might be interpreted as merely giving a
first place in dignity, and a right to take the lead on all
occasions of ceremony. Other titles suggested departmental
functions, this an imperial and universal supremacy. Other
titles might be and were (at any rate in name) shared with
others, this could be applied to one alone.

But though this title in a sense included all others, yet he
also bore others indicating the particular spheres in which his
powers were to be exercised ; often in conjunction with col-
leagues. Thus the title /sperator had two meanings. (1) It
belonged to a magistrate with imperium. (2) It was
bestowed by acclamation on a victorious general
by his soldiers?. If this were confirmed by the Senate, it
could, it seems, be assumed as a perpetual title. Augustus
at any rate so assumes it. Thus, in an inscription recording
the formation of the Triumvirate, Caesar alone has the title,
given him by his soldiers after the battles at Mutina* and
confirmed by the Senate,...EMILIVS M. ANTONIVS. IMP.
CAESAR IIIVIR R. P. C. A.D. IV KAL. DEC. AD. PRID. CAL. IAN.
SEXT. [Orell. 594]. Thus again in the Consular Fasti for
B.C. 33 he is entered as IMP. CAESAR, and so henceforth. But
he was also zmperator because another formal vote of the

Imperator.

which therefore he considers (so far as it was a definite office) to have grown out
of the original apx7 of the Imperial provinces. It may be worth while to observe
that of the two passages in which Augustus speaks of himself as princeps in the
Mon. An. [cc. 30 and 32], in the former he is referring to an extension of the
frontier, in the latter to his relations with foreign powers. He was indeed princeps
civitatis to the citizens, but above all he was princeps as representing the Empire
to the outside world.

9 Dio 43, 44. The vote in the Senate in B.C. 44 confirmed by the Senate on
the 16th of April [Ov. 7. 4, 673). An inscription of B.c. 29 [Wilm. 879] gives us
the title in both senses: SENATVS « POPULVS*QUE * ROMANVS * IMP*CAESARI «e De
IVLI « F * COS * QVINT * COS * DESIGN * SEXT * IMP * SEPT * REPVBLICA * CONSERVATA.
Cp. also Pliny A. ZZ. 3 § 136 (the inscription at Turbia) IMPERATORI * CAESARI «
DIVI * F * AVG * PONTIFICI * MAXVMO* IMP* XIIII * TRIBVNICIAE * POTESTATIS « XVII,
The title by acclamation could only be given once in the same war, Dio 7o, ar.

33 Dio 46, 38. Cp. Cicero x. PAZ. 8 28.

xxiv INTRODUCTION.

Senate in B.C. 29 gave the title to him and his descendants™,
and he therefore could and did use it as a regular title; but,
as he always had imperium in other ways, it rather expressed
a fact than conferred any fresh powers.

There were certain other functions, originally inherent in
the consulship, but which since B.C. 443 had de-
volved upon the periodically appointed Censors.
The chief of these were the making up of the list
of the Senate (/ectzo Senatus), and of the Equites, and taking
the census. The Censorship, much reduced in its powers by
Clodius in B.C. 58, had fallen into desuetude during the civil
wars. Two Censors had been appointed in B.C. 42, but had
refused to act; and, though the experiment of allowing the
appointment of two in B.C. 22 was tried, it was not successful.
Augustus performed the functions of the Censors partly by
falling back upon the old consular powers*, partly in virtue
of special powers as Praefectus moribus*, a contrivance for
exercising censorial powers without the office or name, as in
the case of his other powers. Thus in B.C. 29, though Consul,
he seems to have thought it necessary in holding the census
to rest upon his ¢rzbunicta potestas ; but in B.C. 8 and A.D. 14
he acts simply in virtue of his pfotestas consularis?, which had
been given him for life in B.C. 19.

The general result of the concentration of all these powers

., . in the person of one princeps is thus expressed by
Dto's view s : ;
of the auto. Dio, who speaks of course from a point of view
Sh of a later date, when the development of the
‘ autocracy had become more complete.

Censorial
powers.

** Dio 52, 41. Perhaps Augustus may have claimed the title as early as B.C.
43 in consequence of the vote bestowing it on Iulius and his children: rois watdas
rous Te éyyévous adrov obrw kaXeia0at yyóicac0a« Dio 43, 44.

% Dio indeed speaks of him as riuyredcas ci» ’Ayplrrg in B.C. 29. But
Augustus himself enumerates this census among his consular acts with his
colleague Agrippa [/4. 4. 8].

%6 Iulius had held the same office [Dio 43, 14; 44, 5]. What Augustus asserts
that he refused [JZ .4. 6 tva émipednrhs rv Te vóuwv kal rv rpómov él Tj) neyloTo
é£ove(g xe«porovq0G] seems to have been a life-censorship. Dio [54, 10, 30] asserts
that he was twice elected éwtuehnrijs rà» rpómruv for five years each time, i.e. B.C.
19 and 12, see c. 27.

"?' See p. 6o, 4M. A. 8.

AUGUSTUS. XXV

‘The word ‘monarchy’ was so odious to the Romans that they
* never called their Emperors dictators or kings or anything of that
‘sort. Yet, as the ultimate power in the State lies with them, they do
‘in effect reign. The various constitutional offices (except the cen-
* sorship) do indeed subsist to this day: but the Emperor for the time
* being manages and directs everything exactly as he chooses. "That
* they may seem, however, to possess these powers in accordance with
*law and not by force, the Emperors assume the several offices,
‘which, when there was a free democracy, carried with them the
* highest powers, with the one exception of the dictatorship. "Thus
*for instance they frequently take the consulship; on quitting the
* pomoerium they are always styled proconsuls; instead of king or
‘dictator they take the name of Imperator, and not merely those
* who have won victories, but all alike, as a symbol of irresponsible
*power. Dictators or kings indeed they do not style themselves, since
‘those offices have been once for all abolished, but all their actual
* powers they have secured by this appellation of Imperator.

‘The powers bestowed by these various offices are these. As
* Imperatores they can levy troops, collect money, declare war, make
‘peace, exercise at all times and in all places alike such complete
* authority over the army, whether of citizens or auxiliaries, that even
* within the pomoerium they can put to death both equites and
* senators; and, in short, can do all that the consuls and other magis-
‘trates possessed of full imperium would be able to do.

* Again, as censors they examine into our lives and morals, hold
*the census, and enter or strike off names from the rolls of the
* Equites and Senate, entirely at their own pleasure.

‘Once nrore, being invested with all priesthoods, especially that
* of the Pontifex Maximus, and in the majority of cases being able to
* confer them on others, they have complete control over everything
* connected with religion.

* Lastly the tribunician power, exercised in old times by the men
*of the greatest influence, gives them the means of absolutely
*putting a stop to any proceedings of which they do not approve,
*and renders their persons inviolable, so that the least violence
‘offered to them however trivial, whether by word or deed, makes
‘the guilty party liable to death without trial, as being under a curse.
‘The actual office of Tribune they consider themselves debarred by
‘the sacred laws from taking, because they are always patricians, but
‘its powers they assume to the highest degree to which they ever
‘extended, And accordingly it is by it that they reckon the years of

xxvi INTRODUCTION.

* their reign as though they were colleagues of the annually elected
* tribunes.
* These titles they have taken from the usages of the democracy
*in order that they may pose as baving assumed nothing
Legibus ‘that was not bestowed by the people. Yet they had
eer ‘been already rendered unnecessary by one sweeping
‘concession putting them above the laws (/egrus solvi). In virtue of
‘this, which was never given outright to any Roman in old times,
‘they might have done all they have ever done, or anything else.
‘The result is that they have invested themselves with the com-
The gene- ‘plete powers of the State, with everything in short that
rai resul. — «kings ever had except the offensive name.

* Their appellations of Caesar and Augustus add nothing to their
‘powers. The former is merely a symbol of a pretended descent,
‘the latter of an exalted position. The title pater patriae, however,
‘does perhaps give them a certain authority over us all, such as formerly
‘fathers had over their children. Not that this was the original idea
‘of it. It was at first a mere title of honour, which yet conveyed the
‘suggestion that, while they loved their subjects, their subjects were
‘bound to reverence them.’

This view of what the new principate came to in the not
remote future dissipates any colourable pretext of
real constitutional conservatism, with which Augustus
may have flattered his contemporaries or deluded
his own mind. He dwells indeed on this point more than
once in the Monumentum ; and takes credit for refusing un-
constitutional offices, and for not exercising powers superior
to those of his colleagues. But facts are too strong for him.
He had in effect established an autocracy, which his successor
(with some show of reluctance) promptly acknowledged and
carried to its logical conclusion.

In no department of government was the unlimited
cmi dt primacy of the Princeps more efficacious or more
the Pro- salutary than in the provinces. The life-long zm-
een perium proconsulare, bestowed on him B.C. 23, gave
a definite expression to its exercise. From that time appeals
were naturally addressed to him, and new regulations issued
by him*, But four years before, on the division of the pro-

39 Dio 53, 32; Suet. Aug. 33; Dig. 1, 49, 45 27, 42, 1; Tac. Ann. 4, 6.

AUGUSTUS. xxvii

vinces in B.C. 27, the theory of the Principate enabled Augustus
to initiate, if he did not carry out immediately, a series of
reforms. In the Imperial provinces this was comparatively
easy. It followed from the fact that the /egati August: pro
praetore were appointed immediately by him, held their office
during pleasure, and were answerable to him; while the
finances of the province were under the care of a procurator,
who was as dependent on his orders, and as responsible to
him, as the steward of a private individual. But in the
Senatorial provinces also his power could and did intervene
with almost equal decisiveness. The beneficial changes in-
troduced were mainly these:

(1) Though in the Senatorial provinces the praetorian or
consular governors were still selected by lot from ex-praetors
and ex-consuls of five years standing (according to the /ex
Pompeia), and though over that allotment the Senate presided
and kept some control, yet Augustus retained the privilege
of approving the list and, if he chose, of fixing the number of
candidates; whereby if necessary he could practically name
the governors”.

(2) If there were serious complaints of maladministration
he could take over a province temporarily, without changing
its permanent status”.

(3) The proconsuls (in Senatorial provinces) had but in-
significant forces, only such as were necessary for a guard
and police duty*. Their power of compulsion therefore rested
on the support and prestige of the government at home.

(4) There was in a Senatorial, as in an Imperial province,
a procurator to manage the tribute, who was equally in both
answerable to the Emperor?

(5) The proconsul or propraetor had a fixed salary, and
no longer exacted his expenses from the provincials®.

(6) Cases of malversation and oppression were referred
to the Senate by the Emperor ; and the Senate named one of

*)9 Dio 53, 44; Tac. Ann. 6, 27, 40.

80 Dio 53, 143 54, 305; 55,28. Tac. Ann. 1, 76.

31 Except in the case of Africa Tac. 77. 4, 17; Dio 53, 13.
Dio 53, 15, Marquardt 9, p. 582.

3 Dio 52, 23; 53, 15; Tac. Agric. 42.

xxviii INTRODUCTION.

its own number as advocate for the complaining province.
The injured provincials no longer depended on the services
of a patronus or on the verdict of a jury.

(7) The postal service (in connexion with which must be
considered the improved roads) greatly facilitated rapid and
frequent references to the Emperor himself on details of
administration *.

(8) The old abuse of the Z:era legatio, if not wholly
removed *5, was rendered difficult and almost ceased to exist.

At the same time such laws as had been previously passed
with a view to purify provincial administration—the lex
Calpurnia B.C. 149, the lex Acilia [Cic. 2. Verr. 1, 9], the lex
Servilia Glauciae B.C. 122, the lex Cornelia B.c. 80, the lex
Iulia B.C. 59,—remained in force so far as they were not super-
seded by the new regulations”. The beneficent effect of the
change was promptly felt in many parts of the Empire, not
. least in Asia, where there set in about this time a period
of great material prosperity.

§ 2. SUETONIUS, HIS LIFE AND WRITINGS.

Like other writers of biography in ancient times, Suetonius
has found no biographer himself. Even the dates of his birth
and death are uncertain®, and scarcely any facts of his life
are known. He mentions himself seven times, but only briefly
to refer to what he had seen or heard as a boy or young man,
or to tell us his father's name and rank*. Pliny the younger

% Tac. Ann. 3, 68; Suet. Dom. 8; Pliny £f. 3, 9.

35 Suet. Aug. c. 49, p. 107 note. C. Z. L. 14, p. I at Ostia there is a procurator
pugillationis et ad naves vagas, Marq. 9, pp. 587—592. 36 Suet. 735. 31.

9 As for instance the regulations of the 4x Z7*4//a, which rendered all the
staff (cohors) of a governor liable to prosecution, without being able to plead his
authority for illegal acts. See Pliny Ef. 3, 9.

5 He was an adulescens 20 years after Nero's death, i.e. in A.D. 88 [/Ver. c. 57]
and still calls himself so towards the end of the reign of Domitian [ob. A.D. 96,
Deom. 12) The period usually marked as adulescentia is from about 17 to 31.
Therefore he was roughly speaking not more than 31 in A.D. 96, or less than 17
in A.D. 88, i.e. he was born not earlier than A.D. 71. The year A.D. 75 seems the
most probable, as we find that he had been promised a military tribuneship in
A.D. 100 [Plin. E. 3, 8]. His death occurred at some time previous to A.D. 160.

99 Aug. c. 75 Cal. 19; OtÀ. 10; Ner. 57; Domit. 12; de Gramm. 4; vita Lucani.

SUETONIUS. xxix

is the only contemporary who throws any light upon his life.
From him we learn that he practised in the law courts; that
he taught rhetoric; that in A.D. 100 he was to have a military
tribuneship (probably to qualify for office), but begged Pliny
to use his influence to have it transferred to another ; that his
works were much liked and expected with some eagerness ;
that he resided for a time at least in Pliny's house, who de-
clares that the closer his view of him the greater his affection
for him became*; that though he was married he had no
children or had lost them; and that Trajan accordingly
granted him the ius rium liberorum. The biographer Vo-
piscus testifies to his honesty“; and Aelius Spartianus, in his
life of Hadrian®, tells us that he was secretary (epzstularum
magister) to that Emperor, but was with others displaced
about A.D. 121 for paying too much court to the Empress
Sabina. That is really all that we know of him. The fact
seems to be that he avoided public life. He was a gramma-
ticus, a teacher and scholar, half philologist, half antiquarian ;
and the kind of literature to which he devoted himself was
not that which made a man conspicuous or generally popular.
He wrote no epigrams or panegyrics, no declamations or
plays. Nor was his birth high enough to make him a
personage in society. His father was a tribunus legionis
angusticlavius [Oth. 10]; and his connexion with Pliny was
after all that of an inferior to a patron, in whose letters
there is always, in spite of their warmth, a certain tone of
superiority. Of his works (besides the treatise de Rhetoribus
and the fragment de grammaticis which we possess) Suidas
gives us the following list:

(1) On Greek Games, one book*.
(2) On Spectacles and Games at Rome, two books“,

99 Pliny Epist. 1, 18, 24; 3, 83 5, 103 9, 343 ad Traj. 94, 95 Suetonium Tran-
quillum, probissimum honestissimum eruditissimum virum, et mores eius secutus et
studia iam pridem, domine, in contubernium. adsumpsi tantoque magis diligere
coepi quanto hunc proprius inspexit.

41 Vopisc. vif. Firmi 1 8 1 emendatissimus et candidissimus scriptor.

4 Ael. Spart. vit. Hadr. 11 8 3.

53 Eustathius ad Hom. Odyss. 1, 107: Ioh. Tzetzes Chel. 6, 874.

4 Liber ludicrae Historiae, Tertull. de spect. 6, Aul. Gell. 9, 7, 3.

: d

XXX INTRODUCTION.

(3) On the Roman year, one book *.

(4) de motis (wept rÀv év Trois BigAiow onpeiwv), one
book *.

(5) On the Republic of Cicero, against Didumus, one
book.

(6) On proper names, dress, and shoes”.

(7) On words of ill-omen and their origin ^.

(8) de institutis et moribus Romae, two books®.

(9) Stemma Caesarum ; et vitae eorum a Tulio ad Domi-
tianum, eight books.

(10) Stemma virorum illustrium Romanorum".

A. Reifferscheid (Suetontt Tranquilli reliquiae and Quaes-
tiones Suetonianae) tries to show that some of these are the
titles not of separate books, but of different parts of the same
book. He appears also to have written an account of the
Gallic wars of Iulius Caesar"; a book de vitiis corporalibus ;
another de z/ustribus scortis?* another de tnstztutione offict-
orum"; a miscellany called Pratum or de vebus vàriis*; a
treatise de Regibus in three books*. This represents, the
fruits of a great and varied industry, which, if ot as vast as
that of Varro, is yet sufficient to explain his abstention from
more active employment.

45 Censorinus 20, 2. 4 Amm. Marcell. 22, 16, 16.
€ Servius ad Verg. Aen. 3,683; 7,612. — 9 Eustathius ad Hom. //. 8, 488.
9 Aul. Gell. 15, 4, 4. 60 Hieronymus aZ Dextrum 2. 821.

5! Oros. Hist. adv. Paganos 6, 7, 2 hanc historiam Suetonius Tranquillus ple-
nissime explicuit, which could by no possibility refer to the single chapter in the
life of Iulius.

93 Servius ad Verg. Ec. 3, 8; Aen. 7, 627.

535 Toh. Lydus de Magistratibus 3, 64 'TpákvAXos...é» TQ wept émvonpwy ropviv,

54 Priscian 6, 8, 41.

55 Priscian 8, 4, 21; 18, 19, 4; Isidorus de Natura rerum 38, 1.

96 That is, apparently, foreign kings, Ausonius E757. 19.

THE SOURCES. xxxi

§ 3. THE AUTHORITIES OF SUETONIUS FOR THE LIFE
OF AUGUSTUS.

The paucity of the contemporary accounts of Augustus
which have reached us has been already noticed. Suetonius
must have had a considerable mass of authorities at his dis-
posal, the greater part of which has perished.

First among them must be placed the Emperor's own
memoirs extending to B.C. 24, which were published ;,, yu
in his lifetime or soon after his death”; more than of Az-
one collection of his letters? ; his speeches*; State ©” en
papers or discourses delivered orally from a written copy* ;
his laws"; diplomata™ ; rationaria of the Empire drawn up
periodically; edicts, some of which were on matters personal
to himself“; /audationes over members of his family or friends,
his grandmother, sister, Agrippa and Drusus*. Of the last-
named he also wrote a life*, besides other compositions on
more general topics, enumerated in the eighty-fifth chapter.
Lastly, there were the three volumes left at his death, con-
taining directions for his funeral, a breviarium of the Empire,

5 He quotes them in cc. 2, 7, 27, 28, 42, 62, 74, 85, 86; de Grammat. c. 16.
They are also quoted by Appian B. civ. 4, 110; 5, 47; Jilyr. 14; Dio 48, 44;
Isidorus de natura Rerum 44; Plutarch Comp. Cic. et Dem. 3; Pliny AN. A. a 88
24, 94-

58 Quoted in cc. 40, 50, 51, 64, 71, 76, 86, 87, 93; also in 72d. 21, 51; Claud. 4;
Calig. 8; vita Hor. ; Seneca de brev. vit. 5 § 1; dialog. 10, 4 8 3; Macrob. Sat. 2,
4» 12; Pliny MV. ZZ. 18 88 94, 189; 21 8 9; Priscian ro, 9: Aul. Gell. 10, 11, 5; 10,
24, 25 I5, 7, 3; Isidor. Hispal. 1, 24 § 2. There was also a collection of corre-
spondence between him and Cicero in three books, frequently quoted by Nonius.
That these books contained some of his letters is evident from one of these frag-
ments cum iter facerem ad Hirtium Claternam spurcissima tempestate, cp. Cic. ad
Att. 16, 95 16, 11.

5° He quotes the exact words cc. 58, 84. Dio probably had published copies
of them, see 53, 3—10; 54, 25; 56, 4—9; 60, 10; Cic. ad Att. 15,283; 14, 21 8 4;
Tac. Ann. 1, 10; Iul. Front. de Amit. agr.; Liv. Zp. 59, App. B. civ. 3, 96.

61 c, 34, 36. 9 Cal. 33. 85 c. 28, cp. Cal. 16; Nero 10.

64 cc. 28, 31, 42, 44, 53, cp. Wer. 4.

$5 His grandmother Iulia [c. 8]; Octavia [Dio 54, 35], Agrippa [Dio 59, 28],
Drusus [Suet. Claud. 1; Dio 55, 2].

95 Suet. Claud. 1.

xxxii INTRODUCTION.

and finally the zndex rerum gestarum, which constituted a kind
of * apologia pro vita sua '*.

Next among Suetonius' sources we must reckon numerous
public documents, the acta diurna which were pre-
served®, senatus consulta et acta*, the ebiscita
which bestowed honours on Augustus”, as well as
local records, as at Velitrae”.

Thirdly, there were writings of various sorts by friends and
Writings foes. Among the former it seems we must reckon
of friends Maecenas and Agrippa, though it is uncertain
and foes. Whether the writings referred to were formal com-
positions or mere letters”. Of his enemies there were speeches
of M. Brutus”; letters of Sext. Pompeius", Marcus and
Lucius Antonius", Cassius of Parma”, Iunius Novatus”, be-
sides popular pasquinades and epigrams”.

Lastly there were some books giving a more or less con-
secutive account of the life and times of Augustus”.
Suetonius does not frequently refer to them by
name. He more often uses some vague phrase which might
cover both written and oral testimony, such as a/z (cc. 2 and
I6), scribunt quidam...extiterunt qui traderent (c. 15), quidam
ferunt...quidam exponunt...existunt qui ferant (c. 94), ferunt
(cc. 23, 71), fertur (c. 33). A certain number however he does

Public
documents.

Histories.

8 c. ror: Tac. Ann. 1, 8; Dio 56, 33.

8 Plin. V. 47. 7, 60 in actis temporum divi Augusti invenio &c.

9 cc. 5, 58, 65. 70 cc. 57—8. 71 c, r.

7? Plin. N. 7. 7, 148 Philippensi praelio morbidi fuga et triduo in palude ae-
groti et (ut fatentur Agrippa et Maecenas) aqua subter cutem fusa turgidi latebra...
Horace Odes 2, 12, 8 tuque pedestribus dices historiis proelia Caesaris, Maecenas,
melius ductague per vias regum colla minactum. Servius ad Verg. G. 2, 4a con-
stat Maecenatem fuisse literarum peritum, et plura composuisse carmina ; nam etiam
Augusti Caesaris gesta descripsit, quod testatur. Horatius. Philargyrius ad Verg.
Georg. 2,162 Agrippa in secundo vitae suae dicit, etc. See also Pliny N. H.9 8 24
pigeret referre ni ves Maecenatis et Fabiani et Flavii Alf multorumque esset literis
mandata. None of these passages really prove that Maecenas, and much less that
Agrippa, wrote o» Augustus; but Agrippa could hardly write his own life without
giving many particulars of that of Augustus. Cf. Plin. V. 7. 3 § 86.

73 Tac. Ann. 4, 34- 74 c. 68. 1? CC. 3, 4; 7:416, 63, 68, 69.
76 c, 4. His letters are referred to by Pliny N. H. 31 8 rr.
'T C, 8T. 78 c. 70,

7 Augustus disliked inferior writers undertaking to write of him, see c. 89, cp.
Hor. Od. 1, 6, ro.

THE SOURCES. xxxiii

name. Among them perhaps the most important was Cre-
mutius Cordus*, who wrote a history of Augustus (vrepi rdv
TQ ÁjvyovaTQ TpaxÜévrov), and appears to have taken so un-
favourable a view at any rate of the earlier part of his career,
that his books were burnt or excluded from Rome during the
reign of Tiberius. Aquilius Niger*, of whom nothing else is
known, also attacked him, accusing him of causing the death of
Hirtius. In like manner Iunius Saturninus (equally unknown)
assailed his conduct in the proscription?&, Among other
writings M. Valerius Messala Corvinus (b. B.C. 64) composed
a work on the civil wars after the death of Iulius. He died
about 9 years before Augustus, and as he deserted Antony
for Augustus soon after Philippi, and was the mouthpiece of
the Senate when offering the title of pater patriae, his account
may be presumed to have been more favourable to Augustus®,
Cornelius Nepos, one of the older generation like Messala,
does not appear to have written a formal history of the time,
but in his Chronica or de viris tllustribus may have retailed
some anecdotes of Augustus*. Iulius Marathus, who was his
freedman and secretary, seems to have written some account
of his personal appearance as well as of the prodigies that
accompanied his birth*. On this last subject anecdotes were
also preserved by Asclepiades of Egypt and P. Nigidius
Figulus*, Pythagorean philosopher and mystic. This class
of writer no doubt helped Suetonius in the composition of his
94th chapter, but could not add materially to the chief parts
of the work. That there was plentiful material, however,
either in literature or tradition, is also shown by the number
of anecdotes (about, 80) recorded of Augustus in Pliny's
Natural History?

9 c. 35 p. 80 note. 8l c, r1. 83 c, 37.

85 cc, 54, 58, 74. He had been devoted to Cassius Tac. Ann. 4, 34; when
put on the proscription list he had fled to Brutus [App. 2. czv. 4, 38], and after
Philippi made terms with Antony [ib. c. 136; 5, 112—3]. See also Dio 49, 16,
38; 50, 10. His history is quoted by Plutarch Brut. cc. 40, 41, 43, 45.

8 c. 77 p. 143 note. 85 cc. 79, 94. 56 p. 162 notes.

8 It may be observed that Pliny is the only writer who records one important
"work of Augustus, the division for administrative purposes of Italy into eleven
regiones [3 88 46—128]. They were I. Campania (including Latium south of the
Anio). II. Apulia and Calabria including the Hirpini. III. Lucania and Bruttium.

XXXiV INTRODUCTION.

§ 4. THE TEXT.

The text of Suetonius, though not perfect, may be regarded
as fairly satisfactory, and few great problems seem to arise, at
any rate in the Augustus. The number of Mss. of the vztae
Caesarum is very great, the best of all being the Codex Memmii-
anus (9th cent.) in the National Library at Paris, and the next
the Florence Codex Mediceus (11th century). Roth holds
it not proven that, as has been maintained, all later Mss.
were derived from the Memmizanus or from any one source ;
though all Mss. have the same /acuna at the beginning of
the Iulius, and certainly the variations between such MSs.
as have been collated are not large or important. I have
collated the two in the Cambridge University Library of the
12th and 15th centuries respectively, and the general result of
the inspection seems to be that the text had been thoroughly
settled before the earlier date. The two texts (setting aside
common blunders) are substantially the same, and offer little
assistance in such difficulties as exist. I have noticed most
variations of importance in the course of the notes. I append
a few observations on special points.

c. 7, p. 12,1. 6. cubiculi Lares. The mss. have cudiculares
(so both Camb. Mss.). The correction is by Lipsius.

c. 17, p. 38, 1. 1. Cn. Domitium. I have admitted Cx. into
the text in spite of all Mss., which have T’, as there seems no doubt
whatever that the praenomen of Domitius was Gzaeus.

c. 21, p. 48, 1. 2. Suebos [some mss. Suevos]. I feel that
Suetonius ought to have written Ubios, but it is possible that he
used .Suebi in a loose and wide sense.

IV. Samnium (embracing the Frentani, Marrucini, Marsi, Peligni, Aequiculi,
Vestini, Sabini). V. Picenum. VI. Umbria (including the territory of the Senones).
VII. Etruria. VIII. Gallia Cispadana. IX. Liguria to the Var. X. Venetia (in-
cluding Carni, Istri, Cenomani). XI. Gallia Transpadana. The division seems
to have taken into account both the natural features of the country and the dis-
tribution of races: but though Suetonius is careful to note his divisions of the city
and his police arrangements for the protection of the country (cc. 31, 32), it is only
. ina passing allusion to his visitation of them that he mentions the regiones of Italy
(c. 46).

Sn LÁ — Áo EE

THE TEXT. XXXV

C. 25, p. 55, 1. 5. Sicilia is evidently right for the CzZ/£ia of
most Mss. The same error occurs in Livy Ef. 58.

c. 30, p. 68,1. s. sestertil. The later Camb. Ms. has sester-
tium ; and it seems to me now more probable that in this and
similar places the numeral sign HS has been wrongly transcribed with
the singular case terminations of sestertium. See also c. 41, p. 9r, 1. 7.

Cc. 32, p. 75, 1. 7. vicensimo [quinto] The mss. have ¢ricen-
simo or tricessimo. See fragm. of the Lex Acilia (formerly called Zex
Servilia) S 17, Bruns Fontes p. 59, C. Z. L. 1, 49—54. It may be
observed that 25 was also the minimum age for the lowest senatorial
magistracies under Augustus, Dio 52, 20, Momms. .S/aatsr. p. 235.

c. 40, p. go, 1. g. circove. This reading for czcave, adopted
by Roth from a Paris Ms. and several others, is also in the older
Cambridge Ms.

c. 42, p. 93, 1. 12 post se. Both Cambridge Mss. have 7osse.

» » 1 13. posthac. Camb.', Camb.* posthanc.

C. 51, p. 109, 1.6. sed violentius, an emendation of Pithoeus
for sedulo lentius. Camb.* sedulo violentius.

C. 53, p. 111, l. ro. adoperta is the reading of the Mss. but I
have on the whole preferred Roth's adaperta. The point of the
former would be that Augustus closed the curtains of his sedan to
avoid giving or receiving trouble.

C. 56, p. 114, 1. 5. in tribu. Erasmus for the Mss. /ri2ubus.
The latter might be defended by translating ‘among the tribes,’ i.e.
in his tribe when the tribes were voting. Camb.’ has 77).

C. 64, p. 124,1. 7. notare. I have accepted this emendation
of Lipsius with some doubt. For though writing in shorthand was
taught boys in schools, swimming was also a conspicuous feature in
early training, which Cato taught his son himself (Plut. Caz. 20); yet
perhaps it would be too much for a valetudinarian, like Augustus,
to do.

c. 70, p. 133, 1. 3. istorum. Camb.’ iustum.

Cc. 79, p. 147, 1. 3. et a memoria elus. This phrase does
not seem to occur elsewhere. The Mss. have eftam memoriam,
Camb.’ etiam in memoriam.

C. 94, p. 164, 1. 13. in eius sinum signum rei publicae.
Roth reads im eius sinum rempublicam. But Dio, who is translating
from Suetonius, has eixova twa ris "Poyys [45, 2], and it seems some-
what forced to use respublica as —- signum reipublicae. The Codex
Memm. has im eius signum reipublicae, but sinum would be likely to
drop out before a word so similar as signum. ‘The two Camb. Mss.

sei INTRODUCTION.

have in eius sinum reipublicae, thus by a parallel mistake dropping
the other of the two similar words. The true reading is found in
several Mss.

c. 98, p. 169, 1. 11. missilia. Roth marks a lacuna before this
word. We might read rerumgue omnium as in Ner. 11. But rerum
may be defended perhaps as referring to the ornaments or furniture,
as opposed to the eatables lying on the table. For diripiendique
Camb.' has diripiends.

[Madvig Advers. Crit. (1872) pp. 374 sq. proposes the following
emendations: c. 27, p. 58, l. 4 persona. c. 32, p. 73, l. 10 grassa-
furam. C. 35, p. 79, |. 4 a deformi; 1. 6 pretium for praemium. c. 42,
P. 93, l. 12 restttutum iri. c. 43, p. 95, 1l. 7 om. e£ before nonnun-
quam. c. 65, p. 126, l. 11 guoguam for quopiam. c. 86, p. 153, 1. 17
Annius ac Veranius. c. 89, p. 157, 1 2 alit dabat, sed plane. — Poe-
matum etc. c. 91, p. 159, ll. 5—6 dedicata. ..aedes...frequentaretur.
Cp. Dio 54, 4.]

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE

OF THE PRINCIPAL EVENTS DURING THE LIFE OF
AUGUSTUS.

B.C. CONSULS

tonius.

62 | D.IuniusSilanus, L. Licinius
Murena.

61 | M. Pupius Piso Calpurnia-

nus, M. Messala Niger.
60 | L. Afranius, Q. Caecilius
Metellus Celer.

C. Iulius Caesar, M. Cal-
purnius Bibulus

L. Calpurnius Piso Caeso-
ninus, A. Gabinius.

P. Cornelius Lentulus Spin-
ther, Q. Caecilius Metellus
Nepos.

Cn. Cornelius Lentulus
Marcellinus, L. Marcius
Philippus.

Cn. Pompeius Magnus II.,
M. Licinius Crassus II.

63 | M. Tullius Cicero, C. An-

PRINCIPAL EVENTS

Birth of Augustus at Rome 1x. Kad. Oct. (23

Sept.) c. 5. Execution of the Catilinarian
conspirators Von. Dec. (13 Dec.). Capture
of Jerusalem by Pompey in December. Birth
of M. Vipsanius Agrippa.

C. Iulius Caesar praetor. Fall of Catiline in
the winter. Return of Pompey to Italy from
the East.

Triumph of Pompey.. Iulius goes to Spain as

ro-praetor.

After victories in Spain Iulius returns to Rome
to stand for the Consulship. Formation of
the so-called triumvirate—Pompey, Caesar
and Crassus.

Contests between Caesar and the Optimates
headed by Bibulus. Caesar carries his
agrarian laws and the 4x de repetundis.
Death of C. Octavius, father of Augustus,
c. 8. Clodius becomes Tribune on ro De-
cember. Birth of Livy.

Clodius carries a law punishing those who had
put citizens to death without trial. Cicero
goes into exile (April). Iulius Caesar in
Gaul conquers the Helvetii and the German
Ariovistus. Clodius quarrels with Pompey.
Birth of Propertius.

Iulius conquers the Belgae. Cicero returns
from exile (September). Pompey Praefectus
annonae for five years. Birth of Livia (27
September).

Campaign of Iulius in Armorica. Clodius,
aedile, still attacks Pompey. Conference at
Lucca and renewal of the agreement be-
tween Pompey, Caesar, and Crassus.

Iulius defeats the Germans on the Meuse and
crosses the Rhine, and first goes to Britain.
Pompey marries Iulia, daughter of Iulius
Caesar. Death of the poet Lucretius.

xxxviii
B.C.| - CONSULS

Ap. Claudius Pulcher.

53 | Cn. Domitius Calvinus, M.
Valerius Messala.

52 | Cn. Pompeius Magnus III.,
solus: ex Kal. Sextil., Q.
Caecilius Metellus Pius
Scipio.

51 | Ser. Sulpicius Rufus, M.
Claudius Marcellus.

50 | L. Aemilius Paulus, C.
Claudius Marcellus.

49 | C- Claudius Marcellus, L.
Cornelius Lentulus Crus.
Dict. s. eg. m. comit. hab.
et. fer. Lat. c., C. Iulius
Caesar.

48 | C. Iulius Caesar II., P. Ser-
vilius Vatia Isauricus.

47 | Dictator 7. f. c. ¢., C. Iulius
Caesar. Mag. eg., M. An-
tonius. Q. Fufius Calenus,
cos., P. Vatinius, cos.

54 | L. Domitius Ahenobarbus,

INTRODUCTION.

PRINCIPAL EVENTS

Iulius Caesar goes to Britain a second time.

Rebellion of Ambiorix in Gaul. Crassus
marches against the Parthians. Death of
Iulia in childbirth. Pompey pro-consul of
Spain, which he governs by three legates,
staying at home himself.

Iulius Caesar subdues the Nervii. At Rome
frequent riots between the followers of Clo-
dius and Milo prevent the Consular elections.
Crassus defeated and killed at Carrhae by
the Parthians.

Murder of Clodius by Milo (20 Jan.). More
riots preventing election of consul till 25 Fe-
bruary. Pompey carries a law preventing
consuls taking a province till 5 years after
consulship, and renewing the rule that a
candidate for consulship must come person-
ally to Rome. Milo condemned de wi.
Campaign of Iulius against Vercingetorix.

Final reduction of Gaul by Iulius Caesar.
He is deprived of two legions for the Par-
thian war under Bibulus. Parthians defeated
by C.Cassius. Proposals to give Caesar a suc-
cessor in Gaul. Death of Iulia, grandmother
of Augustus, who speaks her funeral oration
in his 12th year, c. 8. Pompey's command
in Spain extended to a second period of 5
years. Cicero governor of Cilicia.

Illness of Pompey. Farther attempts to recall
Iulius Caesar. Curio (tribune) vetoes the

roposal to name a day for Iulius to give up
is province, and on the roth Dec. joins
Caesar at Ravenna.

Caesar sends an ultimatum to the Senate,—
he will surrender his province and army if
Pompey will do the same. Expulsion of the
tribunes Antony and Cassius from the Se-
nate. Caesar crosses the Rubicon (Jan.) and
advances towards Brundisium. Pompey col-
lects his forces at Brundisium and thence
crosses to Greece (March). Siege of Mar-
seilles. Defeat of the Pompeian legates at
Ilerda in Spain (August).

Defeat of Pompey at Pharsalus (9 August =
29 June) Pompey murdered in Egypt.
Oct us (Augustus) assumes the foga virilis
(18 Oct.), and is elected into the college of

ontifices in the room of Domitius Aheno-

rbus. He acts as A ide dons urbi during
the feriae Latinae [Nic. Dam. 7]. Caesar
engaged in the Alexandrine war.

Conclusion of the Alexandrine war (28 March
- January). Defeat of Pharnaces of Pontus
and return of Caesar (as Dictator) to Rome
(Septem. —July. Thence goes to Africa to
attack Cato and the remains of the Pom-
peians. Octavius (Augustus) prevented by
his mother owing to weak health from ac-
companying him [Nic. Dam. 6].

— "A.

—«——— €——— ee

B.C.

46 | C. Iulius Caesar III., M. | Battle of Thapsus (7 April), and suicide of

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

CONSULS

Aemilius Lepidus.

Dictator 7. 5. c. c., C. Iulius
Caesar III. Mag. eg., M.
Aemilius Lepidus.

C. Iulius Caesar IV. cos.
sine collega.

Q. Fabius Maximus »7t.,
C. Caninius Rebilus, C.
Trebonius.

Dictator». 5. ger.c., C. Iulius
Caesar IV. Mag. eg., M.
AemiliusLepidusII. Maz.
eg., C. Octavius. Mag.
eg., Cn. Domitius Calvinus
non ini.

C. Iulius Caesar V. cos. occ.
est, M. Antonius.

P. Cornelius Dolabella.

C. Vibius Pansa mort. est,
A. Hirtius occis. est.

C. Iulius Caesar Octavianus
aód., C. Carrinas, Q. Pe-
dius mort. est, P. Venti-
dius.

JH.viri reip. constituendae,
M. Aemilius Lepidus, M.
Antonius, C. Iulius Caesar
Octavianus.

L. Munatius Plancus, M.
Aemilius Lepidus II.

L. Antonius Pietas, P. Sul-
picius.

Cn. Domitius Calvinus II.
abd., C. Asinius Pollio.

L. Cornelius Balbus.

P. Canidius Crassus.

L. Marcius Censorinus, C.
Calvisius Sabinus.

Fall of Perusia.

xxxix
PRINCIPAL EVENTS

Cato at Utica. Reformation of the Calendar
by insertion of go days. The young Octavius
in high favour with Iulius, which he uses to
obtain pardon for the brother of his friend
Agrippa [Nic. Dam. 7] Caesar's triple
triumph over Gaul, Egypt, Pontus. Octavius
takes part in it. Caesar (Dictator for 10
years) goes to Spain in December.

War with Gnaeus and Sextus Pompeius in

Spain. Battle of Munda (17 March). Oc-
tavius, left behind from sickness, joins Caesar
soon after the battle of Munda, with him
visits Carthage [Nic. Dam. 11], and returns
to Rome in September. Iulius appointed per-
petual Dictator with right of being consul for
Ioyears. Octavius treated as his uncle's heir.

Murder of Iulius (14 March). Octavius, who

was at Apollonia in Epirus, returned at once
to Italy (April. By will of Iulius he is
adopted as his son and made heir to three-
fourths of his estate. He accepts the inherit-
ance and is henceforth known as C. Iulius
Caesar Octavianus. When his relations with
Antony became strained he enrolled a legion
of veterans, and was joined by two other le-
gions which Antony had brought over from
Macedonia. With these he marches to Mu-
tina where Antony was besieging Dec. Brutus
(December). The Senate votes him authority
(1) as pro praetore, and (2) as pro consule.

Battle at Forum Gallorum near Mutina (15

April. The consul Pansa is mortally
wounded, Hirtius being killed next day in
assaulting Antony's camp. Antony retreats
to Gaul, followed by Dec. Brutus. Octavian
comes to Rome and is elected consul (Au-
gust). The /ex Pedia for trial of assassins
of Iulius. Octavian makes terms with An-
tony and Lepidus, and the Triumvirate is
arranged. This followed bythe proscriptions.
Birth of Ovid (20 March).

War with Sext. Pompeius, and with Brutus

and Cassius. Battles at Philippi (Oct.—
Nov.). Death of Brutus and Cassius. Fresh
arrangement for dividing the care of the
Empire between the triumvirs. Antony goes
to Asia, and thence to Egypt with Cleopatra.
Birth of Tiberius (16 November).

Quarrel between Caesar and L. Antonius and

Fulvia. Siege of Perusia.

M. Antonius and Aheno-
barbus harass the coasts of S. Italy. Caesar
marries Scribonia. Peace of Brundusium
between Caesar and Antony. Marriage of

Antony and Octavia. Ovation.

Peace of Misenum with Sext. Pompeius. An-

tony goes to the East against the Parthians.
Birth of Iulia and divorce of Scribonia.

INTRODUCTION.

CONSULS

Ap. Claudius Pulcher, C.

Norbanus Flaccus.

ZH iri ni. constituendae,
M. Aemilius Lepidus II.,
M. Antonius II., C. Iulius
Caesar oe ee

M. ippa cos., L. Cani-
“cellus cos. abd. T.
Statilius Taurus.

L. Gellius Poplicola aéd.,
M. Cocceius Nerva add.
L. Munatius Plancus II., P.

Sulpicius Quirinus.

L. Cornificius, Sex. Pom-
peius.

L. Scribonius Libo, M. An-
tonius, aód.

L. Sempronius Atratinus.
Ex Kal. Jul. Paul. Aemilius
Lepidus, C. Memmius.
Ex Kal. Nov. M. Herennius

Picens.

Imp. Caesar Augustus II.
abd., L. Volcatius Tullus.

P. Autronius Paetus.

Ex Kal. Mai C. Flavius.

Ex Kal. Iul. C. Fonteius
Capito, M’. Acilius Aviola.

Ex Kal. Sept. L. Vinucius.

Ex Kal. Oct. L. Laronius.

Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus,
C. Sosius.

Ex Kal. Jul. L. Cornelius.

Ex Kal. Nov. N. Valerius.

PRINCIPAL EvENTS

Caesar marries Livia. Birth of Drusus. Sext.
Pompeius renews his depredations on Italy.
Two indecisive sea-battles off (1) Cumae,
(2) Rhegium. Disasters to Caesar's fleet off
the Scyllaean promontory [Dio 48, 46—8].
Victory of Ventidius over the Parthians
[Dio 49, 19—26). Sosius conquers the Jews
and takes Jerusalem. First period of the
Triumvirate expires (31 December).

Caesar causes a new fleet to be built under the
direction of Agrippa (recalled from Gaul),
who also constructs the 2orfus Julius be-
tween Misenum and Puteoli. Antony comes
to Tarentum and agrees with Caesar for a
5 years! renewal of the Triumvirate.

Renewed war with Sextus Pompeius, battles off
Mylae. Caesar'sexpeditionto Tauromenium:
his danger: final defeat of Pompeius at Mylae
and flight to Asia. Treason of Lepidus and
hisdeposition from the Triumvirate. An ovatio
voted to Caesar and Tribunician privileges
[Dio 49, 15]. Disasters of Antony in the
Parthian war. Statilius Taurus secures Africa
for Caesar, and Norbanus Flaccus Spain.
A residence assigned to Caesar on the
Palatine. Ovation.

Murder of Sext. Pompeius in Phrygia. Caesar
goes on an expedition against the Illyrians
and Pannonians, c. 20.

Caesar conquers the Dalmatians. Messala sub-
dues the Salassi (Va/ d" Aosta). Antony in-
vades Armenia and captures king Artavas-
des treacherously. Caesar receives a wound
in the course of the Illyrian expedition, c. 20.
Special honours voted to Octavia and Livia.
Triumphs of T. Statilius Taurus ex Africa;
of C. Sosius ex Judaea; of C. Norbanus
Flaccus ex Hispania. Death of Sallust.

Agrippa as aedile reforms the water supply in
Rome and restores the aqueducts. Fruitless
expedition of Antony up to the Araxos.
The Parthians conquer Media and Armenia.
Antony returns to Greece éri rQ rod Kaloapos
wonréuy [Dio 49, 44]. Caesar and the Senate
create new patricians. Mauretania made a
province on death of k. Bocchus.

Breach between Caesar and Antony becomes
complete, c. 17. Antony divorces Octavia.
Caesar makes known the contents of An-
tony's will War proclaimed nominally
against Cleopatra. Dio [50, 6] gives the two
sides. For Caesar were Italy, Gaul, Spain,
Roman Africa, Sardinia, Sicily and other
islands on the coasts of these: for Antony
the provinces and client states of Asia and
Thrace, Greece, Macedonia, Egypt, Cyrene
and islands adjoining, and nearly all kings
and dynasts in the vicinity of these places.

ee eee

eww eee m

B.C.

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. xli

CONSULS

Imp. Caesar Augustus III.,

M. Valerius Messala Cor-
vinus.

Ex Kal. Mai. M. Titius.

Ex Kal. Oct. Cn. Pompeius.

Imp. Caesar Augustus IV.,
M. Licinius Crassus.

Ex Kal. Jul. C. Antistius
Vetus.

Ex Id. Sept. M. Tullius
Cicero.

Ex Kal. Nov. L. Saenius.

Imp. Caesar Augustus V.,
Sex. Appuleius.

Ex Kal ful. Potitus Vale-
rius Messala.

Ex Kal. Nov. C. Furnius,
C. Cluvius.

Imp. Caesar Augustus VI.,

M. Agrippa II.

Defeat of Antony in Egypt.

PRINCIPAL EVENTS

Defeat of Antony and Cleopatra at Actium,

and September. Caesar becomes supreme
in the State [Dio 51, 1 rére rpwrov 6 Katcap
TÓ kpáros way uóvos Erxev).

He and Cleo-
patra commit suicide (August). Egypt be-
comes a province with special conditions.
Cornelius Gallus appointed first praefect.
The Senate vote to Caesar (1) Tribunicia
potestas for life, outside as well as inside the
pomoerium, (2) a casting vote in all zudicia,
(3) special mention in all public prayers, and
private libations. The Georgics of Vergil.

Caesar's three triumphs, ex ZZyrico, ex Actiaca

victoria, de Cleopatra. The temple of Ianus
closed. First reform of the Senate.

Marriage of Agrippa with Marcella, the niece

of Caesar. The consuls hold a census and
Caesar is entered as fprinceps Senatus.
Temple of Apollo on the Palatine conse-
crated. Two fraetorii put at the head of
the treasury. Restoration of temples is

Imp. Caesar Augustus VII., | The proposal of Caesar to restore the Republic

M. Agrippa III.

rejected by the Senate, c. 28. Division of the
provinces into Senatorial and Imperial for
Io years [Dio 53, 11—13]. Caesar receives
the title of AUGUSTUS, 13 Jan. [Ov. F. 1,
587]—7apà rijs BovAfjs kal vapà Tod Shou
[Dio 53, 16]. The Principatus. obrw r6 re
TOU Shou kal TÓ yepovolas kpáros way és rüv
Al*yoveror» ueréaTy) kal de’ abrod kal dkpuBijs
povapxla xaréorn [Dio 53, 17]. Tiberius as-
sumes the /oga virilis, Augustus goes to
Gaul and Spain.

Imp.Caesar Augustus VIII., | Death of Cornelius Gallus. Augustus engaged

T. Statilius Taurus II.

in the Cantabrian war. Sext. Appuleius'

triumphs ex 77155.

Imp. Caesar Augustus IX., | Expedition of Terentius Varro against the

M. Iunius Silanus. .

Salassi. Foundation of Augusta Emerita in
Spain. Galatia made a Roman province,
but Mauritania restored to Iuba. nstruc-
tion of the Triumphal Arch at 7xrdza voted
[Dio 53, 25; Pliny, N. 77. 3, 8 136]. See
under year B.C. 6. Second closing of the
temple of Ianus.

Imp. Caesar Augustus X., | Augustus returns from Spain. Honours voted

C. Norbanus Flaccus.

Imp. Caesar Augustus XI.
abd., A. Terentius Varro
Murena mort. est.

L. Sestius, Cn. Calpurnius
Piso.

to the young Marcellus. Renewed rebellion
ofthe Cantabri. Expedition of Aelius Gallus
into Arabia.

Dangerous illness of Augustus, c. 28. Agrippa

(made governor of Syria) retires to Lesbos.
Important constitutional changes. Augustus
abdicates the consulship and receives ¢riju-
sica potestas for life, see under anno 27;

B.C.

15
14

INTRODUCTION.

CONSULS

M. Claudius Marcellus Ae-
serninus, L. Arruntius.

Censores.

L. Munatius Plancus.
Paul. Aemilius Lepidus.

M. Lollius, Q. Aemilius Le-
pidus.

M. Appuleius, P. Silius

Nerva.

C. Sentius Saturninus, Q.
Lucretius Vespillo.
Ex Kal. Tul. M. Vinucius.

P. Cornelius Lentulus Mar-
cellinus, Cn. Cornelius
Lentulus.

C. Furnius, C. Iunius Sila-
nus.

L. Domitius Ahenobarbus,
P. Cornelius Scipio.

Ex Kal. Jul. L. Tarius Ru-
fus.

M. Livius Drusus Libo, L.
' Calpurnius Piso.

M. Licinius Crassus, Cn.
Cornelius Lentulus Augur.

Tib. Claudius Nero, P.
Quinctilius Varus.

PRINCIPAL EvENTS

and proconsulare imperium, both inside and
outside the pomoerium, superior (7:352) to
that of any governor in any province. From
this year the years of his £ribunictia potestas
are henceforth reckoned, beginning v. Kal.
Jul. (27 June), Dio 53, 32. Death of the

young Marcellus. Return of the standards

from Parthia agreed upon.

Conspiracy and death of Murena, c. 19. Some
changes in the arrangement of the Imperial
and Senatorial provinces, Cyprus and Gallia
Narbonensis become Senatorial. Outbreak
among the Cantabri. Gaius Petronius
repulses the Aethiopian invaders of Egypt.
Augustus goes to Sicily on his way to
the East. Disturbances at the consular
comztia.

Agrippa, recalled to Rome, marries Iulia,
daughter of Augustus. Augustus returns to
Sicily and thence goes to Greece, and win-
ters at Samos.

The standards and prisoners are returned from
Parthia. Birth of Gaius Caesar, son of Iulia
and Agrippa. Augustus regulates the affairs
of the East [Dio 54, 9]. He again winters
at Samos. Mission of Tiberius to Ar-
menia.

Agrippa finally subdues the Cantabri. Au-
gustus returns to Rome (12 Oct.). Tiberius
granted praetorian rank. Augustus ap-
pointed Praefectus moribus with censorial
powers for 5 years [Dio 54, 10]. Consular
rank for life and the perpetual power of
proposing laws also voted to him. Death
of Vergil.

Second reform of the Senate. The /ex de
maritandis ordinibus. First renewal of the
Principatus [two periods of five years, Dio
53, 16; 54, 12].

The /wdi saeculares held. Birth of Lucius
Caesar, son of Agrippa and Iulia. Augustus
adopts him and his elder brother Gaius.

Agrippa again sent to Syria. Statilius Taurus
made praefectus urbi. Disturbances in the
Alpine regions, in Pannonia, Dalmatia,
Macedonia and Thrace. Augustus spent
this and the next year in or near Gaul.
M. Lollius defeated by the Sigambri and
Usipetes, c. 23.

Augustus still in Gaul. "Tiberius and Drusus
subdue the Rhaeti.

The temple of Ianus again closed.

Augustus returns to Rome from Gaul and
Agrippa from Asia. Drusus in Germany.
Opening of the ZAeatrum Marcelli. Third
reform of the Senate. Agrippa sent in the
winter against the Pannonians. Death of
Lepidus.

B.C.

A.D.

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

"CONSULS

M. Valerius Messala Barba-

tus mort. est, P. Sulpicius
Quirinus add.

C. Valgius Rufus aéd., C.
Caninius Rebilus mort. es?,
L. Volusius Saturninus.

Q. Aelius Tubero, Paul. Fa-
bius Maximus.

Iulus Antoninus, Q. Fabius
Maximus Africanus.

Nero Claudius Drusus Ger-
manicus mort. est, T.
Quinctius Crispinus.

C. Marcius Censorinus, C.
Asinius Gallus.

Ti. Claudius Nero II., Cn.
Calpurnius Piso.

D. Laelius Balbus, C. An-
tistius Vetus.

Imp. Caesar Augustus XII.,
L. Cornelius Sulla.

C. Calvisius Sabinus, L.
Passienus Rufus.

L. Cornelius Lentulus, M.
Valerius Messalinus.

Imp. Caesar Augustus XIII.
abd., M. Plancius Silva-
nus abd.

Q. Fabricius, L. Caninius
Gallus.

Cossus Cornelius Lentulus,

L. Calpurnius Piso.

C. Caesar, L. Aemilius
Paullus.

P. Vincius, P. Alfenius
Varus.

Ex Kal. Iul. P. Come-
lius Lentulus Scipio, T.
Quinctius Crispinus Vale-
rianus.

xliii

PRINCIPAL EVENTS

Agrippa dies in March. Augustus becomes

Pontifex Maximus (6 March); and is ap-
pointed Praefectus moribus for another 5
years.

Campaign of Drusus in Germany and of
Tiberus in Dalmatia. Death of Octavia,
€. 61. Fourth reform of the Senate. Closing
of the temple of Ianus prevented by the
Daci crossing the Danube. They are de-
feated by Tiberius in this and the next year.

Augustus resides most of this year at Lug-
dunum. Birth of Claudius (afterwards
Emperor) at Lugdunum, son of Drusus and
Antonia, niece of Augustus.

Drusus attacks the Chatti and Suevi. He dies
from an accident. Farther reforms in the
Senate [Dio 55, 3].

Augustus returns to Rome and again takes the
government of the provinces for ro years
[Dio 55, 5). Tiberius crosses the Rhine to
attack the rebellious Sigambri. The various
tribes submit. Death of Horace and Mae-
cenas. The name of the month Sextilis
changed to August. Augustus holds a
census. Third period of the Principatus.

Triumph of Tiberius (1 Jan.). Renewed dis-
turbances in Germany recall him thither.
Rome divided into 14 regtones. Tiberius
receives the Tribunician power for 5 years.

Gaius Caesar consul designate for the sixth
year after this (i.e. a whole quinquennium is
to intervene). Tiberius retires to Rhodes for
7 years.

Gaius Caesar takes the /ogu virilis, c. 26.
Death of Tiro, the freedman of Cicero and
editor of his letters. (?The Nativity of
Christ.)

Death of Herod.

Birth of Galba (afterwards Emperor). Alarms
in Parthia and Germany.

L. Caesar takes the /oga virilis: Augustus
receives the title of pater patriac,c. 68. Iulia
divorced by Tiberius (in B.C. r1) and ban-
ished by her father, c. 65.

C. Caesar sent to the East to prevent the
Parthian invasion of Armenia.

A dangerous rising in Germany against M.
Vinicius.

Tiberius returns to Rome from Rhodes. Death
of Lucius Caesar at Massilia (August). C.
Caesar meets Phraates on the Euphrates, at
which meeting Velleius Paterculus was
present [2, 101]. The house of Augustus
on the Palatine burnt.

xliv

A.D.

INTRODUCTION.

CONSULS

L. Aelius Lamia, M. Ser-

vilius.

Ex Kal. Jul. P. Silius, L.
Volusius Saturninus.

Sext. Aelius Catus, C. Sen-
tius Saturninus.

Ex Kal. Jul. C. Clodius Li-
cinus, Cn. Sentius Satur-
ninus.

L. Valerius Messala Volesus,
Cn. Cornelius Cinna Mag-
nus.

Ex Kal. Jul. C. Ateius Ca-
pito, C. Vibius Postumus.

M. Aemilius Lepidus, L.
Aruntius add.

L. Nonius Asprenas.

A. Licinius Nerva Silianus,
Q.Caecilius Metellus Cre-
ticus.

M. Furius Camillus, Sex.
Nonius Quinctilianus.

Ex Kal. Jul. L. Apronius,
A. Vibius Habitus.

C. Poppaeus Sabinus, Q.
Sulpicius Camerinus.

Ex Kul. Zu! M. Papius Mu-
nus Q. Poppaeus Secun-

us.

P. Cornelius Dolabella, C.
Iunius Silanus.

Ex Kal. Jul. Ser. Cornelius
Lentulus.

M. Aemilius Lepidus, T.
Statilius Taurus.

Ex Kal. Jul. L. Cassius
Longinus.

Germanicus Caesar, C. Fon-
teius Capito.

Ex Kal. ful. C. Visellius
Varro.

C. Silius, L. Munatius Plan-
cus.

Sex. Pompeius, Sex. Ap-
puleius.

PRINCIPAL EvENTS

Fourth period of Principatus [Dio 55, 12].

Death of Gaius Caesar at Zimyra in Lycia
(23 Feb.). Tiberius and Agrippa Postumus
adopted by Augustus (27 June).
receives /7rib. fol. for 10 years and goes to
Germany, the campaign lasting till December.
Treason of Gnaeus Cornelius.

Second campaign of Tiberius in Germany. A
severe famine in Rome.

Third campaign of Tiberius in Germany. Re-
volt in Pannonia and Dalmatia. The aera-
rium militare established. Dedication of the
arch at 7¥rbza, commemorating the pacifica-
tion of the Alpine tribes.

Germanicus (son of Drusus) sent to Pannonia.
Tiberius undertakes the Illyrian war (A.D.
7—9)

The Pannonians submit, but there is still
fighting in Dalmatia.

Tiberius visits Rome, but has to return to
Dalmatia, and the whole of Illyricum is
subdued. Defeat and death of Varus, c. 23
[Dio 56, 18—24; Vell. 2, 117—120]. Birth
of erra (afterwards Emperor) Exile
of Ovid and of the younger Iulia.

Tiberius goes to Germany to restore discipline
and to make preparations for crossing the
Rhine. Augustus makes great exertions to
enrol fresh legions [Suet. 775. 18; Dio 56,

23].
Tiberius and Germanicus cross the Rhine, but

advance a very short distance and fight no
battle. The Rhine remains the limit of the
Roman empire.

Tiberius celebrates a triumph ex Fannonits
Dalmatisque. Birth of Caligula at Tréves (?)
(31 Aug.), Suet. Cad. 8.

/
The principatus renewed a fifth time for 10
years.
Augustus with Tiberius as colleague holds a
census, cc. 27, 97, 777. 21. Death of Augustus

(19 August).

Tiberius:

C. SUETONI TRANQUILLI

DE VITA CAESARUM

LIBER II,

DIVUS AUGUSTUS.

GENTEM Octaviam Velitris praecipuam olim fuisse, multa 1

declarant.

Nam et vicus celeberrima parte oppidi
iam pridem Octavius vocabatur et ostendebatur ara

The Gens
Octavia.

Octavio consecrata, qui bello dux finitimo, cum
forte Marti rem divinam faceret, nuntiata repente hostis

1. Velitris. It seems doubtful whe-
ther Velitrae was originally a Latin or
Volscian town. It long maintained in-
dependence of Rome. Twice at least
(B.C. 492 and 404) it was occupied by
Roman coloni. Yet the original in-
habitants absorbed or overcame these
colont and maintained the traditional
hostility to Rome. At the end of the
Latin War (B.C. 340—338) its senators
were removed beyond the Tiber, its
walls dismantled, and new settlers were
sent to occupy the lands of the banished

senators. till it retained a form of
municipal government [Livy 8, 14]
and shared -in the Roman ctvitas

under the Lex Iulia of B.c. go. The
members of the gens Octavia however
who were settled there were already
Roman citizens.

praecipuam, ‘distinguished.’ Tac.
4. 12, 40 praccipuus scientia rei mili-

laris. As applied to living persons in
this sense it seems chiefly prae-classical
and of the silver age.

celeberrima, * most frequented.' Cato
A. AR. 1 8 3 recommends that there
should be near the farm a via bona cele-
órisque; cp. infr. c. 44 Judi celeberrimi.
oppidi as opposed to ss (Rome), cp.
T35. 11; Otho 1, though the two words
are often interchanged.

ara Octavio consecrata, 'an altar
consecrated by an Octavius’; cf. 714. 20
campum Stellatem maioribus consecra-
tum...divisit. Some however explain it
as dative ‘dedicated to,’ i.e. for the
use of Octavius and his family. The
builder of such an altar consecrated it
to the use of himself and his family, see
for instance Willmanns’ Zxemp/. Inscr.
2514 C * CLobivs - C» L * EvPHE-
MVS * NEGOCIATOR * PENORIS * ET «
VINORVM * DE * VELABRO * Ae IIII *

2 SUETONI [2

incursione, semicruda exta rapta foco prosecuit, atque ita

proelium ingressus victor redit.

Decretum etiam publicum

exstabat, quo cavebatur ut in posterum quoque simili modo
exta Marti redderentur, reliquiaeque ad Octavios referrentur.
2 Ea gens a Tarquinio Prisco rege inter minores genttfs adlecta
in senatum, mox a Servio Tullio in patricias traducta, pro-
cedente tempore ad plebem se contulit, ac rursus magno

SCARIS * ARAM * POSVIT * SIBI * CON-
SECRAVIT * DEDICAVITQVE * LIBERTIS-
QVE « SVIS « POSTERISQVE * EORVM.
Such an altar served at once as a ren-
dezvous of the family and a memorial
of some great event. Thus the exsecrata
columna [Cic. 1 Phil. 8 5] set up by the
pseudo-Marius where Caesar's body was
burnt is called by Dio Cassius a Bwpuós
[44. 51] and an ara by Brutus [ad fam.
12,2]. Even when such memorials in the
streets took the form of statues, incense
was offered on them as altars. Cicero de
Off. 3, 8 8o (of Marius Gratidianus) et

ea. res, st quaeris, ei magno honori fuit. —

Omnibus vicis statuae, ad eas tus, cerei.

. prosecuit is a ritual word, and was
applied to formal cutting or slicing of
the entrails, as z»eco to the flesh, in
preparation for the altar. Cato A. R.
I34 “bt exta prosecta erunt, Jano struem
ommoveto mactatoque item uti prius
obmoveris. Varro L. L. 110 insicia ab
eo quod insecta caro, ut in carmine Sali-
orum est, quod in extis dicitur nunc
prosectum. Livy 5, a1 vocem haruspicis
dicentis * qui eius hostiae exta prosecuisset
ei victoriam dari’ exauditam. See also
Lucan 6, 709; Ovid F. 6, 163.

redderentur is also a ritual word
applied to the action of placing the ex/a
on the altar. Carmen Arv. C. 7. LZ. 28
deinde reversus ad aram extas reddidit.
Vergil G. 2, 194 lancibus et pandis

fumantia reddimus exta. Stat. Theb. 4,
466 semineces fibras et adhuc spirantia
reddit viscera. ‘This was also expressed
by exta porricere.

reliquiae...referrentur, that is, the
arts not burnt were to be taken to the
ouse of the Octavii. Cp. Plaut. Poen.
2, 43 age camus intro, dum exta refe-
runtur. Ovid Met. 12, 153 cuius ut
imposuit prosecta calentibus aris...sacra
tulere suam, pars est data cetera mensis.
2. ea gens...senatum. The addition

‘of rooto the Senate by Tarquinius Pris-
cus is recorded by Livy 1, 35; Diony-
sius 3, 67. Cicero [de Re P. 2, 20]

says that he doubled the number. The
gentes from whom they were taken were
called gentes minores. The process was
called udlectio (Suet. 7:4. 80, wpooxara-
Aéyev Plut. Rom. 20], or sublectzo [Livy
ep. 70; Tac. Ann. 11, 25]. But neither
of this nor of the subsequent ¢raductio by
Servius Tullius have we any knowledge.
It seems to have been a later invention.
The Octavii known to us in Livy [28, 36;
29, 13, 36; 30, 2, 24, 36; 31, 3) I1;
34, 453 35, 253 36, 16] are a Plebeian
gens, of which the first to hold curule
office was Cn. Octavius, praetor in 205.
For the term traductio see Cicero pro
Sest. 8 15 traductio ad plebem furibundi
hominis; ad Alt. 2, 9 Aic Hierosoly-
marius traductor ad plebem.

per Divum Iulium...redit. The ele-
vation of Octavius to the patriciate seems
to have taken place soon after the battle
of Pharsalus (August B.C. 48). On the
18th of October following [C. 7. Z. ro,
8375] Octavius took the foga virilis, and
in describing the ceremony Dio [45, 2]
says é£ ofy rovrwy 6 Kaicap péyada én’
abrpéwedrloas és re rods ebrarpléas avrov
éorpyaye kal rl rij» dpxhy jioxe. At the
same time he was elected into the college
of Pontifices in the place of Ahenobar-
bus, who had fallen in the battle [Nicolas
Dam. 4]. But as Caesar did not return
to Rome till the autumn of 47, the actual
traductio may not have taken place till
later; perhaps in 46 or 45, when in
virtue of a /ex Cassia [ Tac. Ann. 11, 35]
Caesar endeavoured to recruit the di-
minishing patrician gentes, which had
sunk to fourteen or fifteen, by new
creations, Dio 43, 47 wodAods dé xal
és rods edwarpldas rots Te Uwrareuxéras
q xal dpxnvy rwa dptayras éwykaréAetev.
For this new class of nobility see
Mommsen A. Z. 4 p. 475. Augustus
continued the practice, —7a/rictorum
numerum auxi consul quintum (B.C. 29)
tussu populi et senatus, M. A. 1, 8, cp.
Dio 52, 42; Tacitus /.c. Subsequent
emperors did it on their own authority.

fem umm

Sm,
Es
3

2.] DIVUS AUGUSTUS. 3

intervallo per Divum Iulium in patriciatum redit. Primus
ex hac magistratum populi suffragio cepit C. Rufus. Is
quaestorius CN. et C. procreavit, a quibus duplex Octaviorum
familia defluxit conditione diversa. Siquidem Gnaeus et
s deinceps ab eo reliqui omnes functi sunt honoribus summis.
At Gaius eiusque posteri, seu fortuna seu voluntate, in

equestri ordine constiterunt usque ad Augusti patrem.

Pro-

avus Augusti secundo Punico bello stipendia in Sicilia tribunas

militum fecit Aemilio Papo imperatore.

Avus municipalibus

primus ex hac. The stemma referred to is as follows:

C. Octavius Rufus
Quaestor B.C. 230

Cn. Octavius
Praetor B.C. 205

Cn. Octavius
Cos. B.C. 165

M. Octavius
Tr. Pl. 133

Cn. Octavius M. Octavius
Cos, B.c.87 Tr. Pl. (after B.C. 120)

|
Cn. Octavius
Cos. B.C. 76

Cn. Octavius
Cos. B.C. 126

L. Octavius
Cos. B.C. 75

|
M. Octavius
Aedile B.C. 50

stipendia in Sicilia. L. Aemilius
Papus was Praetor in 205, and had
Sicily allotted to him [Liv. 28, 38],
where there were at the time two le-
gions made up of the soldiers disgraced
at Cannae and Herdonia. But it is not
true, as the writer in Smith's Bzo-
graphical Dictionary states, that C. Oc-
tavius was at Cannae. He quotes Fron-
tinus Sfrafeg. 4, 5, 7, where however it
is Cn. Octavius who is mentioned.

avusmunicipalibus magisteriis, ‘mu-
nicipal offices! Magisterium properly
the office of a magister, as Cicero prov.
cons. § 46 describes the office of censor
as magisterium morum. Cp.magisterium
eguitum Tib. 3; magisteria sacerdotii
Cal. 22; magisterium ager [Minervae]
Dom. 4; and the later office of edestre
snagisterium, Aurel. Vict. Caesares 42.
It is not classical as a technical word
for the office of a magistratus, and Sue-
tonius here uses it as opposed to the im-
perial magistratus. The offices in a

C. Octavius
Eques

C. Octavius
Trib. Mil. 205

C. Octavius

|
Atia= C. Octavius =1 Ancharia
Praetor B.C. 61 |
Octavia the elder

Octavia — C. Octavius
ob. B.C. rr (Augustus)
Ob. A.D. I4

municipium varied in different towns.
The prevailing ones were those of Senate
or Council (decuriones, centumviri, cu-
riales or curia) ; officers yearly elected,
—and popular election went on in these
towns more than roo years after it
ceased in Rome,—as two dwumviri turi
dicundo, consules, two quaestores, two ae-
diles. In some—called pracfecturac—a
praefectus iuri dicundo was yearly ap-
pointed by the Praetor at Rome. In
others—colonmiae—there were quattuor-
viri, censores, and curatores. Though
after the Social War and the lex Iulia
(B.C. go) the civil status of these towns
was assimilated, the interior constitu-
tion varied as before. As regarded
Rome they were all municipia and
possessed the franchise, but with respect
to their internal administration they
were still to be classed as munictpia,
coloniae, pracfecturae, conciliabula. See
W. T. Arnold, Roman Provincial Ad-
ministration, p. 225.

1—2

4 SUETONI

magisteriis contentus abundante patrimonio tranquillissime

senuit.

Sed haec alii; ipse Augustus nihil amplius quam equestri

Augustus
only
claimed

familia ortum se scribit vetere ac locuplete, et in
qua primus senator pater suus fuerit.

M. Antonius

equestrian libertinum ei proavum exprobrat, restionem e pago

rank.

Thurino, avum argentarium. Nec quicquam ultra

dé paternis Augusti maioribus repperi.
C. Octavius pater a principio aetatis et re et existimatione

The
father of
Augustus,

sed haec alii. No doubt many flat-
terers or enemies were found to search
the annals of the Octavii. Suetonius
quotes as writers on the life of Augus-
tus, Iulius Marathus (cc. 79, 94); C.
Drusus (c. 94); Iulius Saturninus (c. 27);
Aquilius Niger (c. 11); M. Valerius
Messala Corvinus (c. 74). C. Asinius
Pollio, who wrote on the Civil War
(Jul. c. 55—6], does not seem to have
brought his history down to the reign of
Augustus. The only considerable frag-
ment of such a work which we possess
is that of Nicolas of Damascus, friend
and secretary of Herod, and in high
favour with Augustus himself. On this
point however he merely says that his
father was a Senator (r&v éx rfjs ovyKAn-
TOv), and his ancestors xard re wAoÜror
kal éwvecxelay óvouardrarot.

ipse Augustus. Besides the Aes
gestae left by Augustus to be inscribed
in various parts of the empire and pre-
served for us in the Monumentum An-
cyranum, he wrote a history of his own
life and times. See cc. 25, 27, 42, 74,
85—6, Claud. 1; de Gramm. 16. This
work was used by Plutarch in the lives
of Cicero (45), Brutus (27), Antony (22,
68); and by Appian [Z. civ. 42], Dio
Cassius [48, 44], and by other later
writers. Augustusalsocaused the honours
of his grandfather and father to be in-
scribed on marble slabs adorning some
chapel in his palace. That of his grand-
father (if it is his) is too much broken to
be of use. That of his father is entire.
[C. 7. Z. Vol. 1, p. 278.]

C-Octavius-C+F+-C-eN-C-
PRON * PATER * AUGUSTI * TR« Mir:
Bis * Q + AED + PL* cUM* C + TORA-
NIO « IVDEX * QUAESTIONUM « PR «

magna fuit, ut equidem mirer hunc quoque a non-
nullis argentarium atque etiam inter divisores oper-
asque campestris proditum ; amplis enim innutritus

PRO * Cos : IMPERATOR * APELLATUS *
EX * PROVINCIA * MACEDONIA.

M. Antonius. The slanders of An-
tony were n PAIERUY conveyed in
letters principally written in the two or
three years previous to the battle of
Actium, which his friends or his ene-
mies published.

e pago Thurino. The term fagws as
applied to the mtusicifia properly indi-
cates a village or other unit of inhabit-
ants in the country as opposed to the
vicus in the town; but Suetonius seems
to be using it loosely for ager Thurinus
(c. 3) or regio Thurina (c. 7). In B.C.
193 a 'Latin' colony was settled at
Thurii—consisting of 3000 veterans of
the infantry and 300 from the cavalry;
but its territory was so large that these
were not considered sufficient, and a
third of the land was retained for future
allotments [Livy 35, 9 umerus exiguus
pro copia agri]. The name was changed
to Copia, but this seems not to have
lasted, and the old appellation prevailed.
argentarius, ‘money-changer’ or ‘ bank-
er,’ /Vero 5. Cicero Caecin. § 16. Whether
the Octavii did possess a ropewalk at
Thurii and a bank at Thurii or Velitrae
is quite unknown. "They were certainly
wealthy.

8. divisores operasque campes-
tris. Cicero [Harus. resp. § 42]
speaks of the guaestus campestris as
being of the most profitable kind (maxi-
me fecundus). It was of various sorts.
Friendly supporters (swffragatores) dis-
tributed passes for theatres and festivals
[Cic. Mur. 8 72]; election agents (se-
questres) held sums of money which the
divisores distributed; and the heads of
political clubs or sodalitates brought

3.]

DIVUS AUGUSTUS. 5

opibus, honores et adeptus est facile et egregie administravit.
Ex praetura Macedoniam sortitus, fugitivos, residuam Spartaci
et Catilinae manum, Thurinum agrum tenentis, in itinere
delevit, negotio sibi in senatu extra ordinem dato. Provinciae
s praefuit non minore iustitia quam fortitudine; namque Bessis

ac Thracibus magno proelio

bands of artizans (oferae) to encourage
or overawe the voters (see on c. 32).
But though such things were forbidden
by many laws, it seems that a certain
amount of money distributed at least
among a man's own tribe was looked
upon as almost a matter of course. See
inf. c. 40 and Zi. 19. Cic. ad 44. 1,
I8 est autem C. Herennius quidam Tr.
Fl., quem fortasse ne nosti quedem,—tam-
etsi potes nosse: tribulis enim tuus est,
et Sextus pater eius numos vobis dividere
solebat. For the discreditable nature of
the employment see Cicero Perres 3,
8 161 non in hominis luxuriosi sed tan-
tum in furis atque divisoris disciplina
educatus.

ex praetura Macedoniam sortitus,
*after his praetorship the chance of the
lot gave him Macedonia.' His praetor-
ship was in 61. In 60 (March) he went
as propraetor to Macedonia, succeeding
the extortionate and unsuccessfu] Gaius
Antonius, the colleague of Cicero in his
consulship (63). He distinguished him-
self in his province not only in war
against encroaching barbarians, in the
course of which he was acclaimed by
his soldiers *imperator' [Vell. 2, 69],
but also by his conciliatory manners,
strict integrity, and justice (Cic. ad
Q. Fr. 1, 1 8 21). Macedonia was
looked upon as a profitable province
and had suffered much at the hands of
various governors. It was generally
governed by a Praetoriws, not a consu-
laris, but the practice varied according
to the military necessities. The Senate
decided from year to year which pro-
vinces were to be praetorian which
consular; but some, as Sicily and
Sardinia, seem always to have been
i See Arnold, p. 44.
. In BC. 72
Spartacus, the leader of the revolted
gladiators, seized Thurii and held it as
base of operations for plundering ex-
peditions. It shows how difficult an
effective police in S. Italy was to main-
tain, that twelve years after this there
should still be remains of his followers
who held out in the mountains near

fusis, ita socios tractavit, ut

Thurii. For the war of Spartacus B.c.
73—71 see Livy ep. 95—7; Appian BZ.
ctv. 1, 116—120; Plutarch Crass. 8—11.
Catiline was conquered in Etruria near
Pistoria (Zzs£oza), but some of his men
doubtless escaped and made their way
south. Or they may be some of the
slaves dismissed from the camp at Fae-
sulae, who had taken refuge, as a last
resource, with the surviving gladiators
at Thurii.

tenentis in app. to manum, cp. Liv.
26, 35 ingens turba circumfusi fremebant.

extra ordinem, ‘beyond his regular
sphere of duty,’ which was in Mace-
donia.

Bessis ac Thracibus, ‘with the Bessi
and other Thracians.’ The Bessi were
a large mountain tribe extending at
various periods from the R. Nestus and
the Rhodope Mt. (Desgoti Dagh) to the
Strymon or at times to the Axius. They
were the most constant source of trouble
to a governor of Macedonia, whose
object was to keep them on the other
side of Rhodope and make his N.W.
frontier secure. Even before the Roman
occupation the Macedonian kings had
had to fight them [Polyb. 23, 8; Livy
39, 53]. The victory of Octavius seems
to have dismayed them for a time, for we
find them offering Piso, proconsul in
Maced. B.C. §57—56, reinforcements [Cic.
in Fis. § 84]. But Piso alienated them
again by his treatment of their agent;
and in 43 Brutus had to go on an expe-
dition against them [Dio 47, 25]. They
are mentioned by Herodotus [7, 111]
as a branch of the Satrae, the one
Thracian tribe that had never been
conquered, and as having charge of an
oracle of Dionysus, whence probably
the term Sassareus used by Horace
[Od. 1, 18, r1] for the Thracian Bacchus,
though this is derived by others from
Baccápa, ‘a fox skin,’ Her. 4, 192.
They were infamous even among other
predatory tribes for their robberies.
Strabo 7, 5, 12 Béccot dé olrep rd wAéov
ToU dpous véuovra,. rod Aluov, kal vd
Tay NgeTüv Ayoral Tpoca-yopebovros, cp.
id. 7, fr. 47.

6 SUETONI [4

epistolae M. Ciceronis exstent quibus Quintum fratrem, eodem
tempore parum secunda fama proconsulatum Asiae admini-
strantem, hortatur et monet, imitetur in promerendis sociis

his mother

4 vicinum suum Octavium.) Decedens Macedonia, prius quam
profiteri se candidatum consulatus posset, mortem s

anil eisters: obiit repentinam, superstitibus liberis Octavia ma-
iore, quam ex Ancharia, et Octavia minore item

proconsulatum Asiae. Quintus Tul-
lius Cicero was Praetor in B.C. 62 and
governor of Asia from 61 to 58. That
Suetonius should indicate the govern-
ment of a fraetorius by the term fro-
consulatus may be the result of the later
division of the provinces into Imperial
and Senatorial, the former being govern-
ed by a /egatus, the latter by a proconsul,
titles which the governors held without
regard to the magistracies they had
previously administered. Asia had al-
ways since its establishment (B.C. 129)
been governed by a fractorius, who
however even in republican times was
sometimes called pro-comsul. The pro-
vince started with the dominions of
Attalus of Pergamus bequeathed to
Rome in B.C. 133; and in Cicero's time
included Phrygia, Mysia, Caria, and
Lydia [fro Flacc. c. 27) The ad-
ministration of Quintus seems to have
been marred by ill temper (ad Q. Fr.
I, I adtungenda enim facilitas est in
audiendo, in satisfaciendo ac disputando
diligentia. His rebus nuper C. Octavius
iucundissimus fuit) and a too credulous
confidence in his freedman Statius [26.
I,2] Asia was a province however in
which an honest governor was pretty
sure to give offence; for it was the
chosen hunting ground of the publicani,
until Caesar abolished the system in 48
[App. Z. cív. 5, 4; Dio Cass. 42, 6].

4. decedens Macedonia, ‘on quit-
ting his province of Macedonia.’ The
technical word for a governor giving
up his province: Zw. 18 ad trium-
phum simul consulatumque | decessit:
generally however with ex [more rarely
with a]; but in Cic. P Lig. 1, 2
decedens provincia; and absolutely in
Cic. fam. 3, 6 te ante quam. tibi succes-
sum esset. decessurum esse. Sall. Y. 36
Albinus Romam decessit.

profiteri se candidatum. The 27o-
Jessto would have to be made at Rome at
least 17 days [/rinum nundinum, Cicero
ad fam. 16, 12 before the date of election.
When the regulation requiring a per-

sonal grofessto was made is not known.
Cicero, speaking in 63, says that it was
not required by any /ex [contr. Rull.
2824] It may nevertheless have been
a custom which could not be neglected.
In B.c. 66 Catiline was prevented by
an accusation of repetundae from stand-
ing for the consulship,—guod intra
legitimas dies profiteri nequivit. [Sall.
Cat. 18]. In B.C. 60 Caesar had to
choose between giving up his triumph
and entering Rome to make his f7o-
Jessto, Kdrwvos 0é árriMéyovros abrq,
kal Tl» juépay redevralay odcay Tv
wapayyedtwy dvadodvros éxi rots Adyors,
écéüpauev 6 Kaicap trepidiv rot Opidu-
Bov xal wapayyelhas és ry dpxhy dvéweve
Th» xepororpiay, Appian B. ctv. 2, 8.
Instances of election without such per-
sonal dy aged are not uncommon earlier,
Marius for instance having been more
than once elected in his absence; and
in B.C. 160 Q. Fulvius Flaccus, in cir-
cumstances very like Caesar's, for he was
waiting outside the walls for a triumph
from Spain, was elected consul [Livy
40, 43]. Still the law of Pompey in
55 or 52, which is the first we know
of as actually legalising the regulation,
must have been only an enforcement
of a custom generally observed, though
perhaps liable to evasion [7s4. 28].
Octavia maiore, quam ex Ancharia.
According to Plutarch [44s05. 31] there
was only one Octavia, daughter of
Ancharia and half sister to Augustus ;
and we certainly hear nowhere else of
an elder Octavia. But that Octavia
was connected with the Julian gens is
shown by her body being laid out in
the Heroum Iulium [Dio 54, 35]. Her
character is conspicuous for magna-
nimity and purity, in spite of the way
in which both her uncle and brother
(who was devotedly attached to her)
used her hand to secure political objects.
She was married to C. Claudius Mar-
cellus (consul in B.C. 50), yet Iulius
offered to transfer her to Pompey
in 53, on the death of Iulia [Suet.

4-]

DIVUS AUGUSTUS. 7

Augusto, quos ex Atia tulerat. Atia M. Atio Balbo et Iulia,
sorore C. Caesaris, genita est. Balbus, paterna stirpe Aricinus,
multis in familia senatoriis imaginibus, a matre Magnum
Pompeium artissimo contingebat gradu functusque honore
5 praeturae inter vigintiviros agrum Campanum plebi Iulia lege

Caes. 27]; and when she was left
a widow at the end of 41, though
pregnant by her former husband, she
consented to be married to Antony in
order to cement a reconciliation between
him and her brother, the Senate sus-
pending the law which required a ten
months widowhood [App. 7. civ. 5,
64; Plut. Ant. 31; Dio 48, 31]. For
two or three years she resided with
Antony at Athens, where she was much
beloved, and succeeded in retaining his
affection and intervening more than
once to prevent a quarrel between her
husband and brother [App. B. ctv. 5, 93;
Plut. Anz. 33, 35; Dio 48, 54]. But in
B.C. 37—when the last reconciliation
took place—she was left behind at Rome
and Antony again fell under the influence
of Cleopatra. When she went in B.C. 35
to Greece to take troops and money
to Antony in Egypt, he forbade her to
come nearer to him than Athens, though
he accepted the presents [App. 5, 138;
Dio 49, 33]. But though she returned
to Rome in B.C. 34 she refused to obe
her brother when he ordered her to quit
Antony's house. She lived there as
his wife, carefully bringing up both the
three children which she had borne him
and his own children by Fulvia [Plut.
54; Dio 51, 15]; and though Antony
divorced her in B.C. 32 [Dio 50, 3;
Plut. 57] she adopted and brought u
his children by Cleopatra [Plut. 87].
The death of her son Marcellus in B.c.
23 was a severe blow to her, and she
seems to have lived in retirement after
that till her death in B.C. 11, when her
laudatio was delivered by Augustus and
her son-in-law Drusus [Dio 5, 35].
Augustus was glad to accept honours
voted to her by the Senate in B.C. 35,
and dedicated many of his public build-
ings to her. The ofera Octaviae included
a forticus (with a school), a cura, and
a library [Pliny 4. Z. 34, 315; 35, 114;
36, 22, 24, 34—5: 43—1].

Iulia, see infr. c. 9.

Aricinus. Aricia [/a Riccia] was the
first halting on the vza Appia [Horace
Sat. 1, 5, 1], 16 miles from Rome. It
obtained the most favourable terms at

the end of the Great Latin War (B.c.
338) and practically enjoyed the rights
of citizenship ever since [Livy 8, 14].
Cicero [3 PAZ. § 15] speaks of it as a
municipium ...vetustate antiquissimum,
iure foederatum, propinquitate paene
finitimum, splendore munictpum hones-
fissimurm.

senatoriis imaginibus. The jus
imaginum belonged not to Senators,
as such, but to Curule Magistrates.
See Cicero 2 Verres 5 8 36 nunc sum
designatus aedilis...ob earum rerum labo-
rem et sollicitudinem fructus illos datos,
antiquiorem in senatu sententiae dicendae
locum, togam praetextam, sellam curu-
lem, ius imaginis ad memoriam fosteri-
latemque prodendam. But as the curule
magistracies gave a seat in the Senate,
they are loosely spoken of as senatoriae:
though since the time of Sulla the
Quaestorship gave the entrée to the
Senate, and therefore there would be
Senators who had not the zs tmaginum,
as in fact had always been the case with
those Senators who had been from time
to time put on the roll by the Censors
without having held curule offices. Pliny
[V. 4. 35, 88 4—8] complains that
the old waxen portraits had in his time
been superseded by bronze shields with
conventional figures, or statues on
which often different heads were substi-
tuted. The old fashion was to keep
expressi cera vultus (real portraits) in
their several shelves or niches, so that
likenesses of all the known members of
a family were sometimes carried at a
man's funeral. They were joined by
long scrolls (stemmata); and near them
were cases of family records (¢abulina)
relating the events in the years of office
held by them. The earliest mention of
these smagines at funerals is in Polybius
[6, 51] who thought it a custom admir-
ably calculated to inspire emulation in
virtue.

a matre, ‘on his mother’s side. Cp.
Jul. 65 militem neque a moribus neque
a forma probabat, sed tantum a viribus.
So ab omni parte [Hor. Od. 2, 16, 27],
insignis ab arte [Ov. Tr. 4, 10, 16].

praeturae. M. Atius Balbus was

8 SUETONI [4—

divisi. Verum idem Antonius, despiciens etiam maternam
Augusti originem, proavum eius Afri generis fuisse et modo
unguentariam tabernam modo pistrinum Ariciae exercuisse
obicit. Cassius quidem Parmensis quadam epistola non

raetor in B.C. 62 and served in Sar-

inia. He was one of the xxviri for
dividing the Campanian land, as was
Pompey, whom Cicero therefore calls
Atti? collegam [ad Ait. 2, 10].

Iuda lege. The law passed in his
first consulship (B.C. 59) for the division
of the Campanian lands and the Stella-
tian plain among 20,000 citizens. The
lands immediately round Capua were
reserved, as the best, for the fathers
of three children, and dispossessed
owners were compensated by means of
the funds brought by Pompey from
the East. It was vehemently resisted
by the Optimates headed by Bibulus,
and was only carried by the forcible
expulsion of Bibulus from the Forum.
Jul. 20 lege autem agraria promul-
gata obnuntiantem collegam armis foro
expulit. The opposition to it in the
Senate caused Caesar to neglect
that body and hardly ever summon
it during the rest of his year [Ap-
pun B. civ. 2, 10; Dio 38, 1—3].

icero seems to have hesitated as to
what position to take up, ad Att. 2, 3
est ves sane magni consilii. Nam fortasse
resistendum legi agrariae; in quo est
quaedam dimicatio, sed plena laudis:
aut quiescendum. Heafterwards speaks
with disapproval of it as depriving the
state of a large revenue [2 PA. 8 101,
cp. ad Att. 2, 16], and refused to serve
on the commission [ad 4. 2, 19, 3).
Candidates for office for the next year
had to take an oath not to disturb ar-
rangements made under it, ad Aft, 2, 18
habet etiam Campana lex exsecrationem
candidatorum, in contione st mentionem
fecerint quo aliter ager possideatur atque
ut ex Iulits legibus. For three chapters
of the law preserved in Scriptores Gno-
matici, see Bruns Fontes Juris R. p. 94.

despiciens, ‘by way of lowering,’ the
feeling of contempt is put for the ex-
pression of it. Cicero [3 2A. § 15]
answering an edict of Antony’s in which
these attacks on the birth of Augustus
were continued, says, videto quam despi-
ctamur omnes qui sumus e municipiis,
id est, omnes plane.

exercuisse, ‘carried on,’ so Vitell. 2
Antiochi cuiusdam furnariam exercen-

tis. de Gramm. 213 cum et officinas pro-
mercalium vestium exerceret. Vesp. 16
negotiationes quoque vel privato puden-
das propalam exercuit.

Cassius Parmensis. The identity of
this Cassius of Parma has been a sub-
ject of much dispute. The earliest trace
of him is a letter to Cicero [ad fam. 12,
13] in the year 43, dated from Cyprus
on the 13th of June. If this is really
the man, it appears that he was in com-
mand of a fleet on the coast of Asia,
and, in conjunction with his namesake
C. Cassius Longinus, was attacking
Dolabella when endeavouring to take
possession of the provinte of Syria. He
probably was then Quaestor or pro-quaes-
tor. But Porphyrio on Horace [Z¢. 1,
4; 3] says that he was £ribunus militum
with Horace. He had been one of the
assassins of Caesar, and afier the
failure and death of Brutus and Cassius
at Philippi (Nov. B.C. 42) he made his
way from Asia, where they had left
him, to the Ionian Sea with more than
30 ships and joined first Domitius Ahe-
nobarbus and then Sextus Pompeius in
Sicily. After the death of the latter
he attached himself to Antony. And
it was while with him at Alexandria
(B.C. 35—31), between the death of
Sextus and the battle of Actium, that
this letter would be written. After
Actium Cassius fled to Athens, and
was executed by order of Octavian, the
last of the assassins to perish [App. B.
civ. 5, 2: Vell. Pat. 2, 87: Valer. Max.-
I, 7, 7]; Porphyrio on the passage of
Horace mbes cited says that he wrote
multas tragoedias. And another gram-
marian Acro says: Eficureus fuit poeta,
.. Sattvas scripsit...aliquot generibus stt-
lum exercuit: inter quae opera elegia
et epigrammata ejus laudantur. Ano-
ther Cassius, an inferior poet called
Cassius Etruscus, is mentioned by
Horace [Saf. 1, 10, 59 sq.] and has
been by some confounded with Cas-
sius of Parma. Two lines of Cassius
are quoted by Quint. 5, 11, 24; and
Varro LZ. LZ. 6, 7; 7, 73. A poem on
Orpheus was attributed to him, which
however has been shown to have been
composed in the 16th century A.D.

A auxili GENE a

5.]

DIVUS AUGUSTUS.

tantum ut pistoris, sed etiam ut nummulari népotem sic taxat
Augustum: Materna tibi farinast ex crudissimo Ariciae
pistrino: hanc finxit manibus collybo decoloratis Nerulonensis

utn3Sa*t14s.

Natus est Augustus M. Tullio Cicerone C. Antonio conss. 5
VIIII. Kal. Octob., paulo ante solis exortum, regione pir of

—— —

aliquanto post quam excessit constitutum. Nam ut

senatus actis continetur, cum C. Laetorius, adulescens PC 63.

nummulari. The summularius was
a ‘money changer,’ his office or counter
was a mensa (hence mensarius). Mart.
12, 57, 8
Hinc otiosus sordidam quatit mensam
Neroniana nummularius massa.
Galb. 9 nummulario non ex fide ver-
santi pecunias manus amputavit men-
saeque eius adfixit.

taxat [a frequentative form of /ango],
‘attacks,’ ‘inveighs against.’ It means
(1) ‘to take cognisance of,’ ‘to estimate,’
(2) in a bad sense, as here, ‘to stigma-
tize. Cp. Domit. 10 Occidit et. Helvi-
dium filtum, 3 scaenico exordio sub
persona Paridis et Oenones divortium
suum cum uxore taxasset. So retaxare,
cf. Vesp. 13 Licinium Mucianum...nmun-
quam misi clam et hactenus retaxare
sustinuit, ut apud communem aliquem
amicum querens adderet. clausulam:
‘Ego tamen vir sum.

finxit, ‘kneaded into various shapes.’
Varro L. L. 6, 3 fictores dicti a fingen-
dis libris.

Nerulonensis, ‘of Nerulum, a town
of Lucania [Livy 9, 20] on the road
from Capua to Rhegium.

collybo, ‘exchange,’ *agio. Cic. ad
Att. 12, 6 sed certe in collubo est detri-
menti satis, cp. a Verr. 3, 8181. Hence
the word familiar to us in the N. T.
[Matt. xii. 21 etc.] xoXAAvfer/js, cp.
Arist. Pax 1196 ovdé koAAUfov ‘a small
coin’ [Pollux 9, 72 ety 9' dy xal k0AAv-
Bo» Xerrór Tc vopucudriov]. But xóÀ-
AvBos=addayq [Pollux 7, 170]. The
word is not Latin or Greek, but of
Semitic or Phoenician origin. Hebrew

Abn and Rabbinic fadip.

b. VIIII. Kal. Oct., i.e. 23 September
[C. 7. Z. 1, p. 326]. A birthday was
reckoned from midnight to midnight
[Varro ap. Macrob. Sat. 3, 2]. It is
a question whether the date is by the
reformed Julian calendar, which came

into operation on 1 January 45, or by
the old calendar which would make the
date 31 August. But even if we admit
that the old calendar is that referred to, it
is still extremely doubtful how far any
one particular year was wrong. It was
the custom about this time to intercalate
27 days at the end of February every
other year in order to bring the civil
year into harmony with the solar year.
But this was wholly in the hands of the
Pontiffs, and they seem to have been
often influenced by political motives
(such as wishing to prolong or curtail
a tenure of some magistrate’s office)
and therefore it is not certain in any
particular year what the true state of
things was. In the year 63 however,
Cicero speaking on the V7 /d. Novem-
bres [2 Cat. 33] says—Quem ad modum
tllis (mulierculis) carere. poterunt, his
presertim iam noctibus? guo autem pacto
Ul Apenninum atque illas pruinas ac
nives perferent? This suits the time
of year, and looks as if the civil calendar
was not far wrong in 63. In c. 94 the
father of Augustus is said to have come
late to a meeting of the Senate when
a discussion on Catiline was to take
place, owing to the birth of his son.
And though we do not know elsewhere
of such a debate as early as 23 Sep-
tember: yet Catiline’s proceedings had
been causing much trouble for some
months. The Comitia had been twice
poe and it is not surprising that

e should have formed a subject of
debate on that day. Dio [48, 1] relates
the lateness of Octavius at the Senate,
but does not mention the subject of
debate. Augustus himself in B.c. 8
selected Sextilis as the month to be
called by his name, as that in which he
had first been consul and had won
certain victories, though many friends
suggested September as his birth month,
Dio 55, 6. The large error in 46 is

SUETONI

[5—

patricii generis, in deprecanda graviore adulterii poena/ praeter
aetatem atque natales'hoc quoque patribus conscriptis alle-
garet, esse possessorem ac velut aedituum soli, quod primum

partly accounted for by the suspension
' of the usual biennial intercalation owin
to the absence of Caesar (Pont. Max.
and many of the pontiffs from the
beginning of 49.

regione Palati. Of the original four
‘regions’ of Rome (the Suburan, the
Esquiline, the Viminal or Colline, and.
the Palatine) the regio Palatina included
the Palatine hill, the Germalus and the
Velia. Varro Z. L.5,8841—54. There
a lane leading from the valley in which
the Colosseum now stands up the slope
of the Palatine was called ad capita
bubula ; it led to the spot now occupied
by the Church and Convent of S. Bona-
ventura, Lanciani's Rome p. 106. In
the late division of Augustus it would
fall into the 10th region. Others ex-
plain it as the name of the house, com-
paring oz. 1 natus est ad Malum Pu-
micum. But the expression is more
usually descriptive of a district or street :
so a spot in the Tyrol was called ad
Pirum, Mart. 1, 117, 6.

sacrarium. A chapel or shrine,
which in the larger houses of Rome
not only included the Zararium, but
served also as the repository of objects
of reverence or heirlooms of the family,
and works of art. From Cicero [ad
Jam. 13, 2] it would sometimes seem to
have been used as a studio for sculptor
or artist, Aviano Evandro, qui habitat
in tuo sacrarto, multum | utor. The
obligation to maintain such a shrine
would pass in many cases with the
ownership of the house, like the trophies
and triumphal ornaments [Pliny A. Z.
35 8 6]. For its place in the house,
see Becker's Gallus, p. 262. Ulpian
dig. 1, 8, 9 8 2 sacer locus est locus con-
secratus: sacrarium. est locus in quo
sacra reponuntur: quod etiam in privato
aedificio esse potest.

senatus actis. Iulius Caesar in his
first consulship, B.C. 59, caused these
acta to be kept and published as well
as the acta diurna [see Suet. Jul. 20
inito honore primus omnium instituit
ut tam senatus quam populi diurna acta
confierent et publicarentur]; and they
were included in a commentarium re-
rum urbanarum sent to the provinces.
Thus Caelius says to Cicero then in
Cilicia [a2 fam. 8, 11] in B.C. 51,—
quam quisque sententiam. dixerit in

commentariis est rerum urbanarum, ex

' quo tu quae digna sunt selige; multa -

transi, cp. tb, 12,23. Augustus stopped
the publication of the acta senatus
(c. 73). But Tiberius seems to have
allowed them to be published, 734. 73.
Dio 57, 23 says that in causing the con-
demnation of his libellers in the Senate
he really published them...édnpoolevey
dere kal és rd kowà irourfuara éc"ypá-
$ec0«.. He complains that the suppres-
sion of the ac/a not only made the writing
of history difficult, but caused endless
false and groundless rumours (53, 19].

C. Laetorius. The Laetori known
to us are plebeians. This man’s family
must have been one of those raised by
Augustus.

graviore . The punishment of
adultery by the /ex Julia (B.C. 17) was
for the man a fine of half his goods and
relegatio, for the woman the loss of
half of her dos and a third of her whole
estate and relegatio. The law did
not inflict death, though it allowed
the father or the injured husband to
inflict it in certain cases and with
certain restrictions. Tacitus [44s5. 3,
24] remarks that in punishing the
paramours of his daughter and grand-
daughter with death Augustus clemen-
am matorum suasque ipse leges egredte-
batur. His action in this case was
grounded on the punciie that these
men were guilty of mazestas also: cp.
the case of Appuleia Varilla [Tac. Ann.
2, 50] where Tiberius, when she had
been acquitted of mazestas,...adulterit
graviorem poenam deprecatus, ui ex-
emplo maiorum propinquis suis ultra
ducentesimum lapidem removeretur sua-
527. In B.C. 25 however Tiberius inflicted
exilium on Aquilia and her paramour,
instead of the velegatio of the 4x Julia
[Tac. Ann. 4, 42].

natales, ‘noble birth,’—only in Silver
Latin. Cp. Pliny Zp. 3, 20, 6, non
nunquam. candidatus aut natales com-
petitorts aut annos, aut etiam mores
arguebat. td. 8, 18, 8 mulier natalibus
clara. Tacitus Agr. 6; Hist. 4, 19;
Ann. 11, 21.

aedituum, ‘temple-guardian.’ ‘There
were two classes of aedifui: the aedifuns
magister had the general superintend-
ence of a temple, though he did not
live in it. Thus Domitian, when the

DIVUS AUGUSTUS. 11

Divus Augustus nascens attigisset, peteretque donari quasi
proprio suo ac peculiari deo, decretum est ut ea pars domus
consecraretur. ; Nutrimentorum eius ostenditur adhuc locus in 6
avito suburbano iuxta Velitras permodicus et cellae

s penuariae instar, tenetque vicinitatem opinio tam- babyhood.

quam et natus ibi sit.

Huc introire nisi necessario

et caste religio est, concepta opinione veteri, quasi temere
adeuntibus horror quidam et metus obiciatur, sed et mox

confirmata.

Nam cum possessor villae novus seu forte seu

r1» temptandi causa cubitum se eo contulisset, evenit ut post

paucissimas noctis horas exturbatus inde subita vi et incerta

paene semianimis cum strato simul ante fores inveniretur. /
Infanti cognomen Thurino inditum est, in memoriam 7

temple on the Capitol was set on fire,
apud aedituum clam fernoctavit [.Dom.
I]: the actual care of the temple was
in the hands of an aedituus minister,
or aedituus a sacrario [Marquardt 12,
p- 259].

attigisset. For a new born child
was placed on the ground—partly that
the auspices might be taken, partly
that the father might decide whether
he would rear it. Ov. 75. 2, 221 Que
simul impurae matris prolapsus ab
alvo | Cinyphiam foedo corpore pressit
humum. | Macrob. Sat. 1, 12 quod tn-
fantes partu editi non prius vocem edant
quam attigerint humum.

donari, ‘to be pardoned as a con-
cession to.' So Sulla according to
Florus [3, 5, 10] spared the Athenians
..15 Aonorem mortuorum sacris suis
Jamaeque donavi. Seneca de tra 2, 21
causae suae et prioribus factis et bonis
tn futurum promissis donetur. Cicero
uses condonare in this sense [ad fam.
I3, 73] feo ut eus filtos qui im tua
potestate. sunt, mihi potissimum con-
dones. Livy also dare, 7, 20 Caere...
hospitio vestalium cultisque diis darent.

6. avito suburbano: cp. c. 94.

cellae penuariae, a later form of

riae The cella penaria is the

‘store-room’ for provisions of all kinds,
penus multiplex [Nero, c. 11]. Cp.
Varro L. L. 5$ 8 162 a celando cellam
appellarunt: — penariam ubi penus.
Cicero de Sen. 8 56 semper enim boni
assiduigue domini refer(a cella vinaria,
olearia, etiam penaria est.

tamquam et natus ibi sit, ‘that he
was born as well as nursed there. The

use of famguam with ofimio tenet is
like that after words of accusing and
suspecting: Juv. 3, 22 e£ merito iam
suspectus tamquam ipse suas incenderit
aedes. Tac. A. 11, 4 spectes alteri ob-
tecta tamquam vidisset Claudium spicea
corona evinctum. Plin. Ep. 3, 9, 29
reum postulavit tamquam in causa
Castae praevaricaretur, where Mayor
says that in Silver Latin samguam is
used like ws without expressing any
doubt. See infra c. 94 prohibitum
monitu dei tamquam is ad tulelam vei
publicae educarttur.

caste, after ceremonial purification.
Cic. de legy. 2, 8 ad deos adeunto caste.
Gell. 4, 9 templa...religiosa sunt quae
non vulgo et temere, sed cum castitate
ceremoniaque adeunda.

religio est — non audent, Liv. 2, 62.

sed et, ‘and what is more,’ ‘and
that too,’ xal radra. In Silver Latin
sed is often not disjunctive but cumu-
lative, Jul. c. 9 iwdem Curio sed et
M. Actorius auctores sunt. Mart. 1,
117, 7 et scalis habito tribus sed altis.
id. 2, 6, 5 haec sunt quae relegente me
solebas | rapta exscribere sed Vitelliants.
id. 7, 71, 4 wulcere turpi...nec rigidus
Jossor sed nec arator eget.

incerta, ‘mysterious,’ of which no
account could be given.

strato, ‘bedding.’ Cal. 51 proripere
se e strato sub lectumque condere solebat.
Lucret. 4, 849 mollia strata lecti.

7. Thurino. Suetonius apparently
means that this name was given to the
boy by his parents in commemoration
of the affair at Thurii, see c. 3. It
took place in B.C. 60 when he was two

12 SUETONI [7

maiorum originis, vel quod regione Thurina recens eo nato pa-

Why
called
Thurinus.

ter Octavius adversus fugitivos rem prospere gesse-
rat. Thurinum cognominatum satis certa probatione
tradiderim, nactus puerilem imagunculam eius aeream

veterem, ferreis et paene iam exolescentibus litteris hoc nomine s
inscriptam, quae dono a me principi data inter cubiculi Lares

colitur.

Sed et a M. Antonio in epistolis per contumeliam

saepe Thurinus appellatur, et ipse nihil amplius quam mirari
se rescribit, pro obprobrio sibi prius nomen obici. Postea

and a half years old, and his father may
have thought the achievement sufh-
ciently important to commemorate in
this way, as Drusus afterwards called
his son Germanicus. Another name
iven him by Dio [45, 1], —Caef:as, is
ess explicable, and has been thought
to be a corruption of Caesar. It is
not mentioned by anyone else except
Zonaras [1o, 13] who copies Dio.
ferreis litteris. Iron letters let into
bronze by a process called ‘empaestic’
(€umacorixh réxvn). Dio 44, 7 rà 96y-
para Trà wepl rovrwr "yvyvópeva és uy
eTíias ápyvpüs xpvoéows ypdupacw évé-
ypayay. Seneca Ef. 1, 5, 3 non
habeamus argentum in quod solidi auri
caelatura descenderit. Petron. Sat. 32
habebat etiam in minimo digito sinistrae
manus anulum. grandem. subauratum,
extremo vero articulo sequentis minorem,
ut mihi videbatur, totum aureum. sed
plane ferreis veluti. stellis ferrumina-
tum. These letters or ornaments of a
different metal seem to have been let
in, not fastened on. So that even
if some of the iron letters had come
out, Suetonius would be able to make
out the inscription by the matrices of
the original letters. For similar com-
binations of two metals Casaubon quotes
Athenaeus 11, 488 B E£w0ev Oei» éumel-
perOar rods xpucoüs TAÀovs TQ üpyvpQ
ékTrüpua Tt kara Tov Tis éumasorixys TÉéXvms
' rpérov. See Eustath. on Hom. / 11,
33 déwas...xpuoelos Aros wemappévov.
principi, ‘to the Emperor Hadrian.’
Suetonius was one of his secretaries.
inter cubiculi Lares. The ‘Lares of
the bed-chamber’ were a marked fea-
ture of the Palace, cp. Dom. 17 puer
qui arae Larum cubiculi ex consuetudine
assistens interfuit caedi. Family busts
particularly valued were frequently
placed among the images. In Cal. 7
we hear of an infant of Germanicus
cuius effigiem...$n cubiculo suo positam

[dedicavit] quotiensque introtret exoscu-
labatur. Nero (c. 25) also seems to have
put there his artistic crowns,—sacras
coronas in cubiculis circum lectos posutt.
Antiques were placed there, Mart. 9,
44, II of a statue of Hercules offensus
variae tumidis terroribus aulae, Privatos
gaude nunc habitare Lares. Lamp-
rid. Alex. Sev. 29 matutinis horis in
larario suo, in quo et divos principes sed
optimos electos et amimas sanctiores, in
pd Apollonium dict, Christum Abra-—

m et Orfeum et huiuscemodi ceteros
habebat ac maiorum effigies, rem divinam
faciebat. It was therefore a chapel
attached to the cubiculum. Marcus
Antoninus placed there the statues of his
teachers, Iul. Capit. 3 tantum autem
honoris magistris suis detulit ut imagines
eorum aureas in larario haberet.

postea Gal Caesaris et deinde Au-
gusti. The name Gaius Caesar was
taken in consequence of his great-
uncle's will. Immediately on his return
to Italy after the assassination of Iulius
he took the name of Caesar, but at first
his mother and stepfather were strongly
opposed to his accepting the dangerous
inheritance. On the 2oth of April B.c.
44 Cicero entertained him at dinner in
his villa at Puteoli (before he had gone
to Rome) and noticing that his step- —
father Philippus avoided calling him
Caesar, though his other friends did
so, Cicero himself did not address him
by that name [ad 4/£. 14, 12]. He
acted however immediately as his
uncle's heir, —he was ex dodrante
(&ths) and i$» ima cera Gaium Octa-
vium eiiam in familiam nomenque
adoptavit, Jul. 83.—But though a will
could give a man a right to bear the
testator's name, it was necessary for a
legal transfer to the gens and familia of
one who was suo iure to have a lex
curtata passed. This was not done
until after the victory of Mutina and his

7-]

DIVUS AUGUSTUS. 13

Gai Caesaris et deinde Augusti cognomen assumpsit,

alterum testamento maioris avunculi, alterum Munati

Names of

Planci sententia, cum, quibusdam censentibus Romu- adoption

lum appellari oportere quasi et ipsum conditorem

and
honour.

surbis, praevaluisset, ut Augustus potius vocaretur,

election to the Consulship in August,
B.C. 43. See Dio 46, 47 xal és ro rod
Kaloapos yévos xara Ta. vojtóperva écc-
woandn kal dia TroÜro kal T)» éxlkAnow
peré8ero: dvópafe uà» yap kal pórepov
auvrds éavróv, ws yé rw Soxei, Kaloapa
é o) 7d Gvoua avTQ ToÜTo pera KAjpou
karedelpOn* ob pévroe oür' axpiBn rà)»
wpooryoplay or’ éwl wdvras elxe, mply 07)
xal éx riy. warpluy avr?» rore éBeBatu-
caro, kal ovrws é£ éxelvov Tasos ?"IovMos
Kaicap ’Oxraoviaves éekMj0m. This
had been postponed in the‘ previous
year by the intrigues of Antony Tor
vopov TÓv dparpiaxoy éeopepopevoy xa?
éy T)» éoxolnow av/roU T?» és Ta TOU
Kaícapos *yevéc0a« te, avros nev dorov-
Sate SnOev doevéyxew, dia Se Snudpywv
Tuy aveBaddeTo Srus, ws pniérw vais
aurou ék Tuy vopwy Ov, “ATE TL THS oValas
wo\vmpaypovoln kal xpos rd\da do0cvéc-
repos ey [Dio 45, 5]. Augustus sub-
mitted for the time; but the assumption
of the name is always admitted by
Cicero in his public and formal utter-
’ ances. Thus in the Philippics he speaks
of him as ‘Gaius Caesar’ or ‘Caesar’
[4 Phil. § 45; 5 § 42, 80—3; 1o § r5,
21; 13$ 19; 14837]. And in his letters
between June and November B.C. 44 he
calls him Octavianus or Caesar Octavi-
anus, —thus acknowledging his adoption
from the Octavii [ad Aft. 15, x2; 16,
8, 11; ad fam. 12, 23], though he once
also calls him Octavius [ad AZ. 16, 9].
Matius, his friend and the procurator of
his games, at the end of May B.C. 44
speaks of him as ‘Caesar’ and ‘Caesar
adolescens’ [ad fam. 11, 28]. Pollio
writing in May B.C. 43 calls him Octavi-
anus [ad fam. 10, 33]. Decimus Brutus,
writing in May and Plancus in June B.c.
43speak of him as Caesar [ad fam. 11, 10,
14; 10, 33]. The change of name was
therefore generally recognised before the
formal adoption by the ex curzata.
Augusti. The day on which this
title was formally given was the 16
January B.C. 27 [Xv11. Kal. Feb.]. See
C. I. L. 1, p. 384 where Mommsen
quotes Censorinus 2r, 8, a. d. xvi. [?
xuiti.) A. Febr. imp. Caesar divi f.

sententia L. Munats Planci, a senatu

caeterisque civibus Augustus appellatus
est, se vit. et M. Agrippa cos. It was
immediately after the reconstitution of
the state, the restitution of standards
by the Bastarnae and Dalmatians, and
the division of the provinces between
himself and the Senate [Liv. e. 134].
Hence Ovid (who however dates it on
the Ides) says [F. 1, 589]
Redditaque est omnis populo provincia
nostro,
et tuus Augusto nomine dictus avus.
See Mon. Anc. c. 34 /# consulatu
sexto et septimo (B.C. 28 and 37) bella ubi
civilia exstinxeram per consensum unt-
versorum potitus rerum omnium, rem
publicam ex mea potestate in sena-
tus fopulique Romans arbitrium trans-
iuh. Quo pro merito meo Senatus con-
sulto Augustus appellatus sum. Dio 53,
16 éwel 5 kal TQ Epyw avrà éxeréd\ecer,
oUr« 01) Kal TÓ Av-yotcrou Óvoua kal rapa
Tns Bovdys xal wapa ToU Ó9uov éxéÜero.
Orosius [6, 30] puts it in B.c. 29.
maioris avunculi for magni a. ‘a
grandmother's brother,’ cp. Claud. 3.
Romulum. The reason which Dio
(7. ¢.) gives for his abandonment of his
strong desire for the title of Romulus is
that it was regarded as implying too
pronounced a claim to kingly powers,
not as being inferior to that of Augustus.
Florus [4, 12, 66] on the other hand
says Zractatum etiam in Senatu, an,
quia condidisset imperium, Romulus
vocaretur ; sed sanctius et reverentius
visum est nomen Augusti, ut scilicet iam
tum, dum colit (erras, ipso nomine et
titulo consecraretur. The derivation of
the word is not certain. The general
opinion now seems in favour of connect-
ing it with augeo rather than with avis.
It is, in any case, a ritual word and sug-
gested to the Romans both ideas,—
that of augury, and that of divine bless-
ing and increase ; Ovid F. 1,
Sancta vocant augusta patres; augusta
vocantur
templa sacerdotum rite dicata manu.
huius e! AVGVRIVM defendet. origine
verbi,
et quodcumque sua Jupiter. AVGET

ope.

SUETONI

non tantum novo sed etiam ampliore cognomine, quod loca
quoque religiosa et in quibus augurato/quid consecratur au-
gusta dicantur, ab auctu vel ab avium gestu gustuve, sicut

etiam Ennius docet scribens:

Augusto augurio postquam inclita condita Roma est.
Quadrimus patrem amisit. Duodecimum annum agens

B.C. 58.
B.C. 51.
B.C. 49—
46.

B.C. 45 in
Spain.

gestu gustuve referring to the mo-
tions and feeding of the sacred chickens.
But the last part of the word, whatever
be the first syllable, is doubtless an
adjectival termination, cp. ang-ustus.
Festus, augustus locus sanctus, ab
avium gesiu, id est, quia ab avibus
Significatus est, sic dictus : sive ab avium
gustatu, quia aves pastae id ratum fecere.
The passage of Ennius is quoted by
Varro AR. &K.3, I, 1
Septingenti sunt paulo plus aut minus

anni,
Augusto augurio postquam inclita con-
dita Roma est.

~ 8. quadrimus. The father of Au-
gustus died on his way home from
Macedonia in B.C. 59 to make his
professio for the consulship. In ordi-
nary years the comitia were in July, in
which case he must have died before
his son's fourth birthday. But in B.c.
59 the comitia were put off by Bibulus
till the middle of October [Cicero aZ
Att. 2, 20 and 21] and therefore Octa-
vius may have died after September 23.

duodecimum...agens, *in his twelfth
year,’ i.e. before 23 September B.c. 51.
Quintilian however [12, 6, 1] makes
him twelve;—Caesar Augustus duo-
decim natus annos aviam pro rostris
laudavit. Nicolas (c. 3) seems to put
it still earlier, if he is referring to this,
—tri Katoap wept évvda Erg udMora
yeyovus 0a0ud re od puxpdy Tapéoxe
‘Pwralas picews axpbrnra 0gAócas év
rode Tula. The custom of funeral
laudationes was of great antiquity,
[Polyb. 6, 53], and as they dealt with
the achievements of the whole family
they not only gave rise to imaginary
pedigrees (see 74. 6, where Caesar in a

aviam Iuliam defunctam pro_ contione laudavit.
Quadriennio post virili toga sumpta, militaribus donis
triumpho Caesaris Africano donatus est, quanquam
expers belli propter aetatem. Profectum mox avun-
culum in Hispanias adversus CN. Pompei liberos,

laudatio of his aunt traces his family up
to Ancus Marcius and Venus), but to
serious falsifications of history: see
Cicero Brut. 16 his laudationibus histo-
"ia rerum nostrarum est facta mendosior.
Originally the honour was confined to
men. Cicero [de orat. 3 § 44] says that
the first woman so honoured was Popillia
the mother of Catulus (about B.c. 120);
yet Livy [5, 50] asserts that the privilege
was granted Roman women owing to
their liberality in contributing to ransom
paid to the Gauls in B.c. 389, —/Matronis
gratiae actae honosque additus ut earum
sicut virorum post mortem solennts
laudatio esset. For instances of these
laudationes in Suetonius, see Z7. 7,
84; 73d. 6; Calig. 10, 15; Claud. 1;
Ner. 9.

pro contione, 'in public meeting,'
equivalent to the pro rostris of Jul. 7.

quadriennio post. It was in the fourth
year after this: since, as we have seen
(p. 2), he took the Zega virilis in Octo-
ber B.C. 48, and was at the same time
elected into the college of Pontifices in
the place of L. Domitius Ahenobarbus
killed at Pharsalus in August, Nicolas
8 4 kal éveypádw els ry» lepootyny els rdv
Aevkíov AojuTlov rémov TeTeNevrokóros...
kaló uév Gua TH peradrAayy Tis éa05jros
kal ry kadNory Tus Koounbels Ove. Vel-
leius Pat. 2, 59 pontificatus sacerdotio
puerum honoravit. Accordingly Cicero
in 43 speaks of him as pomtifez, 5 Phil.
8 47. The African triumph was in Sep-
tember B.C. 46, the battle of Thapsus
having been fought in the previous
April. Suetonius therefore cannot mean
to place the assumption of the /oga
virilis and the triumph together; we
must take the. clause quadriennio...

DIVUS AUGUSTUS. 15

vixdum firmus a graví valitudine, per infestas hostibus vias

paucissimis comitibus naufragio etiam facto subsecutus, mag-
. e . e !

nopere demeruit, approbata cito etiam morum indole super

itineris industriam.

Caesare post receptas Hispanias expeditionem in Dacos

et inde in Parthos destinante, praemissus Apolloniam

studiis vacavit.

sumpta, ‘having taken the /oga viris
four years after (the /audafto of his
grandmother).’

militaribus donis. See c. 35; 7%.
33. The young Octavius was allowed
to join his uncle’s triumphal procession
as though he had been on the campaign,
though, owing to his weak health, and
his mother’s anxiety, he had given u
his ardent wish to do so [Nicolas él.
The mstlitarta dona seem to have been
the dress and ornaments of a commander
[Nic. 8]...xal rà» véow Kalcapa, vidy 1/69
wemonpévos, Syra 8¢ rpéwov Twà xal
dice. 5a 7d dyxoTdTw Tov yévous elvat,
éxé\evoe rq éavroü Eppart EwerOa, xóo-
pots avrdoy orparnytKots doxihoas,
ws d» abrod atoxnvoy év wodéuy we-
yovéra.

profectum mox. Iulius started for
Spain in December B.c. 46 and returned
in the following September. The battle
of Munda was fought on the Liberalia
“(17 March), Gnaeus Pompeius was
killed on the rith of April [Caesar
B. Hisp. 38], and about the same time
Octavius seems to have joined his uncle
at Carteia [B. Hsp. 37].

vixdum firmus a gravi valitudine.
This was the first of the many serious
illnesses of Augustus, in consequence
of which his life was more than once
despaired of. They seem to have arisen
from a feeble liver and a tendency to
high fever. The present attack had
been brought on by assiduous attention
during the summer heats to the adminis-
tration of the ‘Greek’ theatre, which
his uncle had put under his charge.
The anxiety of Julius for his restoration
is graphically related by Nicolas c. 9:
kal wore ÜevmvoÜrrt Tiy-yecé Tis. ws Exdv-
Tos el kal xaXeros Exo’ 6 8” exarndfoas
dvurddnros 7kev tvOa évooqAebero, kal
Twv larpwr édeiro éurabéorara perros dy
dywelas kal abdrds wapexd@ynro’ dvaxrn-
odpevos 3° abrdv eüOvuos éyévero.

paucissimis comitibus. Nicolas (to)

B.C. 45—

Utque primum occisum eum here- 44at
demque se comperit, diu cunctatus an proximas

Apollonia.

represents him as rejecting the request
of a large number of young men who
were anxious to accompany him, owing
to his splendid future prospects. Even
his mother wished to go with him.
But he refused all company except that
of some of his swiftest and most active
slaves (rods wxurdrovs Twv olkeruw kal
éppwpeveordrous éxreEduevos).

approbata indole. Cp. Nicolas 11
éxipedes 5 érouiro xpds abroy diadeys-
pevoy brép wod\dwy dvaxplyew dmomeuó-
pevos abToU ris &arolas* dpww 66 edoroxov
kal ebcóveror kal BpaxóAoyov abrá re
droxpwbpevoy Ta kaipubrara Éorepye xal
ÜTepnaTátero.

super itineris industriam, ‘over and
above the energy displayed in his
journey’; cf. Mero 31 super fiduciam
imperii etiam spe quadam repentina
immensarum et reconditarum opum tm-
pulsus est. Otho 5. instigante super
astimi dolorem etiam magnitudine aeris
alieni.

Caesare...destinante. Before Caesar
returned from Spain (B.C. 45) it was
known that he meditated crowning his
work by one more great military expedi-
tion. It was to secure peace at almost the
only point of the empire at which there
was serious trouble, the Eastern frontier,
which was subject to constant alarms
and attacks from the Parthians. The
loss of the army and its standards under
Crassus in 53, though partially avenged
by the victory of C Cassius in 51r, had
long been a terror to the popular imagi-
nation. Rumours now were afloat that
the Sibylline verses declared that the
Parthians could only be subdued by a
king, and one of the Qwindecemviri,
L. Aurelius Cotta, proposed (or de-
clared that he would propose) that
Caesar should have the title of Dictator
at Rome, but of king in the provinces (cp.
Empress of India) See Plut. Caes. bo
és éx "*ypauuárw»v TePvdrdr\dwy | àAousa
rà llápüw» paivoro 'Pepales cor Ba-

16 SUETONI [8

legiones imploraret, id quidem consilium ut praeceps inma-
turumque omisit, ceterum urbe repetita hereditatem adiit,

ote? oTparevouévous éx’ abrobs
Drws ávéducra dvra. Cic. de div. 2, 110
Sibyllae versus, quorum interpres nuper
falsa quadam hominum fama dicturus
in senatu. putabatur ; eum quem re vera
regem. habebamus, appellandum e
esse regem, si salvi esse vellemus. Cp.
ful. 79; Appian 7. civ. 2, 110, Cicero
did not hear the speech but asks to
have it sent him [ad Aff. 13, 44]; he
had however felt obliged to join in the
general adulation and had written to
Caesar in the sense which he knew
would be agreeable, i.e. urging him to
undertake the Parthian war [ad 4f.
13, 27]. But Caesar did not mean to
go straight to Parthia. The whole expe-
dition was calculated to be likely to
last 3 years, in the first of which he was
to subdue the Dacians or Getae as they
were sometimes called [Appian B. civ.
2, 110}. These tribes being conquered
he would cross to Asia Minor, or sail
down the Aegean. Hence troops were
sent towards the end of 45 across to
Apollonia to encamp on the via Zgnatia,
along which they would march either
on their Dacian expedition or to take
ship at "Thessalonica for the East.
Octavius was to be one of the Dictator's
two Magistri Equitum [Dio 43, 51].
He was accompanied by a suite of
young men, among whom were his
future ministers and friends M. Vip-
sanius Agrippa and L. Cilnius Maecenas
[Nicolas AE

praemissus...vacavit, ‘being sent in
advance to Apollonia he devoted him-
self to study.” Appian Z. civ. 3, 9
wadetecOal re kal doxetoOat rà, wordma
éréumrero ÜTÀ rod Kaícapos ws és rovs
wodeplous éyópevos abri kal abrdv év TH
’"Aro\\wola lawéuw That wapadddat éx
Maxedovlas éxioDoac cuveytpvatoy. kal
TOV iryeuóvov Tod crpaToÜ rives ws ovy-
yevei Kalcapos Oapwa émgolrwv. Vell.
Paterc. 2, 59 ad erudiendum liberalibus
disciplinis singularis indolem iuvenis
Apolloniam eum in studia miserat, mox
belli Getici ac deinde Parthici habiturus
commuilitonem. Thus it was quite as
much for training in military matters
as in general culture that Octavius was
sent to Apollonia; nor is there any
other evidence that Apollonia was spe-
cially a place of education; though it
might doubtless be selected as the
nearest place to Italy where Greek

professors could conveniently come.
Octavius seems to have brought his
teachers with him, see c. 89 and notes.
Apollonia was a joint colony of Corinth
and Corcyra founded during the tyranny
of Periander (B.c. 665—585), and does
not seem to have been important till
the Roman occupation, when it be-
came the starting point of the via
Egnatia [Herod. 9, 92—4; Thucyd.
I, 26; Strabo 7, 5, 8; Plutarch Ser.
Num. Vin. c.7). According to Nicolas
(16) at Apollonia Octavius was jyAoó-
pevos pev bx TO» dAkw» kal dio,
O0avuaiónevos de bwd ruv & Tp *ÓA«
würTuUr, éxawotuevos 0 bxd TO» wat-
devruy.

studiis vacavit. Cp. c. 45 quod
inter spectandum libellis legendis rescri-
bendisque vacaret. Vesp. c. a1 gestationi
et inde quieti vacabat. The phrase does
not exactly occur in Cicero, but a usage
very near it is in de div. 1, 11 ego vero
inguam — philosophiae, Quinte, semper
waco

utque primum...comperit. Octavius
learnt the murder of Iulius by a letter
from his mother. But the bearer
could tell him nothing more, as he had
been despatched in haste immediately
afterwards. After a long deliberation
he decided not to appeal for the present
to the legions in Macedonia, though
several of the officers proffered their
assistance, but to go at once to Italy.
It was not till he landed in Calabria
that he heard of Caesar's will and his
adoption [Nicolas 16, 17].

ceterum ...dissuadente. ^ Octavius
landed considerably south of. Brun-
disium, near Lupiae (Zecce), where he
met with some who had been at Caesar's
funeral and had heard the will and
could. tell him that he was heir to three-
fourths of his uncle's property—ex do-
drante [see Julius c. 83; though Livy
ep. 116, says to one-half ex dimidia
parte). He then went to Brundisium
where he found letters from his mother
and stepfather. Atia begged him to
come at once to her protection, Philip-
pus urged him to renounce the inherit-
ance,—é d¢ Kaíscap jie ev dm’ edvolas
TaÜra xapawotvyra éylyvwoxe 06 rá-
vaytia, Nicolas c. 18. Philippus had
taken neither side in the civil war, and
wished his stepson to abstain from the

party struggles.

amo

-——— — WM -

8.] DIVUS AUGUSTUS. 17

dubitante matre, vitrico vero Marcio Philippo consulari
multum dissuadente. Atque ab eo tempore exer-
citibus comparatis primum cum M. Antonio M. que The peri-

ods of his
Lepido deinde tantum cum Antonio per duodecim power s.c.

i e. . e —A.D.
s fere annos, novissime per quattuor et quadraginta d
solus rem publicam tenuit.

proximas legiones. Thoseencamped ad 4/. 16, 11. To the troops thus
in Macedonia ready for the Parthian raised from the veterans were added the
expedition. legio Martia and quarta, which broke

vitrico. There seems no reason to off on the march from Brundisium and
doubt that L. Marcius Philippus was came to Alba Fucentia, and put them-
stepfather to Augustus. Yet Dio (45, 1] selves at the disposal of Octavius
calls him his mother's brother, érpagyn (November), Cicero 3 PAZ. 8 39; 13
yey wapa Te Tj pyrpl kal wapa rp § 19. II. the first tenure of the Tri-
ddeApy adbriis Aouxly DPitbrrw. And — umvirate. It was established by a
Ovid Z7. 6, 809 says that he married /ex passed on 27 of November 43 in
Octavian's aunt, ...st:49/a. fuit quondam consequence of an agreement come to
matertera Caesaris illi. It seems im- between Antony, Lepidus and Au-
possible that the courtier Ovid should gustus at their meeting earlier in the
have made a mistake on such a subject; month. They were to form a board to
and the only explanation possible seems — settle the constitution rei $ub/icae con-
to be that he married the two sisters in stituendae, with full powers as to the
succession. Velleius [2, 59 and 60] ‘designating’ magistrates and carrying
calls him vi/ricus; Appian B. civ. 3, on government for 5 years, from the
Io 73) Óé phrnp xal d(Xurmos 0s efxev following 1st January to 31 December
abr». Plutarch Cicero 45 Pikurwos 6 38. It was also arranged that there
Th» pnrépa rod »eoó Kalcapos Éxc«v. should be three great provinces, Caesar
Cicero 3 Phil. 8 17 L. Philippus qui ^ was to take both the Africas, Sicily
habet Aricinam uxorem, C. Marcellus, and Sardinia; Lepidus the Spains and
qui Aricinae filiam. Cp. ad Att. Xiv. | Gallia Narbonensis; Antony the rest of
I2. See infr. c. 29. He was consul Gaul, with legions and legates. Lepi-
in B.C. 56. dus was to be consul for 42 and take

atque ab eo tempore exercitibus charge of Italy while Caesar and Antony
comparatis...tenuit. This exceedingly ^ went to attack Brutus and Cassius [Dio
brief summary of Augustus’ career in- — 46, 54]. After the battle of Philippi
cludes I. the levying of an army against these arrangements were modified.
Antony at Mutina in the autumn of 44. The triumviral imperium remained un-
M. A. 1 annos undeviginti natus exer- changed: but Antony was to take
citum privato consilio et privataimpensa — general charge of all east of the Adri-
comparavi. Cic. ad Att. 16, 8 (Nov. 44) atic, Caesar of all west of it; and
Kal, vesperi literae mihi ab Octaviano. Lepidus was to be allowed to hold
Magna molitur. Veteranos qui sunt — Africa as his province, —Italy was to
Casilini et Calatiae perduxit ad suam be common to all [Dio 48, 1). The
sententiam. Nec mirum : quingenos de- triumvirate was renewed for another
narios dat: cogitat reliquas colonias — & years from 1 January 37 to 31 Dec.
obire. Plane hoc spectat ut se duce bel- — 33; but in B.C. 36 Lepidus was deprived
lum cum Antonio geratur. Cicero hesi- — of his share of the provinces and forced
tated to trust him, ego gutdem oxyrro- to abdicate his imperium as triumvir.
pa. mon confido aetati. Ignoro quo III. Neither Caesar nor Antony re-
animo, tb. 9. He however is soon con- signed his imperium at the end of 33;
vinced that Octavius is important, #s but the battle of Actium (31) followed
lamen egit sane strenue et agit. Romam by the death of Antony (30) left Caesar
veniet cum manu magna, sed est plane withthe sole imperium. This completes
puer. Putat senatum statim. Quis ve- — the twelve years of Suetonius’ three first
niet? si venerit, quis incertis rebus periods. IV. The 4th period of 44 years
offendet Antonium? Kal. lan. erit for- is that which may be properly called
lasse praesidio, aut quidem ante depug- —— Caesar's reign from B.C. 30 to A.D. 14,
nabitur. Puero municipia mire favent.... | —from the death of Antony to his own.

S. 2

[

w fo v veta

NL ME will, 97— 10r.

a vy Pt 6€

eb eye t we

Pine LI

pet. uod pre) 3. [4 PEL e. Fee, ref.
18 SUETONI [o—

Proposita vitae eius velut summa, partes singillatim neque
per tempora sed per species exsequar, quo distinctius demon-

strari cognoscique possint.

Bella civilia quinque gessit: Mutinense, Philippense,

His five
civil wars
B.C. 44—
3t.

9. neque per tempora sed per
species, 'not however following the
chronological order, but taking each
subject by itself? Suetonius generally
follows this plan more or less, giving
separate accounts of an Emperor's
wars, legislation, friendships, methods

E ooi aue enjoyed, plea-
elike. But in most of the

“=~ lives the chronological sketch is more

rominent than in that of Augustus.
He divides his subject in the present in-
stance thus: (I) Civil wars, 9— 19. (II)
Foreign wars, 20—21. (III) Triumphs
celebrated, 22—24. (IV) Military dis-

. cipline, 24—2§. (V) Offices, 26—27.

(VI) General policy and administration,
public buildings, etc., social reforms,
administration of justice, legislation,
28—34. His dealing with the Senate,
the magistrates, the Equites, and the
citizenship, ' 34—40. His financial
measures, 41—42. His arrangement
of the games and theatres, 43—46.
(VII) His administration of the pro-
.vinces and foreign affairs, 48— 50.
(VIII) Miscellaneous characteristics
and anecdotes, 51—60. (IX) His family
life, wives, children and adopted sons,
friendships, servants, personal morality
and amusements, appearance and health,
61—82: (X) His literary accomplish-
ments, 84—86. His peculiar expressions
and tricks of writing, his instructors,
and Greek studies, and patronage of
learning, 87—89. (XI) His views
and practices as to religion, 3.
XII) The various omens and other

ivine indications accompanying his
birth, and the great crises of his life,
94—6. (XIII) His last days, his death,

bella ct . I. Mutinense: Octa-
vius started for Mutina before 1 Janua
43. The decisive engagements whic
compelled Antony to withdraw from
Mutina took place on the 15th of April
[Cic. ad fam. 10, 30—33; 14 Phil;

Perusinum, Siculum, Actiacum; e quibus primum
ac novisimum adversus M. Antonium, secundum
adversus Brutum et Cassium, tertium adversus L.
Antonium triumviri fratrem, quartum adversus Sex-

Dio 46, 37] on the via Aemilia,
and the next day or next day but one
close to Antony's camp at Mutina [App.
B. C. 3, 71—2)] II. Philippense:
Brutus and Cassius on their march
through N. Macedonia (42) found the
road near Philippi blocked by 8 legions
sent by Antony under Caius Norbanus
and Decidius Saxas. The two armies
fronted each other for some weeks until
towards the end of September Antony
arrived with reinforcements followed a
little later by Octavian (who had been
detained by sickness). There were two
battles with a fortnight's interval to-
wards the end of October and the be-
ginning of November. In the first
Brutus stormed Octavian's camp, and
all but captured him, but Cassius was
defeated and committed suicide under the
false impression that Brutus had failed.
In the second Brutus was defeated and
killed himself (Plutarch, lives of Antony
and Brutus, Dio 47, 32—49; App. Z.
Cru. 4, 105—138; Vell. Pat. 2, 70—71].
III. Perusinum: On the 1 January 41
Lucius Antonius (brother of Marcus)’
became Consul. Marcus Antonius in
accordance with the agreement made
after Philippi was in the East: but his
wife Fulvia was in Rome and she com-
bined with Lucius (who as symbol of
his devotion to his brother's interest
had taken the cognomen of Pietas) to
support the interests of Marcus and his
veterans against those of Caesar. It
was Fulvia who was the ruling spirit
of the two, and she used the circum-
stances of the time, especially the task
Caesar had to perform of distributing
lands to the veterans, for stirring up
quarrels. Caesar showed his sense of
the situation by divorcing Fulvia’s
daughter Clodia, to whom he had been
contracted though he had not as yet co-
habited with her. These disagreements
led to a real civil war which centred
itself at Perusia where Caesar besieged

10. ]

tum Pompeium CN. F. Omnium bellorum initium et causam 10

DIVUS AUGUSTUS.

hinc sumpsit: nihil convenientius ducens quam necem avun-
culi vindicare tuerique acta, confestim ut Apollonia rediit,
Brutum Cassiumque et vi necopinantis et (quia provisum
periculum subterfugerant) legibus adgredi reosque caedis

Lucius Antonius from the autumn of

41 to March 40 [Dio 48, 5—16; Vell.

Paterc. 2, 74—76; App. B. Civ. 5,
19—49] IV. Siculum: The Sicilian
war spread over several years. Caesar
was engaged in Sicily early in 42 just
before starting for Macedonia. During
the two years which followed Sextus
Pompeius had held Sicily, Corsica and
Sardinia and other islands, had harassed
the coasts of Italy almost at.his will,
and the triumvirs were execrated by
the people for the sufferings thus en-
tailed on them. They were obliged
therefore to do something. First of all
Antony and Caesar in common nego-
tiated the treaty of Misenum with
Pompey [39] which secured to Sextus
his rule in the islands (with the addition
of the Peloponnese) and his restitutto
in integrum at Rome, as well as other
great concessions, while it provided for
the free supply of corn from those parts
to Rome and the cessation of Pompey’s
raids. Antony then went off to the
East for his Parthian expeditions, and
Caesar was left in charge at Rome.
But the peace was maintained for a
very short time. Sextus conceived him-
self not to be treated fairly in accordance
with its terms, and began his encroach-
ments again (B.C. 38—7), and Caesar
was obliged to undertake the war. In
38—7 it went against Caesar, who lost
a considerable fleet and was in great
personal danger. It was not until

rippa took command (B.c. 36). that
things began to look brighter, and
finally after much desultory fighting
both by sea and land Sextus fled to

Asia where he was put to death (B.c. :

35) [Vell. Pat. 2, 73, 79—81 ; Dio 48,
17—32; 36; 49, 1—18; App. ZB. Civ.
5, 77—92; 98—145] V. Actiacum:
The war which was settled by the battle
of Actium (September B.C. 31) was not

rofessedly a civil war. Caesar had
indeed industriously put before the
people all the civil crimes of Antony,
and the very boys in the streets it is
sáid formed themselves into rival parties
of Caesarians and Antonians, neverthe-

less the proclamation of war was against
Cleopatra [ry ué» ody KAeomárpg bid
Taira Tür wbrenov évndloavro, Tq. 5°
"Avruvigy obdév 870ev TowÜToy rfry-
year...Dio 50, 6]. It was quite enough
for Antony’s enemies that he should
appear before the people as fighting on
the side of a Aos/zs. The war may be
counted as lasting from the autumn of 33
(some desultory movements occurring
in the winter) to the death of Antony
in the first half of B.c. 30 [Dio 5o, 10
—51, 10: Velleius Paterc. 2, 83, 8;
Plutarch Antony, c. 57 sq.].

10. necem...vindicare. Augustus
himself puts the vengeance for the as-
sassination of Iulius as his first public
achievement after his successful cam-
paign at Mutina. See M. A. 3 qui
garentem meum | interfecerunt, eos in
exilium expuli iudiciis legitimis ultus
eorum. facinus, et postea bellum infer-
entis rei publicae vici bis acie. But
though the legal condemnation of the
assassins here spoken of seems formally
to have been confined to a sentence of
interdictio aquae et ignis, it is observed
by Suetonius [/2/. 89] that within three
years nearly all had perished by various
forms of violent death. For exceptions.
see Appendix B.

confestim ut Apollonia rediit. It
does not appear that Octavian took any
steps against the assassins immediately
after his return from Apollonia. He
was very reserved, and Cicero, though
with some doubt, declared that he was
well disposed to his party: ad At. 15,
12 (written early in June B.C. 44). It
was not till he came to Rome with an
army in August 43 B.C. to claim the
consulship that he began the vengeance.
The acta of Caesar had been confirmed
by a decree of the Senate in March,
but Antony is accused by Cicero of play-
ing fast and loose with them [2 Au.
§ roo].

subterfugerant. Brutus and Cas-
sius, though Praetors, had to leave
Rome immediately after Caesar’s fune-
ral, owing to the popular feeling against
them, and never ventured to return to

2—2

absentis deferre statuit.

audentibus facere quibus optigerat id munus, ipse edidit.

SUETONI

[1o

Ludos autem victoriae Caesaris, non

quo constantius cetera quoque exequeretur, in locum TR. PL.
forte demortui candidatum se ostendit, quanquam patricius

necdum senator.

the city again. They stayed in Italy
till towards the end of August, at first
at Lanuvium [Cic. ad fam. 11, 2], then
at Antium [ad Az. 15, 11, 13], and
finally, after collecting pr and men, at
Velia and at Naples [ad 4/7. 16, 7].
The scene at the theatre in which C.
Antonius presided in the place of Brutus
at the games of Apollo in July, though
Cicero afterwards declared it to be
extraordinarily favourable to Brutus
[a PA. § 31 incredibili honore], was
really far from encouraging [ad 4t. 16,
5; cp. App. Z. ctv. 3, 24 épula0wr yap
TWwY avaxpayorrwy Karaxadely Bpoüróv
re kal Kacovoy éwel 1d Aowwdv abrois
Odarpoy cuvednuayuryeiro és rüv ÉAeov,
éoéSpauov a0póo. (Octavian's partisans)
kal ras Oéas éréoxov uéxpc riv atlwow

abrüv c Béca].
legibus. See passage of the Monu-
mentum quoted above. The law for

the trial of the conspirators was brought
in by Octavian's cousin and colleague in
the consulship, Q. Pedius [c. 83], who
had served with his uncle in Gaul, and
was a joint heir by his will Vell.
Paterc. 2, 69 et lege Pedia, quam Cos.
Pedius collega Caesaris tulerat, omnibus
qui Caesarem patrem interfecerant aqua
tgnique damnatis interdictum erat. Cp.
EDAD B. civ. 3, 95; Dio 46, 48. This
took place in August B.C. 43; but the
subsequent proscriptions of the triumvirs
in November caused Pedius so much
distress and excitement that he died
[App. Z. civ. 4, 6].
ludos...victoriae Caesaris. These
games had been intended to be ex-
hibited on the Palilia (21 April) in cele-
bration of Caesar’s Spanish victory,
and were to accompany the dedication
of the completed temple of Venus
Victrix vowed at Pharsalus in B.C. 49
[App. 2, 102; Dio 43, 2; 45, 6]. After
his death they were not proceeded
with ; but Octavian on coming to Rome
at once took measures for their cele-
bration in May, securing the services of
Matius Calvinus [ad Aft. 15, 2; ad
Fam. x1, 27—28] and Postumius, two
warm friends of the Dictator [ad fam.

Sed adversante conatibus suis M. Antonio

6, 12] ee For the comet
mentioned by Suetonius [/#/. 88] as
having appeared during these games,
which the people believed to be the soul
of Caesar being received among the
gods, see Pliny N. 77. 2 8 93— 94 Cometes
in uno totius orbis loco colitur in templo
Komae, admodum. faustus divo Augusto
iudicatus ab ipso, qui incipiente eo ad-
paruit [udzs quos faciehat Veneri Gene-
trict non mullo post obitum patris
Caesaris in collegio ab eo instituto. Dio

45; 7-

inlocum Tribuni Plebeii. The vacancy
seems to have been caused by the death
of Helvius Cinna, who was killed by
the mob in mistake for L. Cornelius
Cinna, one of the assassins [Plut. Caes.
68; Brutus 20; Dio 45, 5]. Antony
prevented Octavian's candidature by an
edict, in virtue cf his consular power of
coercitio, App. B. ctv. 3, 31 pot ypadecv
ws Üraros pndevi Kaloapa éyxepetv
wapavouws, 7) xpfjoea Dac kar’ abrod wavyrl
pérp« ris éEovolas. Plut. Amt. 16 dy-
papxlay re yap évéorn peridvyre kal 0ljpor
xpvcody rod *aTpós, wowep éyrjdicro,
riOévros TprelNgoev els puvaxhy üvátew.
The constitutional grounds on which
the opposition rested seem to have
been I. the patriciate conferred on
Octavius by Iulius; II. his age; III.
his not having been quaestor and so a
senator (necdum senator). This last
involved a breach of custom though
not of law [Willans Ze Sénat 1, p. 212],
and Antony found that he would be
elected, and consequently stopped the
comitia [dere...dveAety Thy xetporovlay
Tots brodolros ry Snuapywy apxotpevor,
App. é.¢.].

adversante...Antonio. The first point
in which Antony opposed Octavian was
in regard to a large sum of money
(about £ 5000000) left by Caesar in
the temple of Ops. Of this as Caesar's
heir Octavian demanded an account,
which Antony refused on the grounds
that it was public money, and did not
come to Caesar's heir, who had no
public position in virtue of the will, for
Caesar had of course no power to leave

IO.] DIVUS AUGUSTUS. 21

consule, quem vel praecipuum adiutorem speraverat, ac ne

publicum quidem et tralaticium ius ulla in re'sibi

Breach

sine pactione gravissimae mercedis) impertiente, ad with M.

optimates se contulit, quibus eum invisum sentiebat,

—

a successor in his public offices. How-
ever the second heirs Pinarius and Pedius
were paid, and they seem to have
handed over their shares to Octavian
[App. Z. civ. 3, 15—22; cp. Cicero
2 Phil. 8 93].

publicum...etfralaticium ius ‘a right
open to every one,’ ‘of an ordinary de-
scription.’ Cp. Nero 7 tralaticiae postu-
lationes, ‘formal motions in a court,’ 2d.
33 /ralaticio funere, ‘common,’ *ordi-
nary funeral. On his arrival in Rome
early in May 44, Octavius at once gave
notice before the praetor C. Antonius,
that he accepted the inheritance of
Caesar, and found himself immediately
not only involved in a money contro-
versy with M. Antonius, as were his
co-heirs Pedius and Pinarius, but had
also to defend himself in many actions
brought by those who professed to have
been wrongfully dispossessed by Caesar ;
and in these actions he was frequently
worsted by Antony’s influence [App.
Bell. civ. 3, 22 wavraxot rà wodAd dpolws
6 Kaícap és xápw 'Avrwwlov irraro).
Antony's secret influence was exercised
also in the other points,—the tribune-
ship, the celebration of the games, and
the formal /ex curtata for his adoption
[avrds nev eorovdafer 050ev eloeveyxetv,
51a 08 Snuapxwv rwv ayeBadXero, Dio
45, 5].

ad optimates se contulit. Cicero
had from the first hoped to get Octavius
on his side as against Antony. He
anticipated with pleasure the quarrel
that would arise between them,—sed,
ut scribis, DoujóÜeyuv magnam cum An-
tonio, ad Att. 54, 10 (19 Apr. B.C. 43),
—and believed that he had secured him
on his arrival,...74odo venit Octavius,
et quidem in proximam villam Philippi,
mihi totus deditus, ib. v1 (18 April)...
nobiscum hic perhonorifice et amice
Octavius, ib. 12 (22 April). These con-
fident expectations were damped by the
speech delivered by him in May, when
introduced on the Rostra by L. Anto-
nius, and by his celebration of the
games in the Dictators honour, de
Octavii contione idem sentio quod tu;
ludorumque eius apparatus et Matius ac

Antonius.

Postumius mihi procuratores non placent,
...£0. 15, 2 (18 May). Still his resent-
ment against the murderers of his uncle
was for the present carefully concealed,
and this gave Cicero hopes of retaining
him, though his doubts were not set at
rest,...Octaviano, ul perspexi, satis in-
genit, satis animt: videbaturque erga
nostros heroas tta fore ut nos vellemus
animatus. Sed quid aetati credendum
stt, quid nomini, quid hereditati, quid
KaTnxhoet, magni constü est: vitricus
quidem nihi censebat, guem Asturae
vidimus. Sed tamen alendus est; et,
ut nihil altud, ab Antonio seiungendus,
ib. 12 (10 June). It was not however
till the latter part of October that
the alienation from Antony was com-
plete; when, on the latter leaving Rome
to meet the legions at Brundisium
from Epirus, Octavian enrolled sol-
diers from the veterans at Casilinum
and Calatia on the plea that Antony
was about to march upon Rome.
Though he had no authority for doing
this, the Optimate party hastened to re-
cognise him, in their hatred of Antony,
though Cicero doubted as to giving him
direct countenance [ego autem oxirro-
pat, ad Att. 16, 9], and Varro and some
others disapproved. It was not until
the rgth of December that thanks were
voted in the Senate to Octavian, thus
implicitly recognising him [3 PAZ.
§ 39]; and it was only on the rst Jan.
B.C. 43 that zmpertum was accorded to
him, with the rank of pro-praetor and
a seat in the Senate [5 PAZ. 8 46]. It
is certain, however, that he was playing
a part, and meant only to use the Opti-
mates to give him the power of making
terms with Antony on a footing of
equality. He himself asserts that he
used the troops to destroy the narrow
clique then enslaving the country, by
which he means the party of Optimates
[per quem rem publicam. dominatione
factionis oppressam in libertatem vin-
dicavzt M. A. 1 § 1, words apparently
founded on those of Iulius himself, see
B. civ. 1, a2 ut se et Populum Romanum
factione paucorum oppressum in liber-
tatem vindicaret |.

22 SUETONI

[1o—

maxime quod D. Brutum obsessum Mutinae provincia a
Caesare data et per senatum confirmata jexpellere armis

niteretur.

Hortantibus itaque nonnullis percussores ei sub-

ornavit, ac fraude deprehensa periculum in vicem metuens
veteranos simul in suum ac rei publicae auxilium quanta
potuit largitione contraxit; iussusque comparato exercitui pro
praetore praeesse et cum Hirtio ac Pansa, qui consulatum
susceperant, D. Bruto opem ferre, demandatum bellum tertio

quod D. Brutum...niteretur. The
assignation of Gallia Cis-Alpina to
Decimus Brutus was among the ar-
rangements made by Iulius preliminary
to his starting on the Parthian expedi-
tion [App. P2. civ. 3, 2]; Antony had
carried a /ex transferring it to himself in
June, B.C. 44 (cum legen de provinciarum
permutatione per vim tulisset Liv. ep.
107),—though he appears to have ob-
tained a vote of the Senate on the rst
of that month in his favour (Cic. ad AZt.
14, 143 I5, 43 1 Phi. $86; Dio 45,9].
Decimus Brutus after some hesitation
resolved to resist; threw himself into
Mutina with his troops, and sent an
edict, published in Rome on the roth
of December, declaring that he was in
lawful possession of his province, and
forbidding any one with zmferium to
enter it [Cic. ad fam. 11, 6—7]. An-
tony was by that time on his way to
besiege him; and Octavian with his
newly levied legion, and with the Martia
and 4th legion, which had left Antony
and joined him at Alba Fucentia, had
also started to the seat of war.

percussores ei subornavit. Whether
this attempt to assassinate Antony was
really countenanced by Caesar was a
matter of dispute at the time. Appian
[B. civ. 3, 39] says that most people
believed that it was so, but that the ^ni
clearer-sighted ones perceived that it
was not to his interest to get rid of
Antony, as he would immediately find
himself confronted by the enmity of the
Optimates, who only supported him
from fear of Antony. On the other
hand, Cicero says that though the
common people believed it to bea report
got up by Antony himself to discredit
Caesar, the Optimates both believed
and approved of it... Rerum urbanarum
acta tibi mitti certo scio. Quodni ita
putarem ipse perscriberem. In primisque
Caesaris Octaviani conatum ; de quo
multitudini fictum ab Antonio crimen

videtur, ut in pecuniam adolescentis im-
fetum faceret. Prudentes autem et boni
viri et credunt factum et probant. ad
Jam. 12, 23 (written to Cornificius about
the sth October), cp. Seneca de Clem.
t, 9, 1. Plutarch [4s4. 16] seems to
disbelieve it; and Caesar’s own version
of the affair is probably that given by
Nicolas [c. 30], who asserts that Antony
deliberately invented both the plot and
the report inculpating Caesar, who, as
soon as the story reached him, at once
visited the consul’s house and offered to
act as one of his body guard.

veteranos...quanta potuit largitione
contraxit. The enrolment began im-
mediately after Antony's departure for
Brundisium (9 October). He offered a
bounty of 500 denarii (about £20), and
soon got men to enlist. ... Veteranos
qui Casilini et Calatiae sunt perduxit
ad suam sententiam. Nec mirum:
quingenos denarios dat. ad Att. 16, 8.
For this enrolment of soldiers at his
own expense, see M.A. 15; 3 Phil. § 3;
Vell. 2, 61.

1ussus...susceperant. The decree, of
which notice had been given on the 19
December, 44, was passed at the meet-
ing of the Senate on the 1 January 43,
when Hirtius and Pansa came into
office. It is given in Cicero 5 Ai. 8
46 quod C. Caesar, C. f., pontifex, fro
praetore summo rei publicae tempore
milites veteranos ad libertatem P. R.
cohortatus sit eosque conscripserit...sena-
tur placere C. Caesarem C. f. ponti-
jicem pro praetore senatorem esse sententi-
amque loco praetorio dicere. He was at
the same time invested with smgerium
(0. 45 demus igitur imperium Caesari,
cp. 11 Phil. 8 20 imperium C. Caesari
belle necessitas, fasces senatus | dedit).
Dio (46, 29) says that he was first inter
quaestorios (év rots rerapsevxédcc), but
this seems a mistake. There was, how-
ever, a second decree giving him an
honorary consulship (ornamenta con-

11] DIVUS AUGUSTUS.

mense confecit duobus proeliis. Priore Antonius fugisse eum
scribit ac sine paludamento equoque post biduum ,,..
demum apparuisse, sequenti satis constat non modo duct at
ducis, sed etiam militis functum munere atque in M"
s media dimicatione, aquilifero legionis suae graviter saucio, aqui-
lam umeris subisse diuque portasse. Hoc bello cum Hirtius
in acie, Pansa paulo post ex vulnere perissent, rumor incre-
bruit ambos opera eius occisos, ut Antonio fugato, re publica
consulibus orbata, solus victores exercitus occuparet. Pansae

sularia) and therefore in the M. A. t
8 3 he says ob quae sematus decretis
honortficts in ordinem suum me adlegit
C. Pansa A. Hirtio Coss., consularem
locum simul dans sententiae ferendae et
imperium mihi dedit. Cp. Livy ep. 118
propractoris imperium a senatu. datum
est cum consularibus ornamentis. This
and decree Dio [46, 41] places after the
battles at Mutina, but wrongly as it
appears, for Pansa and Hirtius were
then dead. Cp. App. 3, 51...rois ‘Ipriw
kal IIdvog Kaloapa cvorparmyciv;..kal
yvóuxv abrov eladépew ev Trois trarcxols
T6». Speaking, indeed, on 20 March,
43, Cicero [13 PAZ. 39] still calls him
pro praetore in the army, but that would
not prevent his having consular rank in
the Senate.

tertio mense...duobus proeliis. See
note on c. 8. The battles near Mutina
took place on the rsth of April, and the
next day but one. In the first, at Forum
Gallorum, it does not appear that
Octavian was himself personally en-
gaged [xeíro. unde uaxeaáuevos Dio 46,
38) though his cohors praetoria was
stationed on the via Aemilia and suf-
fered severely, losing its commander,
D. Carfulenus. Octavian seems to
have remained to guard his camp, and
though in the despatch which Hirtius
sent off immediately after the engage-
ment he commends him for holding it
and fighting a secundum proelium [14
Phil. 38), nothing is said of it in the
letter of Ser. Servilius Galba (great-
grandfather of the emperor) who was
himself engaged, see Cic. ad fam. 10,
jo. Appian Z. civ. 3, 66—70. Inthe

ghting on the next day or next day
but one, however, Caesar was actively
employed. Antony had retreated to
his camp near Mutina, and Hirtius and
Caesar, after defeating his troops out-
side the camp, forced their way in.
Hirtius fell in the camp, but Caesar

b
managed to bring off his body [Appian
B. civ. 3, 71].

paludamento, his military dress as
imperator. Thus Pompey fled from the
camp at Pharsalus, detractis insignibus
imperatoriis, Caes. B. civ. 3, 96. When
Iulius had to escape by swimming at
Alexandria he is said to have done so
paludamentum — mordicus trahens ne
spolto poteretur hostis, Jul. c. 64.

11. Hirtius...Pansa. Hirtius had
beenat the seat of war sincethe beginning
of the year. Pansa arrived with a rein-
forcement on the r4th of April. In the
engagement of the rsth Pansa received
two severe wounds, duobus fericulosis
vulneribus acceptis, Cic. 14 Phil. 26;
and was carried off the field to the camp
of Hirtius at Bononia. Hirtius fell in
the attempt to storm Antony's camp on
the 17th; but Pansa lingered for some
days. The rumour which ascribed his
death to the intrigue of Augustus with
his physician Glycon was persistent.
See Tac. Ann. 1, 10. Glycon was
arrested by Pansa's quaestor, L. Man-
lius Torquatus. M. Brutus (writing
on the 16th of May) begs Cicero to
secure his release, and declares his belief
in his innocence, ...#z/ minus credendum
est: quis enim maiorem | calamitatem
morte Pansae accepit? [Ep. ad Br. 1,
6]. According to Appian [B. civ. 3,
75—76] Pansa on his deathbed was
particularly friendly to Octavian, and
warned him of the designs of the Op-
timates. Octavian performed the last
rites over both, and sent their ashes to
Rome with all honour.

victores exercitus. Cp. victor currus
Ov. 7r. 4, 2, 47, victores legiones Plaut.
Amph. 1, 1, 33. On the death of the
consuls, the Senate ordered the Marta
and Quarta legio to join Dec. Brutus in
pursuit of Antony; but both refused to
quit Octavian [Cic. ad fam. 11, 14, 19,
20; ad Brut. 1, a, 14].

SUETONI

[12—

quidem adeo suspecta mors fuit, ut Glyco medicus custoditus

sit, quasi venenum vulneri indidisset.

Adicit his Aquilius

Niger, alterum e consulibus Hirtium in pugnae tumultu ab

ipso interemptum.

the cause
of the

Sed ut cognovit Antonium post fugam a
He deserts M. Lepido receptum ceterosque duces et exercitus 5
consentire pro partibus, causam optimatium sine

Optimates cunctatione deseruit, ad praetextum mutatae volun-

B.C. 43.

quasi...indidisset, ‘on the charge of
having introduced poisonintohis wound.’
For guasi cp. cc. 6, 14. Its use cannot
be rigidly separated from that of ¢am-
quam; but it seems generally to indicate
something more of doubt.

Aquilius Niger. Nothing seems to
be known of this writer, and his state-
ment is hardly worth considering. It
seems founded on the fact that Octavian
was near Hirtius when he fell: see
Appian Z. civ. 3, 71 “Iprios 0& xal és 7d
orparémredov écjAaro ToU ‘Avrwvlov xal
wept thy orparnylda paxduevos Éreoe*
kal avroi ro re cua 6 Kaicap éodpayav
üvelAero kal rod orparomédou karéa xev.

12. ut...receptum. M. Aemilius Le-
pidus was Magister Equitum at the time
of Caesar's assassination, and soon after-
wards (having meanwhile been elected
Pontifex Maximus) went to his province
of Gallia Narbonensis and Hispania
Citerior, which had been assigned to
him by Caesar. He was at first acting
with Antony, and secured the temporary
adhesion of Sextus Pompeius. Upon
Antony's breach with the Senate he
seems to have played a double part.
He kept up a correspondence with
Cicero, full of professions of loyalty, and
asserting his intention of opposing
Antony's retreat into his province of
Narbonensis. He advanced to the River
Argenteus (Avgens) about the 2oth of
May, Antony being in the neighbour-
hood of Forum Iuli (/7réjus) at its
mouth, and from it reported that
Antony's men were deserting him and
promised to oppose him in the interests
of the state [ad fam. 10, 34]. But he
was ventosissimus (tb. 11, 9], and had
already alarmed the Optimates by pro-
posing earlier in the year that terms
should be made with Antony [2^. to, 6;
Io, 27]; and even after Antony's retreat
from Mutina had written despatches
which Cicero regarded as ‘cold and
shuffling’ [frigidae et inconstantes, tb.
10, 16], while Plancus privately in-

tatis dicta factaque quorundam calumniatus, quasi

formed Cicero that he could not induce
him to act with any energy against
Antony [£5 10, 34]. He had in fact
resolved to join Antony. On the 22nd
of May he wrote to Cicero [ad fam. 1o,
34] still pone loyalty, and asserting
that he had superseded his two legati,
Silanus and Culleo, who, being sent
forward to guard the pass into Nar-
bonensis, had joined Antony [see App.
B. civ. 3, 83], but on the 39th of May
he had himself joined forces with
him, and addressed a despatch to the
Senate declaring that his soldiers re-
fused to fight against their countrymen,
and ending with a veiled menace or
warning as to the need of their making
terms with Antony [ad fam. 10, 35].
The Senate answered by declaring
Lepidus and all his followers Aostes
(31 June), allowing, however, his fol-
lowers the opportunity of returning to
their allegiance before the ist of Sep-
tember [ad fam. 13, 10].

ceterosque duces et exercitus.
Antony had been joined by Ventidius
Bassus towards the end of May [Cic. ad
fam. 11,29]; before the end of August he
was also joined by L. Munatius Plancus,
governor of farther Gaul. About the
middle of July, Dec. Brutus had formed
a junction with Plancus near Grenoble
[ad fam. 10, 24]; but a third army was
on its way under C. Asinius Pollio from
Baetica [ad fam. 10, 30], and before
the end of August Pollio had persuaded
Plancus to abandon Dec. Brutus and to
join him in giving in their adhesion to
Antony [Appian Z. ctv. 3, 97]. Livy
ep. 120 Cum M. Antonio vires Asinius
quoque Pollio et M. Munatius Plancus
cum exercitibus suis adiuncti amplias-
sent. The Senate, which had voted the
command against Antonyto Dec. Brutus,
had no force to look to except two
legions sent from Africa by Q. Corni-
ficius, which arrived the day before
Octavian entered Rome [ad fam. 11, 14;
Appian Z. civ. 3, gt].

ESPERE ——*41

15.] DIVUS AUGUSTUS. 25

alii se puerum, alii ornandum tollendumque iactassent, ne aut
sibi aut veteranis par gratia referretur.
tentiam prioris sectae approbaret, Nursinos grandi pecunia et 2! ‘*

Et quo magis paeni-

quam pendere nequirent multatos extorres oppido egit, quod
5 Mutinensi acie interemptorum civium tumulo publice extructo
ascripserant, pro libertate eos occubuisse.

Inita cum Antonio et Lepido societate, Philippense quoque 13

bellum, quamquam invalidus atque aeger, duplici Tp. T.
proelio transegit, quorum priore castris exutus vix Umvirate

x: ad Antoni cornu fuga evaserat.

and battles
Nec successum of Philippi

victoriae moderatus est, sed capite Bruti Romam P^ 43—?

pro partibus, * were coming to terms
in the interests of the party,’ i.e. the
opposite party, cp. coniuramdi pro par-
tibus suis, c. 17. '

dicta factaque...calumniatus ‘hav-
ing alleged as a pretext.’ Calumniari
(1) absol. of bringing vexatious ac-
tions c. 23, and alleging pretended
reasons, 735. 53; (2) followed by cognate
accusative or accusative of the person,
or both, see Cic. ad fam. 9, 7 nam,
quod antea te calumniatus sum, indi-
cabo malitiam meam; (3) ‘to suggest
objections,’ Cic. ad fam. 9, 2 sed calum-
niabar ipse: pulabam qui obviam mihi
Venisset...suspicaturum aut dicturum
e(c. praetextum n. is not classical.

quasi..iactassent. For guasi see
note on c. ro. For the epigram see
the letter of Dec. Brutus to Cicero
[ad fam. 11, 20] novissime Labeo Segu-
lius homo sui similhmus narrat mihi
apud Caesarem se fuisse multumque
sermonem de te habitum esse. Ipsum
Caesarem nihil sane de te questum nist
quod diceret te dixisse, laudandum adoles-
centem,ornandum, tollendum ; se non esse
commissurum ut tolli possit. On which
Cicero comments [ad fam. t 1, 21] Di isti
Segulio male faciant, homini nequissimo
omnium, qui sunt, qui fuerunt, qui fu-
iuri sunt! Quid? illum (ecum solum
aut cum Caesare? qui neminem praeter-
miseri quicum loqui potuerit, cui non
eadem. ista dixerit! Paterculus, 2, 62,
explains that Cicero intended /6/-
lendum to convey a double meaning.
He had been proud of the witticism
before it got him into trouble with
Octavian,—Mirabilter, mi Brute, laetor
mea consilia measque sententias a te
probari de xviris, de ornando adole-
scente [ad fam. 11, 14]. He had spoken

of him often as a fuer, but generally
with complimentary meaning. See ad
Jam. 10, 28 puer egregius.

sectae. Used of political as well as
philosophical principles and party; cp.
Rhet. 8 4 obtecientibus sibi quod in re-
publica administranda potissimum Lsau-
rici consularis sectam sequeretur, ‘‘ mal-
le” respondit '* Jsaurici esse discipulum
quam Epidi calumniatoris.” Pliny
Panegyr. 45 8 4 quae tibi secta. vitae,
quod hominum genus placeat. Luv. 14,
122 eidem incumbere sectae.

Nursinos...egit. According to Dio
this took place during the war with
L. Antonius in B.C. 41. The people
of Nursia repulsed Octavian from their
walls, but made terms when Salvidie-
nus Rufus had taken Sentinum. They
were punished,—éwel uévroc Tous év ry
páxy TH wpds Kalcapá oquiot yevopévy
megóvras Odwavres éwéypayay rois urn-
pelos alrav Sr. Uiwép ris éXevOeplas
dywrifouevo. éreAebrqgoap, TajmóXNots
Xphpacw enuddnoay wore xal Thy
wid xal Thy xwpay Gua wacay éxdwely
[48, 13]. Nursia, a Sabine town on
the Nar, was a municipium. It was
at the foot of the Apennines, strongly
fortified, and celebrated for its cool-
ness, /rigida Nursia[Verg. Aen. 7,716],
nec non habitata pruinis Nursia [Sil.
It. 8, 419].

18. inita...societate. The agreement
to form the triumvirate (res viri ret pub-
licae constituendae) was made by Octa-
vian, Antony and Lepidus on a small
island in the R. Lavinius (a tributary
of the Po) near Bononia,—é» vyodly
TU TOÜ worapol ToU Tapà Thy Borwvía»
vapappéovros [Dio 46, 54]. ouvjecay
dupl Mouriyny wrédw és vnclda ToÜ Aafi-
vlov Torajoü Bpaxeiáv Tc kal Umríav.

SUETONI [13

misso, ut statuae Caesaris subiceretur, in splendidissimum
quemque captivum non sine verborum contumelia saeviit ;
ut quidem uni suppliciter sepulturam precanti respondisse
dicatur, tam istam volucrum fore potestatem ; alios, patrem et
filium, pro vita rogantis sortiri vel micare iussisse, ut alterutri

The conference lasted three days, ouveh-
Oóvres ol Tpeis els vnolda worauw wepip-
peoutvny éxl Tpeis Tuépas cuvidpevoav
Plut. Anion. 19. November B.C. 43.

quamquam invalidus atque aeger.
Octavian had been attacked by illness
as soon as the troops crossed to Epirus
on the way to Philippi [Dio 47, 37];
and he does not seem to have recovered
when the fighting began near Philippi,
for his physician had the night before the
first battle caused him to be removed
from the camp. This in fact saved his
life; for Brutus stormed and plundered
the camp. Augustus himself said that
he had been warned by a dream to
leave the camp, Kaleapos abroü &’
évirvioy Evdow ovx Ürvros aAAd dvAa-
£auévov Th» judpay, ws abrós év rois
Umrourjuasiw Eypayev, Appian B. civ.
4, 110; cp. Dio 47, 41—46. Plutarch
Anton. 22 ws 5¢ avros év rots brouyhpace
yeypage, Tay dlrwy twos dvap lddvros
dvexwpnoe mpd ris udxns. id. Brut. 41.

ad Antoni cornu, that is, to the
right wing, nearest the sea. Cp. Livy
ep. 124 varlo eventu...pugnaverunt ;
Va ut utriusque dextra cornua vincerent,
et castra quoque utrinque ab tis qui vice-
rant expugnarentur.

nec...moderatus est. The bulk of
the armies of Brutus and Cassius after
the battle made terms with the con-
querors and obtained an amnesty. Dio
47, 49 T) uév wMjÜos TWH oTpaTiwW-
TOP avrixa daéelas adio. xnpuxbelons
peréorn Tov 06 dvipay ray TpóTwy Tw
dpxás riwas a XóvTwv 1j kal éx Trav oda-
yéov TOv re émixexnpvypéven Ere Óvrwv
ol này wrelous éavro)s mapaxpfjua amé-
kreway 7) àXóvres, dowep 6 Gaovóvios,
é$0dpysav, ol Se Xourol róre ext Tl»
Odraccay Ségpuyov kal perda Tovro TQ
Zé£ro Tpocé0evro. Dio therefore seems
to reduce the number of executions to
small proportions, cp. Appian Z. civ.
4:135. Thus we know of M. Valerius
Messala Corvinus and L. Bibulus with
a large following, who escaped to
Thasos and made honourable terms
with Antony [App. 4, 136]. There
were however some executions, and the
foundation of Suetonius' story of the

insulting words to Augustus seems to
be the case of Favonius. Another
execution was that of Q. Hortensius
(son of the orator) who was put to
death on the tomb of C. Antonius by
order of M. Antonius, as being prin-
cipally guilty of the former's death
[Plut. 4»/. 22] Augustus himself
asserts that he spared all citizens, see
M. A. 3 Bella terra et mari civilia ex-
ternaque toto in orbe terrarum suscept
victorque omnibus superstitibus civibus
pepercit. But as the assassins had been
condemned under the /ex Pedia, they, in
common with others in the Proscription
lists, were no longer czves.
successum...moderatus est, ‘used
with moderation,’ cp. Claud. 14 duritiam
levitatemque multorum ex bono et aequo
...moderatus est. Dom. 7 pretia mode-
ratus est. But the nearest parallel to
the meaning of moderor is in Livy 37,
35, where it takes the dative, ...ut me-
mores rerum humanarum, et suae for-
tunae moderarentur, et alienam ne urge-
rent.
capite...Romam misso. According to
Dio [47, 49] the body was burnt with
honour by Antony, and the head sent
to Rome, but lost at sea. Plut. An. 22
Bpotrw $5é rj» abrod gowexlda ToXXOv
xpnuárc» á£iav obcav éméppupe kal rv
dmeAevÜépov Twl rov éavroÜ wpocérate
THs TA js éwmipednOjva. — ToÜrov Üorepov
yvovs ob cuyKaraxatcavra Thy powixlda
TQ vexpQ kal ToXÀÀ ris els Thy rad
dardvyns )$ppuuévoy árékrewev. Cp.
id. Brut. 535; App. B. civ. 4, 135.
sepulturam. Augustus in his me-
moirs asserted that he had always
observed the rule of giving the bodies
of those executed to their relations for
burial, Ulpian Dig. 48, 24, 1 Cor-
pora eorum qui capite damnantur cogna-
tzs ipsorum neganda non sunt. Et td
se observasse etiam divus Augustus libro
decimo vitae suae scribit. Vespasian
[Vesp. 2] poenae coniuratorum adden-
dum censuit ut insepulti proicerentur.
allos, patrem et filium...micare.
This seems to refer to the two Aquilii
Flori; but the affair is placed by Dio
after Actium, 51, 2 rà» dé koAacÓévrwr

— a m m

—

-—-

13.] DIVUS AUGUSTUS. 27

concederetur, ac spectasse utrumque morientem, cum patre,

quia se optulerat, occiso filius quoque voluntariam occubuisset
necem. Quare ceteri, in his M. Favonius ille Catonis aemulus,
cum catenati producerentur, imperatore Antonio honorifice

"Axtdol re PAwpor.. .Svopa uadurra Éaxor

...Ürt TOP Erepov Tov haxdvra Kedetoay-
ros abrov opayjva duddrepor SiepOapy-
cay’ 90a» uà» warhp re kal vais, ws de
obros rply Aaxeiv abrds éavrüv ry a avyet
éxa@y mwapédwxe, Tepu)Mynoé re éxelvos
kal adroxeple airg éraméÜavev. No-
thing more seems known of these Flori,
but other members of the family appear
from coins to have held office under
Augustus, as triumvirs of the mint, and
in the East to have been employed in
connexion with the return of the stan-
dards by the Parthians, in B.C. 20. See
C. Z. L. 2, p. 551, Wilmanns, 1122.
micare, sc. dzgi/is, is to shoot out the
fingers, Verg. Aen. 10, 396 semiani-
mesque micant dipiti ferrumque re-
tractant. It then indicated a game
of chance played by two persons throw-
ing up their hands and shooting out
their fingers, guessing correctly the
number shot out deciding the winner,
as in the modern Mora. Cic. de Div.
2 8 85 quid enim sors est? idem. prope-
modum quod micare, quod talos tacere,
quod tesseras. Calpurn. Ecl 3, 25 et
nunc alternos magis ut distinguere can-
tus Possttts, ter quisque manus tactate
micantes. As the number of fingers
shot out might be declared falsely,
it became a proverb for an honest man
that ‘you might play the finger game
with him in the dark.’ Cic. de off. a
8 78 contritum est vetustate proverbium:
cum enim fidem alicuius bonitatemque
laudant, dignum esse’ dicunt * quicum
in tenebris mices. Petron. Sat. $ 44
cum quo audacter posses in tenebris mi-
care. August. de Trin. 8, 5.

M. Favonius ille Catonis aemulus,
‘the well-known imitator of Cato,’ 2.2.
Cato Uticensis. (nrAwrhs Kárwros Plut.
Caes. 213 épaorhs Kárwvos id. Brut. 12.
M. Favonius was an irreconcilable
Optimate, opposed, like Cato, to
Pompey and Caesar alike. He first
app pears as denouncing Clodius in B.c.

[Cic. ad Att. 1, 45; pro Mil. 88 26

‘and 44].- In 60 he prosecuted Pompey’s

future father-in-law, P. Scipio Nasica
(Metellus Pius), on a charge of ambitus
[ad 44.2, 187]. In B.c. 59 he alone
of the Senators declined to swear to

5 salutato, hunc foedissimo convitio coram prosciderunt.

observe Caesar's agrarian law [Plut.
Cato 32; Dio 38, 7). In 57 he led the
opposition to Pompey's extraordinary
powers as praefectus annonae [ad Att.
4, 1], and denounced Ptolemy Auletes for
the murder of the ambassadors [Dio 39;
14]; in B.C. 56 opposed the motion for
sending Pompey to Egypt [Cic. ad
Q. F. 2, 3 § 3], and his election to the
consulship of 55 with Crassus, with the
reversion of Spain and Syria [Dio 39,
34—5] When, however, the civil war
was begun by Caesar's crossing of the
Rubicon, he, like his model Cato, took
the side of Pompey, though even then
he did not refrain from bitter sarcasm
on the latter. adds ris, dyp TAa
bev ob wovnpds, a00a0clq dé xal ÜBpet
woAXAákuis Thy Kdrwvos olduevos áTopa-
pei 0a. wappnolay, éxéXeve Tov Tlouwrhiov
TQ wool TrUTT&w Thy yy as Uie Xveiro
Üvrápeis dvaxadovpevov Plut. Pomp. 60;
cp. id. Caes. 33. Still he followed
Pompey in his flight from Pharsalus,
and waited on him with great devotion
[#%. 73; Vell. 2, 53]. For his execu-
tion after Philippi see Dio 47, 49. Like
Cato he failed to gain the highest office.
He was rejected for the Aedileship for
B.C. 59[ad Alt. P., 18 7], but was elected
for B.C. 52 [Plut. Cato 46]. He failed
for the Praetorship of B.C. 50 [ad fam.
8, 9], but apparently was elected next
year, for Velleius [2, 53] calls him
practorius in B.C. 48.
imperatore...prosciderunt, ‘though
they saluted Antony respectfully by
the title of Imperator, they addressed
Caesar to his face in terms of the utmost
contumely.’ That is, they refused to
give him any official title, and inveighed
against him besides. To address an
imperator by his name and without his
title was disrespectful. See Seneca de
Const. 18 Gaius Caligula iratus. fuit
Herennio Macro, quod illum Gaium
salutaverat : nec impune cessit. primi-
pilario quod Caligulam dixerat. Cp.
Vell. Pat. 2, 84 vir clarissimus Cn.
Domitius, qui solus Antonianarum
partium numquam reginam nisi nomine
salutavit. Cp. Vesp. 15 Helvidio Pris-
co, qui et reversum se ex Syria solus
privato nomine Vespasianum salutaverat

28 SUETONI

[14—

Partitis post victoriam officiis, cum Antonius Orientem
ordinandum, ipse veteranos in Italiam reducendos et

B.C.41, War
with L.
Antonius
at Perusia.

municipalibus agris conlocandos recepisset, neque
veteranorum neque possessorum gratiam tenuit,

alteris pelli se, alteris non pro spe meritorum tractari
14 querentibus. Quo tempore L. Antonium fiducia consulatus,
quem gerebat, ac fraternae potentiae res novas molientem

confugere Perusiam coegit et

et in praetura omnibus edictis sine honore
ac mentione ulla transmiserat, non ante
succensutt quam altercationibus inso-
lentissimis paene in ordinem redactus.
So Tigranes, Aovx0AA qp Ópyciópevos Órt
Bacthéa nóvoy abróv, ob Baciiéwy dv Tj
émw TOM, Tpocyópevcev, o05' adrods
advriypdgwy abrokpáropa vpoceci-
v ev Plut. Lucudl. 21.

prosciderunt. Cp. Ca/. 30 equestrem
ordinet ut scaenae harenaeque devotum
assidue proscidit. Ovid Pont. 4, 16,
47 Ergo summotum patria proscindere,
livor, Desine. Pliny N. ZZ. 33, 8 6 pro-
SCUSSUS conviciis.

partitis...offüciis. This is the ond
division of the Empire, after Philippi.
Caesar was to take Spain and Numidia
(new Africa), Antony, Gaul and Africa.
Italy—with which was to be incorpo-
rated Cisalpine Gaul—was to be re-
garded as the seat of empire and a
common recruiting ground. If Lepidus
(who had been left in charge of Rome

and was accused of intnguing with .

Sextus) made objections, Antony under-
took to let him have Africa. Sardinia
and Sicily, being practically in posses-
sion of Sextus Pompeius, were to be
objects of their common care. Caesar
was to go to Italy with half the army
to prevent any movement on the part of
Lepidus, to prepare for the war against
Sextus, and to arrange for the division
of lands among the veterans: Antony
to the east, to put down the remains of
the opposition (such as that of the
younger Labienus), and collect money.
This agreement was reduced to writing,
and it practically put the empire in the
hands of two instead: of three, Lepidus
being ignored [Dio 48, 1; App. &. czv.
4: 3; Livy ef. 125; Plut. Apt. 23].
veteranorum...tenuit. Livy ef. 125
reversus in Jtaliam veteranis agros divi-
stt, Caesar's arrival in Italy was again
delayed by illness [Dio 48, 2], and he
found an opposition prepared for him by
L. Antonius (Cos. B.C. 41) and Fulvia,

ad deditionem fame compulit,

wife of M. Antonius, who made use of
the discontent caused by the confisca-
tions and assignation of fands, . Feceplis
in partes suas populis quorum agri
veteranis assignati erant. It was in
these confiscations that the poet Vergil
suffered... Zmpius haec tam culta novalia
miles habebit? [Ecl. 1, 71]. The diffi-
culties which Caesar had to encounter
are described by Appian BZ. civ. 5, 12
—16. The soldiers were dissatisfied
as to the locality of their farms, or
seized more than was allotted to them,
selecting the best pieces of land; the
dispossessed owners could not get com-
pensation, and caused commotion in the
city by appearing with their wives and
children to complain of their hard case,
ovdey uéy adicjoa Xéyorres, "IraMdrat
yàp Svres dvloracba yijs Te kal écrlas
ola 0opóAq ro [#5.]. Caesar was there-
fore xaragoouevos émupÜóyus bwd TOY
dpapounévwy [i£. 13], and presently,
by the intrigues of L. Antonius and
Fulvia, was rendered unpopular with
those of the veterans who had been in
Antony’s army [#5. 14], seditiones exer-
citus sui, quas corrupti a Fulvia M.
Antonii uxore milites contra imperatorem
suum concitaverant, cum gravi periculo
inhibuit [Liv. ep. 125]; cp. Dio 48, 9.

14. potentiae, 'illegal power.' Cic.
pro Mil. 8 12; 2 Phil. § 26.

confugere Perusiam...fame oom-
pulit. L. Antonius retired to Perusia
on being stopped in his march along
the via. Flaminia by the occupation of
Sentinum and Nursia, towards the end
of B.C. 41. He was reduced to sur-
render in March B.c. 40. Livy ef. 126
C. Caesar, cum esset annorum viginti
trium,obsessuminoppido Perusiae L. An-
tonium conatumque aliquotiens erumpere
et repulsum fame coegit in deditionem
venire. The besieged were reduced to
feed on grass and leaves, and the
Ferusina fames [Luc. 1, 41] was long
remembered. The town had not been
properly provisioned for a siege, Aros

Iun e

=" ^ M A mo gee

— —M ——— —— -— 9

15.] DIVUS AUGUSTUS. 29

non tamen sine magnis suis et ante bellum et in bello dis-
criminibus. Nam cum spectaculo ludorum gregarium militem
in quattuordecim ordinibus sedentem excitari per apparitorem
iussisset, rumore ab obtrectatoribus dilato quasi eundem mox
s et discruciatum necasset, minimum afuit, quin periret concursu
et indignatione turbae militaris. Saluti fuit, quod(qui desider-
abatur)repente comparuit incolumis ac sine iniuria. Circa
Perusinum autem murum sacrificans paene interceptus est a
manu gladiatorum, quae oppido eruperat. 'Perusia capta in 15
10 plurimos animadvertit, orare veniam vel excusare se conant-
ibus una voce occurrens, moriendum esse. Scribunt quidam,

Herero ToÜ Aevklov xal rd xaxdv ?kuafev — beingacertain Aemilius, who had served
adyplws, dre undev abroÜ unde Tfjs TóNevs in the court which condemned the
wporapecxevaguévns, Appian 5, 34; assassins of Caesar [App. ZB. civ. 5, 48].
though Dio [48, 14] contradicts this, 7d — Appian also tells us that the. town was
yap xwplov rp Te pice: xdprepéy dort kal given up to plunder, though Velleius
tos émirndelas lxavds raperxevacro. Paterculus [2, 74] attributes such
in quattuordecim ordinibus, in the massacre as there was to the anger of
fourteen rows of seats reserved by the the soldiers, who could not be re-
| lex Roscia Othonis (B.C. 67) for the strained, 7% Ferusinos magis ira milt-
equites, infr. c. 40; Caes. 39 L. Decimus tum quam voluntate saevitum | ducis.
Labienus eques...sessum in quattuor- The burning of the town began with
decim e scaena per orchestram transit. the action of one Cestius Macedonicus,
excitari, ‘forced to leave his seat) who set fire to his house and threw
Mart. 5. 14 .Sedere primo solitus in himself into the flames. The destruc-
gradu semper | Tunc, cum liceret occu- tion was apparently pretty complete, —
pare, Nanneius | Bis excitatus terque — rv 86 Ilepovalvaw kal rév Xov TOv
transtulit castra. Quint. 3, 6, 19 sé exct- — ékei AAdvrwy ol wAelovs dwwovro, kal 1)
latus fuerit de spectaculis ef aget iniuri- wdds abri) wrhy Tod "Hoairelov rod re
aruti. The incident is narrated by rijs°Hpas ous rica xarexavOn [Dio 48,
Appian [Z. cv. 5,15] as happening in 14]. It was afterwards restored by
the course of B.C. 41 orparubryns drop@y Augustus under the title of Perusia
olxelas ESpas waph\Oev és Tous xadounévous Augusta. The motive of the severity
lewéas’ kal 6 uev Sijuos éxeonuqvaro’ xal seems to have been the wish to put a
6 Kaíicap rév orparwwrny dvéornoe. final end to the old Optimate party; thus
quasi, see c. 10. discruciatum ne- Tib. Canutius and Clodius Bithynicus
casset. Cp. Cic. 13 Phil. 37 ita sibicon- are mentioned among those executed;
venisse cum Dolabella ut ille Trebonium the former of whom had favoured
et, si posset, Brutum Cassium discrucia- Octavian as long as he was opposed to
fos necaret. Elsewhere it is generally M. Antonius; but had declared against

used of mental agony. ad Aft. 14, the triumvirate, and had been in the
Plaut. 414. 1, 3, 27 ; Ter. Adelph. 4, 4i lists of the proscribed [App.; Dio /.c.].
I discrucior animi; Casin. 2, 3, 60 moriendum esse. Marius answered
discrucior amore. those who pleaded for Lutatius Catulus,
qui desiderabatur, ‘the missing man.’ dxofavety et, Plut. Mar. 44 ; for occur-
When the soldier denied having received — rens, ‘answering,’ cf. Valer. Fl. 7, 223.
any severity and explained the incident, soribunt quidam...mactatos. The
the other soldiers turned on him ashav- — statement is repeated by Dio (48, r4)
ing betrayed his order (Appian). with the same qualification Moyos ‘ye

15. in plurimos animadvertit. Livy eet brt...érl rd» Bwpor róv T9 Kaloap
ep. 126 pst (L. Antonio) ef omnibus mi- — TQ Tporépp wowpdvoy áx0évres. Urmeis
litibus eius tgnovit: Perusiam diruit. re rpiaxbow kal Boudevral...érvdnoay.
The severities, however, were directed And that the report had some vogue is
against those Perusians who were mem- shown by Seneca de Clem. 1, 1 § 3
bers of the Senate, the only one spared — fuerit moderatus et clemens Augustus,

[9.4
*

30 SUETONI [15—

trecentos ex dediticiis electos utriusque ordinis ad aram Divo
Iulio extructam Idibus Martiis hostiarum more mac-

Severiti
after the tats. ~ Extiterunt qui traderent, ‘conpecto eum ad
Poa arma isse, ut occulti adversarii et quos metus magis

quam voluntas contineret, facultate L. Antoni ducis s

nempe post Perusianas aras. Neverthe-
less, as both Suetonius and Dio make
the statement with reserve, and as there
is no further confirmation, we may be
allowed to doubt the story. See Meri-
p Romans under the Empire, vol. 3,
P. 24

hostiarum more, ie. with an axe
(securis). Cp. Flor. 2, 5, 3 Jegatos
nostros nec gladio quidem, sed ut victi-
mias securi percutiunt, Verg. Aen, 2,
224 fugit cum saucius aram | taurus et
incertam excussit cervice securim.

Divo Iulio. The deification of Iulius
was partly completed during his life-
time. The several steps according to
Dio were (I) After Thapsus in B.C. 46
the senate voted among other honours
&pua re atrov Év TQ KartroMo ayTL-
vpóatomroy TQ Ad lSpvjAvat, kal éx’ elkóva
abürór Tíjs olkovuévys xaAXkoüv ériiBa-
oOnva ypaghy Exovra Sri npideds
éore [43, 14]. This title however
he himself afterwards caused to be
erased, 27. 21. (II) When the news of
Munda (B.C. 45) reached Rome farther
honours were voted to him before his

‘return: his statue was placed in the

i temple of Quirinus, on the Quirinal,
with the inscription . Deo Invicto: d\dny

| re Twa elkóva, és Tov rou Kuplvov vay
Oey avixhry éreypáyarres kal G\Anv és
TÓ Kamirddtoy rapa rods Bac veósarrás
wore éy 77 Pwup avébecay [Dio 43, 45],
cp. Cic. ad Att. 12, 45 (written June 45)
De Caesare vicino scripseram ad te quia
cognoram ex tuis litteris. Eum aóv-
vaov Quirino malo quam Saluti. ib.
47 domum tuam pluris video P rine
viino Caesare hls lived on the
Quirinal). (III) Later on additional
votes were passed,—a gilded chair was
to be carried in the procession of the
gods at the Circensian games, which
was actually done in August B.C. 45,—
cp. Dio 44, 6 obrw 5h &s re rà 0farpa
rov te Üljpov avrov Tv émlxpucov kal
rov orépavoy Tov ÜuiNÜor kal O.dx pvoov
é£ Iaou rois TOv Oewy éoxoulterOa, with
Cic. ad Att. 13, 44 Suaves tuas litteras!
etsi acerba pompa. | Verumtamen scire
omnia non acerbum est, vel de Cotta.
Populum vero praeclarum, quod propter

malum vicinum ne Victoriae quidem
ploditur. From which it appears that
the figure of Caesar came next to that
of Victory in the procession. Suet. 7:4.
76 ampliora humano fastigio decerni sibi
Bassus est, sedem auream in curia et pro
tribunali, tensam et ferculum circenst
pompa. At last, continues Dio, Ala abrév
Gyrexpus - "Tov\tov ®pooryépevoay kal vpady
airy Tj émiecxelg abroU renencOfvac
Eyrwoar, lepéa odio. tov ‘Avribviov
domep ru, diddcoy Tpoxeuurápevoy.. An-
tony however seems not to have been
formally initiated in this priesthood
[Cic. 2 Phil. 8 110 guid tgitur cessas?
cur non inauguraris ?); and when Octa-
vian essayed to have the gilded chair
carried with the other gods into the
theatre in May B.c. 44, he was prevented
by the tribunes [Cic. ad Att. 15, 3 de sella
Caesaris bene tribuni] who were pro-
bably acting at the instigation of M.
Antonius [App. Z. civ. 3, 28; Plut. Amt.
16], for his brother Lucius was tribune
at the time. At any rate Antony seems
to have opposed at first the full apo-
theosis. tt IV) It was not till the rst of
September B.c. 44 that he proposed in
the Senate that, whenever a supplicatio
was voted for a victory, there should be
an additional day in Caesar's honour
[Cic. 2 Phi § 110 an supplicationes
addendo diem contaminari passus es?
though Dio, 43, 44, seems to put this
immediately after Munda], while he
appears to have neglected a /ex brought
in by himself adding a day to the Luaz
Romani to be specially devoted to Cae-
sar’s worship [Cic. 2b. guaeso deinceps
num hodiernus dies qui sit ignores?
nescis heri quartum in circo ludorum
Romanorum fuisse? te autem ipsum ad
populum tulisse ut quintus praeterea dies
Caesari tribueretur ? cur non sumus
practextati? cur honorem Caesaris tua
lege datum deseri patimur?]. (V) It was
Octavian's policy however to have the
deification fully acknowledged ; a glans
picked up at Perugia has the words
Divom Iulium (C. 7. &. 1, 697); and it
was one of the concessions made by
Antony at the reconciliation at Brun-
disium [B.C. 39] that he should be in-

16.]

"DIVUS AUGUSTUS.

e Vv e e e e e
praebita, detegerentur devictisque is et confiscatis, promissa
veteranis praemia persolverentur.

- f
Siculum bellum incohavit in primis, sed diu traxit inter-
missum saepius, modo reparandarum classium causa, war. with
s quas tempestatibus duplici naufragio et quidem per Sextus

Pompeius

aestatem amiserat, modo pace facta, flagitante populo s.c. ,;—
ob interclusos commeatus famemque ingravescentem ; 3.

augurated as a famen Zulii [Plut. Ant.
33 abrós 06 Kalcap. xapifsuevos lepeis
awedelyOn ToU wporépov Kaloapos]; and
under the influence of Augustus altars,
statues and temples to the ‘divine Iulius’
sprang up in various places. The basis
of one of the earliest of such statues in
Rome is preserved, C. 7. L. 1, 626 DIVO=
IULIO « IUSSU * POPULI * ROMANI *
STATUTUM * EST * LEGE * RUFRENA.
Rufrenus was in the army of Lepidus
[Cic. ad fam. 10, 21] and probably
brought in his /ex shortly after the for-
mation of the triumvirate. See Servius
ad Verg. Ec. 9, 47.
mactatos. Whatever its derivation
(whether connected with mactus, or no),
mactare is a ritual word: Verg. Aen. 2,
202 sollemnes taurum ingentem macta-
bat ad aras. Liv. 10, 28 hostium legiones
Telluri ac dis Manibus mactandas dabo.
Horace, Odes 1, 19, 16 mactata veniet
lenior hostia. Yet the poets sometimes
use the word simply of murder. See
Ovid Her. 10, 77 and ror.
conpecto...isse. Probably an after-
thought founded on the belief in the
profound policy of Augustus.
facultate...praebita, ‘when the
chance of having L. Antonius as a
leader was afforded them.’ The con-
struction of /facu/tas with a personal
word is rare, cf. Plancus ap. Cic. fam.
10, 4 5i facultas tut praesentis esset.
confiscatis. Used of persons in 7726.
49 principes confiscatos. Cal. 41 duos
equites Romanos...confiscari iussit. Of
money contained in the Emperor’s
Jiscus as opposed to the aerarzum pub-
licum, see infr. 101. At the date here
alluded to no such distinction existed.
Fiscus was properly a ‘basket’ used in
Sicily for holding money. Cicero, Verres
Act. 18 a2 fiscos complures cum pecunia
Stcilienst a quodatn senatore ad equitem
Romanum esse translatos. 2 Verr. 8197
sesterttos...in cistam transferam de fisco.
1b. 183 wiafor aut Venerius qui fiscum
sustulit, Like nmumus therefore fiscus
found its way from Sicily into the

nomenclature of Roman finance. Asco-
nius 25 Cicero, 1 Verr.22 Fisci, fiscinae,
fiscellae spartea sunt utensilia ad maioris
summae pecunias capiendas : unde quia
maior summa est pecuniae publicae
quam privatae, ut’ pro censu Privato
loculos et arcam et. sacellos dicimus, sic
pro publico thesauro dicitur fiscus.

veteranis praemia. On Octavian's
difficulties in the matter of satisfying
the veterans, see note to c. 13.

16. Siculum bellum...intermissum
saepius. The war against Sextus Pom-
peius was all along assigned to Octavian,
and lasted with intervals from B.C. 43 to
35- I. Immediately after the formation of
the triumvirate in the winter of 43—42.
Sextus Pompeius had successfully held
his own in Spain against C. Cassius and
Asinius Pollio. After Caesar’s death
Lepidus had been commissioned tomake
terms with him, and he had agreed to
submit to the government in return for
a restitutio in integrum and a restora-
tion of his father's wealth. On their
breach with Antony, the Senate had
endeavoured to secure his loyalty;
passed a vote of thanks to him for his
answer to their commissioners at Mar-
seilles; and finally nominated him com-
mander of the fleet [Cic. 13 Pel. 88 13
and 50; App. Z. civ. 4, 83—4; Dio
48, 17]. Being condemned under the
lex Pedia, and placed in the proscrip-
tion lists by the Triumvirs, he sailed to
Sicily and was there joined by many
fugitive Optimatists. He besieged the
praetor of Sicily, Aul. Pompeius Bi-
thynicus, in Messene, whom he put to
death after persuading him to admit
him into the town [Dio /.c.; App. 4,
85] Accordingly Octavian sent Q.
Salvidienus with a large fleet to attack
Pompeius, proceeding himself to Rhe-

ium by land. Salvidienus was de-
fied, and Octavian was shortly after-
wards obliged to sail to Brundisium to
help Antony [Livy ef. 123; Appian 4,
85; Dio 48, 19]. II. From B.C. 42 to
B.C. 39. After the ruin of the Pompeians

32 SUETONI

[16

donec navibus'ex integro fabricatis ac viginti servorum milibus
manumissis et ad remum datis, portum Iulium apud Baias,

at Philippi, Sextus was joined by L.
Statius Murcus with a fleet and many
more fugitives. He infested the Italian
shores, stopping the supplies of corn,
while Octavian was in Gaul; and while
Vipsanius Agrippa, to whom Octavian
had entrusted the war, was in Rome,
celebrating the games of Apollo in July
B.C. 40, Sextus was joined for a time by
Antony, instigated by Fulvia and his
mother Iulia to make war on Caesar.
On the death of Fulvia, however, a
peace was negotiated between the tri-
umvirs at Brundisium. Antony married
Octavia, and Sext. Pompeius was com-
pelled to retire to Sicily. But as he
held that island with Corsica and
Sardinia, he was still able to intercept

the corn supplies...'Pwyalous 3’ ó Acuds

éxletev, obre TOv édwr éumópov éxcrdéov-
Twv 5ée. Tlourntou kal ZwxeMas, oüre tov
ék Stoews dia Lapdw kal Kpvov éxopévas
trd Tüv Tlourntou ofre ék ris Tepalas
AcBins 5d rods atrovs éxarépwhev vav-
xparobyras [App. B. civ. 5, 67]. The
triumvirs were compelled to make
terms with him, and by the peace of
Misenum, B.C. 39, he undertook to
cease harassing Italy and stopping the
corn, on condition of full restitution and
having the government of Sicily, Sar-
dinia, Corsica and Achaia [App. 4.c.;
Dio 48, 27, 28, 36, 37, 38; Livy ep.
127; Plut. Ant. 32]. III. B.c. 38—
B.C. 35. The peace did not last long.
Sextus complained that Antony had
cheated him in regard to Achaia, and
began his piracies again. Caesar was
obliged to recommence the war. In
B.C. 38 he lost half his fleet in the
straits of Messene [App. B. czv. 5, 83].
B.C. 37 was spent in the preparation of
a new fleet, which was put under the
command of Agrippa; and in B.C. 36
Sextus was finally conquered and fled
to Asia, where in 35 he was put to
death [App. B. civ. 5, 97—127; Liv.
ep. 129 adversus Sex. Pompeium vario
eventu navalibus certaminibus pugnatum
est: ita ut ex duabus Caesaris classibus
altera cui Agrippa pracerat vinceret,
altera quam Caesar duxerat deleta, ex-
positi in terram milites in magno peri-
culo essent. — Victus deinde Pompetus in
Siciliam profugit...cp. 131 Sex. Pom-
peius cum in fidem M. Antonii veniret,
bellum in Asia adversus eum moliens
oppressus a legatis eius occisus est].

duplici naufragio. The first ship-
wreck followed the defeat of Calvisius
and Menodorus as well as of the
squadron which Caesar brought to their
relief at the northern entrance of the
strait of Messene, in the early part of
B.C. 38 [App. B. civ. 5, 88; Dio 48,
47) The second occurred on the fol-
lowing day, in which the fleet of
Augustus and Sabinus suffered still
more severely [App. 5, 89—92], Kat-
capt 86 008 és jucv TOv vewy wepreawOn
kal rotro opébdpa wrerovnxés. Cp. Dio
48, 48.

et quidem per aestatem, ‘and that
too though it was summer.’ Appian
[5, 89] attributes the disaster partly to
the mistake of the sailors, who thought
the storm would not last at that time of
the year...olóuevo. raxéws 7d wveipa
évdwoew ws év Eape ras vais éxarépwher
d'yküpais &k e ToU weddyous kal dà rijs
vis Stexpdrovy kal kóvrous étec0ov» dw’
àAMjAer. per aestatem, ‘in the sum-
mer time,’ as fer noctem, ‘by night,’
‘in the night time,’ Pliny N. Z. 2 §
48. Aestas is represented by Appian’s
€ap, indicating in military or naval
language the two-fold division of the
year into sailing and non-sailing seasons,
—as Thucydides divides the year. et
quidem, xal rara.

modo pace facta, ‘when peace had
but recently been made,' that is, the
peace of Misenum in the previous
autumn [39].

flagitante populo. The people had
been eager that the triumvirs should
make peace with Sext. Pompeius, be-
cause of the suffering and commercial
disaster caused by his stoppage of com-
merce. App. B. civ. 5, 69 xal ua0àv 6
ófjuos abO«s HOpolfero kal wapexdra ovdv
droptpoe. tov Kalcapa wéuya AlBwn
wlorw mwpecBevew e0édovre wpds abrür
vréep elphyns.

navibus ex integro fabricatis. The
construction of the new fleet was put
under the superintendence of Agrippa
during B.C. 37, who was summoned
from Gaul for the purpose [Dio 48, 49],
and was eventually placed in command
of it in room of Calvisius[App. 5, 96].

portum Iulium...effecit. Dio 48, 50
éy Tj Kónp ry Kauwavld: xwplov Tc pe-
Taf) Muiemvoü xal IlovreóNw» pnvoedes
Exrw* Specl re yap o,ukpois kal yuXots
whiv Bpaxéww wepel\ywrra, kal 0áAac-

16. |

DIVUS AUGUSTUS. 33

inmisso in Lucrinum et Avernum lacum mari, effecit. In quo
' cum hieme tota copias exercuisset, Pompeium inter Mylas et
Naulochum superavit, sub horam pugnae tam arto repente
somno devinctus, ut ad dandum signum ab amicis excitaretur,
s Unde praebitam Antonio materiam putem exprobrandi, ze
vectis quidem oculis eum aspicere. potuisse. instructam. aciem,
verum supinum, caelum intuentem, stupidum cubuisse, nec prius

ca» TrpurXMiv koXmóóm exer’ 7) uéy "yàp
éw re kal Tpós rats wédeoly éaTw, 4 5
Orlyy Staduy dw’ abrfs dielpyera:, AAAy
év air TQ pnvyG Murdógs dpara. kal
kaXeirau. abr uà» ' Aovepyls 7 06 uéoq
Aovkpyr(s* 1) yap Kw rod Tvpomruo0
obca és ékeivo kal rh» émwvuplay TeAéi.
év ravry Sh rj Oaddooy Ty évrós éxaré-
pas, orevots Tóre Ecwas 7d Seetpyor Thy
Aouxpnvlda ard rot reddyous é&r' audé-
repa wap avri» rl» qrepov 6'Ayplrras
ouvrphoas Muévas vavArAoxwrdrous dré-
Seger. The difficulty of this piece of
engineering lay in the fact that the
Lucrine lake, which was separated by a
Narrow causeway from the Tuscan sea
on the one hand, and by a narrow strip
of land also from the Lacus Avernus on
the other, was too shallow for large
ships to cross into the Avernus, while
the causeway between it and the mare
Tuscum was not sufficiently lofty or
strong to resist storms and secure its
calm. Agrippa strengthened the cause-
way, and must have also dredged the
Lucrine lake to increase its depth; but
his work did not last, and the artificial
harbour described by Vergil [G. 2, 161
4n memorem portus Lucrinogue ad-
dita claustra,
atque indignatum | magnis stridoribus
aequor,
Julia qua ponto longe sonat unda re-
Suso
Tyrrenusque fretts immittitur aestus
Avernis? cp. Hor. A. P. 63]
speedily became useless for large vessels.
Strabo 5, 4, 6 elomrdouw 5’ Éxec wAolors
éAadpots, évopulaaa0a. 0 Axpnoros. The
Lucrine lake has now become part of
the sea (Gulf of Pozeuoli), and the lake
Avernus, almost filled up by a volcanic
eruption, is now represented only by a
reedy swamp.
inter Mylas et Naulochum. The
exact situation of Naulochus is not
known beyond the fact that it was a
roadstead between Mylae and Pelorus
[App. 5, 116]. There were two battles
between Agrippa and the fleet of Pom-

peius fought in the autumn of B.c. 36.
The first was to the west of Mylae (G. of
Patti), where Agrippa sailing from the
island Hiera attacked Pompey's fleet
while Augustus was stil in Italy
[App. 5, 105—9; Dio 49, 2—4]. The
second was some weeks later to the
east of Mylae (Bay of Milazzo) in
which Pompey was finally defeated,
losing all but 17 of his ships [App. s,
116—122; Dio 49, 8—11]. Augustus
had in the interval suffered a consider-
able reverse in a descent upon Tauro-
menium [App. 5, 110—112; Dio 49,
5; Paterc. 2, 79], and does not appear
to have been on board ship during
either of the battles at Mylae. During
the second he was with the land force,
which he had brought from Italy, now
increased by the junction with Lepidus.
But the engagement was in full sight of
land where his men were stationed, and
it is possible that he may have had to
give the order for blowing the signal-
trumpet. However, such grounds as
Antony had for his malicious remark
were more likely to have been given in
the disaster at Tauromenium, where he
was in great danger, éwi 0é wapaxAhoe
Ta cTrpaTWywà owyueta ws év xwÜb»o
páura wy dvéÜero [App. 5, rir].

rectis oculis, ‘boldly,’ looking with-
out fear or shame. Cp. Cic. pro Rad.
Post. 8 48 hic vos aliud nihil orat nisi
ut rectis oculis hanc urbem. intueri...
liceat. So Iuvenal 10, 187 recto vultu ;
6, 401 reca facie. Horace's siccis
oculis [Od. 1, 3, 18] is a farther variety
in the phrase.

supinus, ‘on his back,’ ‘lolling idly.’
Cp. Luc. 9, 589 sulla vehitur cervice
supinus. See Mayor on Iuv. r, 66.
Iahn on Pers. 1, 129. The notion of
Casaubon that it indicates an attitude
of superstitious terror (quoting Horace’s
manibus supinis) is far-fetched. An-
tony pictures Caesar as lying on his
back staring up into the sky because he
shrank from looking out to sea and
seeing the battle which was in full

SUETONI

[16

surrexisse ac militibus in conspectum venisse quam a M. Agrippa
fugatae sint hostium naves. | Alii dictum factumque eius cri-
minantur, quasi classibus Íempestate perditis exclamaverit,
etiam invito Neptuno victoriam se adepturum, ac die circensium

proximo sollemni pompae simulacrum dei detraxerit.

Nec

temere plura ac maiora pericula ullo alio bello adiit. Traiecto

view. Dio 49, 9 7j Te yap Oadacca 1)
éxel wica TO» veov éwewdhpwro...cal 1)
xópa 1) uà» eyyds abrífjs bó TOv. wrht-
cpévoy...00cv wep kal 6 dyaw ESote uev
TOV vavpaxoórru» pbvuww eva, TD O
dAnbela kal rwv Adrwv eyévero...dxeivoe
.."mpós ye r7» Trad» Spwpyévuw yw xal
avrot rpóTor Twa. rywvl(ovro.

a M.Agrippa. M. Vipsanius Agrippa,
born in the same year as Augustus, had
been closely associated with him from
the first (év ravr@ re wasdevdels kal rwa
Exwy brepfBloXy éraipelas, Nic. 7). He
had been with him at Apollonia in
B.C. 44 [Vell. 2, 59]; had served with
him in the war of Perusia [Dio 48, 20]
in B.C. 41, in which year he was Praetor,
and in the following year occupied
Sipontum, which had been taken by
M. Antonius [2. 28]. In B.c. 38 he
carried on a successful campaign in
Gaul, crossing the Rhine into Germany,
and subsequently suppressing a revolt
of the Aquitani, for which he was
offered but refused a triumph [#6. 49].
After the disaster to the fleet in B.c. 38
and the desertion of Menodorus in the
early part of B.C. 37, Octavian became
dissatisfied with the management of
Calvisius Sabinus, and entrusted the
task of constructing and commanding
a new fleet to Agrippa, causing him
also to be elected consul for the latter
half of B.c. 37 [App. B. civ. 5, 96].
It was then that he formed the docks
in the lake Avernus. The chief credit
of the final defeat of Sext. Pompeius in
B.C. 36 was his,—Livy Zp. 129 A.
Agrippa navali corona a Caesare dona-
tus est; qui honos nemini ante cum
habitus est.

classibus tempestate perditis. For
the double shipwreck see above (duplict
naufragio). Dio mentionsathird disaster
from bad weather in the early part of
B.C. 36 [49, 1]; but seems to be con-
fusing the two years.

invito Neptuno. If Augustus did
say this, he was, it seems, referring to
the fact that Sext. Pompeius had shown
his exultation at the disasters which

befell the fleets of his enemy in B.c.
38—7 by adopting the title of *Son of
Neptune,’ and wearing sea-green robes.
Dio 48, 48 [cp. c. 19] xal 6 Zé£ros Ere
xal u&XXor Hp0n kal rod re llocecócvos
viós Üvrws éTlorevev elva: xal oToMjv
kvaroeió fj évedvcaro, trrous re kal, ws
*yé trwés pact, kal dvdpas és roy wopOpov
favras évéBarer. App. B. civ. 5, 100
6 5¢ Iloyarfjtos...ÉÜve uóvov Oaracoy kal
Tlovecdwve kal vlós adrav vdloraro kaAei-
aa, wecOouevos ok dyev Oeod dis otrw
Oépous wraica rods wodeplous. acl dé
atrdv...rhy ourhOn rois abroxparopot
x^auóóa ék dowwuf)js és xvayhy petad-
Adiaz. Cp. Neptunius dux of Horace,
Epode 9, 7.

quasi. Seeon c. rt.

die..pompae, The /udi circenses,
whether the /ud: Romani in circo or

others, were opened by a solemn pro- .

cession starting from the Capitol through
the forum, the rear of which was brought
up by the figures of the gods, the lighter
ones carried on the shoulders of men,
the heavier on /ezsae. Among other
quasi-divine honours Iulius had esas;
et ferculum ctrcenst pompa [Zul. c. 76;
Cic. ad Att. 13, 44; Dionys. Hal. 7,
72, 1—13].

nec temere, *and scarcely. Cp. cc.
53, 66, 73, 77, Tit. 6 ita ad praesens
plurimum contraxit. invidiae ut non
temere quis tam adverso rumore. ..trans-
terit ad principatum. de Rhet. 1 tllus-
tres rhetores...non lemere reperientur
quam de quibus tradam. Tb. 73 non
temere quicquam nisi ex tuto ausurus.
Cal. 30 non temere in quemquam nisi
crebris et minutis ictibus animadverti
passus est. Vesp. 15 non temere quis
punitus insons reperietur. With this
meaning £emere ( — facile) is always with
negative.

traiecto...effugit. This refers to the
expedition between the two battles at
Mylae in the autumn of B.c. 36. Think-
ing that Sextus would be wholly occu-
pied with defending himself against
Agrippa, Caesar transported his troops
from Leucopetra and landed near Tauro-

DIVUS AUGUSTUS.

16.] 35

in Siciliam exercitu, cum partem reliquam copiarum con-
tinenti" repeteret, oppressus ex improviso a Demochare et
Apollophane praefectis Pompei, uno demum navigio aegerrime
effugit. Iterum cum praeter Locros Regium pedibus iret et
prospectis biremibus Pompeianis terram legentibus, suas, ratus,
descendisset ad litus, paene exceptus est. " Tunc etiam per
devios tramites refugientem servus Aemili Pauli comitis eius,
dolens proscriptum olim ab eo patrem Paulum et quasi

occasione ultionis oblata, interficere conatus est.
Post Pompei fugam collegarum alterum M. Lepidum,

quem ex Africa in auxilium evocarat, superbientem

Deposition

viginti legionum fiducia summasque sibi partes terrore of Lepidus

et minis vindicantem spoliavit exercitu 'supplicemque

B.C. 36.

concessa vita Circeios in perpetuum relegavit.

menium (being refused admission into
the town). Here he was attacked both
by land and sea. Leaving his camp in
charge of Cornificius he embarked on
board his ship and got his fleet afloat.
After some severe fighting with the
ships of Sextus, Caesar found at night-
fall that the majority of his vessels
were captured or destroyed, while the
remainder were on their way back
to Italy. He spent the night at sea
doubting whether to make his way back
to the camp of Cornificius (beset by
cavalry under Demochares and A pollo-
phanes) or to make for Italy. Finally
his ship came to land at a spot in
S. Italy near Stylis or Columna {called
by Appian 4éa/a, an unknown name),
and after considerable hardships he
reached the troops which under the
command of Gaius Carrinas were wait-
ing to cross to Sicily. [App. 5, 109—
112; Dio 49, 5 dyarnrus és Thy jfre-
pov dreads0n. ]

& Demochare et Apollophane. These
men were freedmen of Sext. Pompeius
who occupied the chief command under
him after the treason of Menas (Meno-
dorus) and the death of Menecrates.
App. 5; 84 ó Tlouwrhios abrév re Anpo-
xdpnv kal ' Awoddodarny, xal rovde dwe-
Aeb0epor éavroü, vavdpxovs dmwéjmqpvev
dyrl Myvodupou kal Mevexparovs. They
are not mentioned in the other accounts
of this defeat of Augustus, but as Me-
nochares was in command at Mylae at
the time [Dio 49, 2] he was doubtless
engaged in it.

iterum...exceptus. This incident is
not noticed by either Appian or Dio.

Aemili Pauli. This was a son of L.
Aemilius Paulus, the elder brother of
the triumvir M. Aemilius Lepidus. L.
Aemilius had always been a partisan of
the senatorial party, and though in his
consulship of B.C. 50 he had accepted a
bribe from Caesar to remain neutral, he
had in B.C. 43 joined in the vote of the
Senate declaring his brother Lepidus a
public enemy for joining Antony; and
accordingly had been put in the list of
the proscribed by his brother later in
that year on the formaticn of the trium-
virate. All authorities agree in assign-
ing this act to M. Lepidus[App. Z.civ. 4,
12; Dio 47, 6; Plut. Ant. 19; Paterc.

2, 673 Oros. 6, 18], but as the pro-
scription lists were in the names of the
triumvirs collectively, Octavian was
jointly responsible. Though proscribed,
Paulus had been allowed to escape, had
fought at Philippi, and had since died
in Asia Minor [App. Z. czv. 4, 37].

M. Lepidum...relegavit. In virtue
of the rearrangement of the provinces
after Philippi (42) M. Lepidus was to
have Africa, if it turned out that he had
not been guilty of treasonable negotia-
tions with Sex. Pompeius. He had
not been allowed to go there till after
the taking of Perusia (40). The pro-
vince had been secured to him again at
the renewal of the triumvirate in 37 at
Tarentum [App. &. civ. 5, 94—97];
but he was restless under the subordi-
nate position which he in fact occupied,

3—2

-—
Uto,

36 x. SUETONI [17

17 + M. Antonii societatem semper dubiam et incertam recon-
ciliationibusque variis male focilatam abrupit tandem, ''

The final . 3. qv " oe
rupture et quo magis degenerasse eum a civili more appro- v: -- -
with M. baret, testamentum, quod is Romae, etiam de Cleo-
Antonius.

patra liberis inter heredes nuncupatis, reliquerat,

while nominall on a par with his
colleagues; and though he obeyed the
summons to start for Sicily with twelve
legions on the 1st of July B.c. 36 [App.
5, 97], he acted there independently ;
took Lilybaeum [App. 5, 48]; and then
went across the island to besiege the
Pompeians in Messene. After the
victory of Agrippa between Mylae and
Naulochus, the Pompeian Plennius
occupied Messene and opened negocia-
tions with Lepidus, who made terms
with him and took over his eight
legions. Having thus a force of about
20 legions, he sacked Messene, and re-
solved to claim the whole of Sicily as
his province. But when Caesar ap-
. peared the army of Lepidus declined to

engage in another civil war, and went
over to his colleague. Lepidus was con-
strained to fall at Caesar's feet and sue
for pardon. His life was spared, but
he was deprived of imperium and of all
office except that of Pontifex Maximus,
as to which there were religious diffi-
culties in a deposition, which Augustus
declined to break through [see c. 31;
m B. civ. 5, 122—126; Dio 49,
I1].

The victory of Augustus was cele-
brated as on the 3rd of September, see
the Fasti Amiternini [C. I. L. 1, p.
398] Feriae et supplicationes aput omnia
pulvinaria quod eo die Caesar divi f.
vicit in Sicilia. But whether this was
the day of the naval victory, or of the
surrender of the army of Lepidus, is
left uncertain by the inscription of
Cumae [C. 7. L. 10, 873; Rushforth, p.
51], the date in the entry being un-
fortunately lost [111 zon « Septembr. eo
die exer]CITUS LEPIDI TRADIDIT SE
CAESARI + SUPPLI[C]A770O...

viginti legionum. That is, the
twelve from Africa and the eight of
Plennius from Messene. Appian [7.
€f). 5, 123] reckons his force at 22
legions,—ovv rovracs (i.e. the legions of
Plennius which joined him) Éxw» 3dvo
kal elxoot TEXn we(Gv Kal larwéas wodXods
éxqjpro. The two additional legions
according to him [c. 104] were the

survivors of four fresh legions from
Africa that were shipwrecked off Lily-
baeum.

Circeios in perpetuum relegavit.
Lepidus however was not allowed to
remain unmolested at Circeii. In B.c.
18, after the plot of the younger Lepi-
dus, he was compelled to come to
Rome, and treated by Augustus with
marked indignity,...xal ore és Ado re
ws kgl dély ol Adyou éxpiro, róre Oe
xal rà» Witpovy vtordry TO» brarevxé-
To» éwiyev. Dio 54, 15; cp. infr.
C. 54. |

17. reconciliationibus ... focllatam.
The occasions on which reconciliations
between Augustus and Antony had taken
place were (1) in 43, in November fol-
Jowing the battle near Mutina [App.
B. civ. 4, 35 Dio 46, 54]. (2) in B.c.
40 after Perusia, at Brundisium [Dio

7, 29—30; App. B. cév. 5, 56—65].
3) in B.c. 37 at Tarentum, on the inter-
vention of Octavia, when the revival of

the triumvirate was settled [App. 2.

civ. 5, 93; Dio 48, 54].

focilatam, * kept alive,' * kept flicker-
ing.’ It is a word of the silver age, and
is used by Pliny of persons, zfse paucis
diebus aegre focillatus...decessst, Ep. 3,
14, 4; cp. #3. 16, 12. Metaphorically
by Seneca Zp. 13 8 14 pudet me ibi sic
fecum loqui et tam lenibus te remediis
focillare. A deponent /focillari ‘to
cherish’ is quoted from Varro by
Nonius [cp. /o-veo, fo-cus].

male, ‘ with difficulty,’ ‘imperfectly.’
Cp. 71d. 42 vitia male diu dissimulata
tandem profudit.

abrupit tandem. The breach be-
tween Antonius and Caesar was ren-
dered inevitable by the events of 33—
32 B.C. The death of Sextus Pom-
peius (35), the successful expeditions
against the Illyrian Iapydes, the Panno-
nians, the Dalmatians, and the Salassi
[Dio 49, 36—38] had assured and
established Caesar's position in the
eyes of the people of Rome as their
best security for peace and plenty.
Meanwhile the conquest of Armenia
(B.C. 34), and the temporary check

«ve

17.]

DIVUS AUGUSTUS. 37

aperiundum recitandumque pro contione curavit. Remisit
tamen hosti iudicato necessitudines amicosque omnes, atque

given to the Parthians by his subordi-
nates, left Antony free to enter upon
his scheme of an Eastern Empire, in
which kingdoms were to be carved
out for his children by Cleopatra. But
the gravest offence to Augustus was the
recognition of Caesarion as a legitimate
son of Caesar and Cleopatra, as though
the offspring of a real marriage, ...roÜ e
mporépou Kaícapos riy né» yuvaixa, rov
de vidy dvrws yeyovéva: Breyer, kal és
Thy ékelvov 5) xápw raÜTa Tow» éok-
xrero, ürws roy Kaícapa rüv Oxraouavdy
éx ToUrou, rt wownrds GN ob ywhoros
avrod wats 7», daBdddX\y [Dio 49, 41].
The final breach came in B.C. 32, when
one of the consuls C. Sosius ventured
to propose the confirmation of Antony's
acta in the Senate, and Caesar next
day made such a reply that both consuls
left Italy for Alexandria, and Antony
retaliated by openly divorcing Octavia
[Dio 50, 1—2].

degenerasse eum a civili more.
olr«w ydp wou abriv éde5ovAwro wore xal
yupvactapyjoa: Tots "ANetavdpeior Tei-
gat, Baowls re abrh kal déorowva vn’
ékelvov xaheioOa, orparwras re Pupalovs
€év TQ Sopypopx@ exew xal 7d Óvopa
aüTrís Távras o$üs rais dowlow ém-
ypdpev. És re rij» dyopay per’ avrod
écepolra, kal ras Tovwyópes ol avw-
dcerlBer, ras dé Olxas cvvefíraje, xal
cuummeds kal év rais wóAeow, 7) xal
ékelyy pev & Sippy ruil éjépero, ó de
"Avrówtos abrorodl airy uerà Tov eüvob-
xwv» 7KoXoó8c.. Kal TÓ Te oTpariyoy
Baci\evoy webpage, kal dxwdxnvy tory
bre mapetüvpvro, éa0jrl re Ew Tv
mwarplwe éxpiro, kal éwl xrlvns éwexpi-
cov Sidpov re dpolov kal év Tr kowg
duis Dio 50, 5; Horace, Epode 9,
II—I

Romanus, cheu,—posteri negabitis—

emancipatus feminae,
fert Mut et arma miles et spadoni-

servire rugosis potest,
interque signa turpe militaria
sol adspicit conoptum.

So Plutarch [44z/. 36] ró aloxpov qv
Trav KAeomrárpas riuay ádriapórarov. It
was also believed that Cleopatra aimed
at transferring the Empire to Alex-
andria. T» re Bacdelay ri» rev Al^yv-
wTlwv bx’ Epwros ékríjcaro kal rj» TOY
‘Pwpalwy AfpperOar 8v atrod édrloaca
[Dio 51, 15]. Cp. Hor. Od. 1, 37, 5 dum

Capitolto | regina dementes ruinas | funus
et imperio parabat. Livy Ep. 132.
testamentum. Caesar got his in-
formation as to Antony's will from M.
Titius (the murderer of Sext. Pompeius)
and L. Munatius Plancus, who in B.c.
32 deserted Antony and came to Rome.
They had witnessed it and told Caesar
of its contents and where it was to be
found. He did not hesitate to possess
himself of it and make its contents
known: roaira ydp vov év avrais áve-
yéypaxro dere pnd’ alrlay Trwà Tap
aurav xalrep wapayoudraroy mpü-yua
rojoas sxeiv [Dio 5o, 3].
de Cleopatra liberis. The children
of Antony by Cleopatra were Cleopatra,
Alexander and Ptolemaeus. : The
daughter was married to Iuba II. king
of Numidia, and afterwards of Maure-
tania. They were all three brought up
by the magnanimous Octavia, but of the
subsequent fate of the two sons nothing
seems to be known [Plut. 4457. 87; Dio
51, I5]. In the lifetime of Antonius
Ptolemy had been invested with the
kingdom of Syria, Cleopatra with that
of Cyrene, and Alexander with that of
Armenia [Dio 49, 41]. But these
arrangements of course fell to the
round with his defeat and death. In
is will he had (1) declared Caesarion
to be a real son of Iulius, (2) had left
enormous legacies to his own children
by Cleopatra, (3) ordered his own body
to be buried with that of Cleopatra in

. Alexandria. The effect of the pub-

lication of the will is described by Dio
[50, 3] thus: &’ ob» ravra dyavaxrh-
gayres éwlorevoay Sri kal rdd\\a 74
OpvrAovpeva ddnOH ely, Tor’ éorw srt,
ay kparhoy, riv re wédy copay TH KXeo-
wdtTpa xapieira: kal rà xpáros és Thy
AlvyvrrTor» perabjce:.

remisit...hostiiudicato. According
to Dio [50, 3], Antony was not declared
a hostis in B.C. 32. War was declared
against Cleopatra, but though it was
well understood to be against him,
Antony's name was not mentioned.
App. &. ctv. 4, 39 however says that
Messala was elected consul in his place
for B.C. 31 Gre ab0is éymól(ero elyat
TOAÉJA40S.

C. Bosius et Cn. Domitius (Aheno-
barbus) were the consuls for B.C. 32.
They left Rome after the debates in the
Senate at the beginning of January, and

38 SUETONI

[17

inter alios C. Sosium et Cn. Domitium tunc adhuc consules.
Bononiensibus quoque publice, quod in Antoniorum clientela
antiquitus erant, gratiam fecit coniurandi cum tota Italia pro

partibus suis.

Actium, 2
September pernoctaverit.
B.C. 31.

Caesar gave out that they had gone with
his free consent, and that others might
go if they pleased, Dio 50, 2 paduy de
tovro 6 Katoap éxuw re atrovs éxrerop-
d$éva. Epacxer, Wa Bh kal ws dówov re
éykaraNeAeupüat Uv aürow Ookj, xal ért-
Tpéwew kal rois áXXois rots éÜéXovot Tpós
Tov "Avrimoy per’ dóelas dwapat.

C. Sosius was praetor in B.C. 49
[Cic. ad Att. 8, 6], and had been legatus
to Antony and governor of Cilicia and
Syria, where he had done good service,
having taken Jerusalem and restored
Herod B.c. 37 [Plut. Amt. 34; Ioseph.
Ant. 14, 16; B. Jud. 1, 18]. For this
he celebrated a triumph in B.C. 34 and
is called proconsul in the Faséz, ...C.
Sosius pro cos. ex Judaea an. DCCXIX.
II. Monas Septembr.; and is hence
termed /riumphAalis in the epitaph of a
great-grandson [see Wilmanns 1134],
L*NoNiUS* QuiNTILIANUS* L* F *
SEX * N * Ce SOSI* COS* TRIUMPHAL *
PRO * NEP * AUGUR * SALIUS * PALAT «
VIX * ANN * XXIII. After Actium he
was left unmolested by Caesar [Dio
51, 2].

Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus was the
son of L. Domitius, killed at Pharsalus,
by Porcia, sister of Cato Uticensis. He
had been in the proscription list of 43
—2, but held out against the triumvirs
till B.C. 40, having the command of 5o
ships in the Ionian sea, with which he
molested Antony when crossing to Greece
in B.C. 42, and won a victory over his
lieutenant Domitius Calvinus about the
same time as the first battle at Philippi
[App. Z. civ. 4, 115). In B.C. 40,
however, he was reconciled to Antony
by the influence of Asinius Pollio [Vell.
Pat. 2, 76], and was accordingly in-
cluded in the pacification with Caesar
at Brundisium in B.c. 37 [App. §, 65],
and served under Antony against the
Parthians [Plut. Ant. 40]. As to his
having been one of the assassins of
Iulius, see Append. B. The Mss.
have T. Domitium ; but the praenomen
Gnaeus is attested by the Fasts and

Nec multo post navali proelio apud Actium
vicit, in serum dimicatione protracta, ut in nave victor ;
Ab Actio cum Samum in hiberna se
recepisset, turbatus nuntiis de seditione praemia et

by Cic. 2 Pel. § 27 and all other
writers.

publice, ‘as a community,’ as opposed
to individuals, cp. 732. 6.

in Antoniorum clientela. So in 775.6
we hear of the Lacedaemonians being
in tutela Claudiorum. In Cic. 2 Phil.
107 the people of Puteoli are said to
have selected Cassius and the two Bruti
as their patrons. The Patronus repre-
sented the interests of the munzcepium
or provincial town at Rome, and often
was a material benefactor besides, see
the case of Labienus at Cingulum, guod
oppidum constituerat suaque pecunia ex-
aedificaverat [Caes. B. ctv. 1, 15].

gratiam.. Suis, ‘excused them from
joining in the general agreement of all
Italy on his side.’ pro partibus, cp.
c. I2. For the (unusual) sense of gratia
with gen.‘ dispensation from,' cp. 775. 35.
eg. Romano turis iurandi gratiam fecit.

in serum...pernoctaverit. The re-
sistance of the Antonian fleet did not
cease with the flight of Cleopatra or
Antony at Actium (2 September, B.C.
31. Many of the captains would not
or could not follow their leaders, and
the struggle continued till late in the
afternoon [ó aróXos...nós pas Sexdrns
dvreire, Plut. 41244. 68. Zitws etiam detrac-
to capite in longum fortissime pugnandt
duravit constantia, Vel. 2, 85. ab hora
quinta usque in horam septimam incerta
vincendi spe gravissimae utrimque caedes
actae; reliquum diei cum subsequente
nocte in victoriam. Caesaris declinavit,
Oros. 6, 19]. Augustus is said finally
to have conquered by using fire to burn
the hostile vessels, which he avoided as
long as possible, because he wished to
secure them [Dio 50, 34]. He asserted
in his memoirs that 300 ships fell into
his hands [Plut. 7. ¢.]. For serum by
itself for a ‘late hour of the day,’ cp.
Nero a2 spectaculum...in serum protra-
hebatur, Otho 11 i serum iss ed patente
cubiculo. In Livy [7, 8; 33, 48] it
generally has a defining genitive, such
as diei or noctis.

17.] DIVUS AUGUSTUS. 39

missionem poscentium; quos ex omni numero confecta victoria
Brundisium praemiserat, repetita Italia, tempestate in traiectu
bis conflictatus (primo inter promuntoria Peloponnesi atque
Aetoliae, rursus circa montes Ceraunios, utrubique parte
sliburnicarum demersa, simul eius, in qua vehebatur, fusis
armamentis et gubernaculo diffracto) nec amplius quam septem
et viginti dies, donec desideria militum ordinarentur, Brundisii
commoratus, Asiae Syriaeque circuitu Aegyptum petit "ob-

sessaque Alexandrea, quo Antonius cum Cleopatra
:o Confugerat, brevi potitus est.

Taking of

Et Antonium quidem, Alex

andria,

seras conditiones pacis temptantem, ad mortem September
adegit viditque mortuum. Cleopatrae, quam ser- PC 3°,

cum Samum...poscentium. Augustus
spent the winter of B.C. 31—30 in Greece
and Asia. When recalled to Italy by
the disturbances here mentioned, he
went no farther than Brundisium, where
he remained 30 days, being visited by
nearly all the magistrates, Senators, and
chief equites. Dio 51, 4. The visit was
after the 1st of January B.C. 30, for it was
in his 4th consulship with M. Crassus.
Dio 51, 4; Oros. 6, 19, 14. The effect
9f his presence on the insubordinate
soldiers is referred to by Germanicus
(Tac. Ann. 1, 42] divus Augustus vultu
et aspectu Actiacas legiones exterruit.

Ceraunios. The dangerous nature of
the headland was well known,—zn/amis
scopulos, Acroceraunia [Hor. Od. 1, 3,
19].

^ burnicarum. The name /zournica

was applied to a vessel of less draught
than the great warships of the Romans,
and it was apparently of such ships that
the fleet of Caesar at Actium had chiefly
consisted. The name of course came
from the pirate vessels of the Illyrian
Liburni, which were constructed for the
shallow waters of the Illyrian coast, and
is applied to vessels of various sizes,
from a ship of war to a yacht. See
Calig. 37 fabricavit et deceris Liburnicas
gemmatis puppibus. Nero 34; and in the
fr. about Pliny's death, he is said to
have perished cum. _ flagrante Vesubto
ad explorandas propius causas liburnica
pretendisset. Cp. Hor. Epode 1, 1 Ps
Liburnis inter alta navium...pr
cula. AtBupvol yévos 'INAvpiy, of a
"Idéntov kal ras vioous éX\porevoy vavoiy
wkeiass T€ kal Kxovdas, 00e» Ere viv
‘Pwpain rà xodpa kal óféa Sixpora Ac-

Bupvidas rpocayopevovow, Veget. 4, 33-

desideria militum. Cp. Tac. dn.
I, 19 ton per seditionem. et turbas. de-
sideria militum ad Caesarem ferenda.
Asiae Syriaeque circuitu, ‘by a cir-
cuitous route through Asia and Syria,’
like the ordbis iter of Ovid. Cp. Seneca
Lp. 79, 1 circumitus Siciliae totius.
brevi potitus est. Suetonius has given
a very compressed account. Caesar did
not enter Alexandria till the first of
August, B.C. 30 [C. Z7. L. 1, pp. 324
328]. Antony had in the previous
autumn made a vain attempt to gain
over the troops in Africa, and on his
return to Alexandria had opened nego-
ciations with Augustus, offering to live
asa privatus at Athens [Dio 51, 5—7;
Plut. dnt. 73] In the spring ot B.c.
30 Cornelius Gallus, taking over the
command of the troops in Africa, ad-
vanced to Paraetonium, where he secured
the remainder of Antony's fleet. Mean-
while Caesar, with the secret connivance
of Cleopatra, landed at Pelusium and
advanced towards Alexandria, decisively
defeating Antony, who had hurriedly re-
turned from Paraetonium. The Egyptian
fleet, again it is said on the secret order
of Cleopatra, deserted, thus preventing
Antony's scheme of escape to Asia; and
thereupon— being told also that Cleo-
patra had shut herself up in the pynpeior
and was dead—he stabbed himself and
ordered his attendants to carry him to
the pynpetov, where he died in the’
queen's arms [Dio 51, 10; Plut. Azz.
77-8]. The ad mortem adegit is
only therefore indirectly true.
viditque mortuum. According to
Dio [51, 11] the body of Antony was
embalmed under the direction of Cleo-
patra. Cp. Plutarch Ant. 83 é0ásrero

SUETONI

[17—

vatam triumpho magnopere cupiebat, etiam psyllos admovit,
qui venenum ac virus exugerent, quod perisse morsu aspidis

putabatur.

Ambobus communem sepulturae honorem tribuit
ac tumulum ab ipsis incohatum perfici iussit.

Antonium

iuvenem, maiorem de duobus Fulvii genitis, simulacro Divi

rais éxelyns xepol woXvreAds xal Baci-
Auws Tüsiw ws éfo/Xero xpíijg0at da-
Botons. The looking on the dead body
of any enemy, though it might be ne-
cessary in order to be satisfied of his
death, was regarded as an aggravation
of cruelty. So Pompey would not look
at the dead body of Mithridates [Plut.
Pomp. 42); nor Caesar at the head of
Pompey [App. P. czv. 2, go}.

servatam triumpho. Dio 51, 11 Ka-
cap 0e éweÜ/pe. uev. kai TG» Üncavpar
évykpar7)s "yevéa0a« kal éxelyny fwoay T€
cvAAafeiy kal és rà vixnThpa dwayayely.
Plut. Ant. 87 xal yap époBeiro mepl rov
Xenparwy kal ué^ya wpds 66tar Tryeiro Tod
OpápuBov Kxarayaye éxelyny. Horace
[Od. 1, 37; 31] no doubt is expressing this
disappointment as to the przvata deduct
superbo | non humilis mulier triumpho.
Yet Caesar's motive perhaps was not
the desire of merely gracing his triumph.
It was important for him to give a
striking proof that he had been fighting
against an Egyptian queen, rather than
a Roman imperator.

psyllos admovit. [Cp. Dio, 51, 14
who regards it as the name of a craft
not a people yw?) yap od ylyvera
yw Aa.}] The mysterious Psylli were
said by Herodotus to have perished by
a sandstorm in their contest with the
South Wind, and to have been suc-
ceeded by the Nasamonians [Her. 4,
173] Some remnants of them how-
ever were believed to remain in the
district between the two Syrtes [Pliny,
AN. H. 5, 27], who were said to possess
the art of curing the bites of snakes (17.
7, 13—14], and to be themselves im-
pervious to the poison [ia 21, 78;
Strabo, 17, 1, 44]. The smell of their
bodies was even said to scare snakes
away [Pliny 8, 93; 25, 123]. The snake-
charmers of Barbary still profess the
same powers; and,the Psylli, or men
calling themselves by that name, were
known in Italy (though believed to lose
their power there), and were to be met
with in Egypt [27. 11, 89]. For the
sucking out of the poison see Plutarch,
Cato min. 57 VvuXXovs...ol rá re Üypara
Tay Onplwy lwvrar rois orduace ÉNkorres

rov lév, avrd re rà Onpla xarewgdovres
dpBrUvovet xal knrovor. Pausan. 9, 28,
1, of the people near M. Helicon, where
the snakes are comparatively innocuous,
Wore dsahev-youct Td ToXÀÀ ol ÓmxOévres
qv ávópl AlBut yévous trav vuv xal
&AXws poa ópous emiTuXwot rois $apuá-
Kots.

quod perisse morsu aspidis puta-
batur. Suetonius puts this doubtfully, as
do most other authorities. 7d dé dAnéés
obdels oldev Plut. Ant. 86. ró pev cages
ovdels older à tpbrw SiepOdpyn Dio 51,
14. Livy £2. 133 only says voluntaria
morte defuncta. Velleius (2, 87) ex-
presses no doubt, Cleopatra frustratss
custodibus inlata aspide morsu sane eius
expers muliebris metus spiritum reddidit.
Horace (Od. 1, 37, 27) seems to have
accepted the same story, fortis et asperas |
tractare serpentes, ut atrum | corpore com-
biberet venenum.

communem sepulturae honorem.
Plut. Ant. 86 Kaicap...radfj»a. Tó a dua
avr ' Avyruviy Aaurpws kal Bacidixws éké-
Aevce. But the burial of Antony had
apparently been the work of Cleopatra
herself. Dio 51, 11; Zonar. 1o, 3; Plut.
Ant. 82.

Antonium iuvenem...Caesarionem.
The fate of Caesarion was no doubt
due to the claim openly made for him
by Antony that he was the offspring of
a lawful union between Iulius and
Cleopatra. Such an assertion was of
course offensive to Augustus, and might
have been used by his enemies to
weaken his position as his uncle's heir.
It appears that the paternity of Caesa-
rion had been denied by Iulius himself,
and that one of his friends, Gaius
Oppius, published a pamphlet to dis-

roveit. Antony asserted in the Senate,

owever, that Caesar had acknowledged
the boy; and Cicero [ad 44. 14, 30]
speaks of him as zZ/e Caesar. Plutarch
[Caes. 49) says that the name arose
from the common talk of the Alex-
andrians, and Suet. [7u/. 52] says that
Caesar allowed Cleopatra to call the
boy by the name as a favour. As Cleo-
patra had only a nominal husband in a
child-brother, the suspicion was natural,

18.]

DIVUS AUGUSTUS.

Iuli, ad quod post multas et irritas preces confugerat, abreptum

interemit.

Item Caesarionem, quem ex Caesare Cleopatra

concepisse praedicabat, retractum e fuga supplicio adfecit.
Reliquos Antonii reginaeque communes liberos non secus ac
necessitudine iunctos sibi et conservavit et mox pro conditione
cuiusque sustinuit ac fovit, Per idem tempus conditorium et 18
corpus Magni Alexandri, cum prolatum e penetrali subiecisset

and the fact may be considered as fairly
established. At any rate Antony's will,
read in Rome in 32, contained the as-
sertion [Dio 50, 3]; and as he had been
already declared ‘king of kings’ and
heir of Egypt and Cyprus [Dio 49, 4]
there could have been little doubt
that he was to be got rid of. He at-
tempted to fly to Aethiopia, but was
betrayed by his paedagogue [Dio 49, 5;
rat Ant. 81]. He was about 17 years
old.

The young Antony, whom Dio and
Plutarch call “AvyrvAdos [Dio 49, 5;
Plut. 4»£. 81], must have been much
younger, for Antony was not married to
Fulvia till B.C. 45 or 44, see Cic. 2 Phil.
$8 77, 99 [from which the divorce of
Antonia would seem to have been B.c.
45]; but after Actium Antony had
given him the foga viridis, in order that
he might have authority to represent
him at Alexandria, and had sent him
with offers of submission to Augustus
[Dio 51, 5 and 8]. He was therefore
in a somewhat different position to that
of the other children, and like Caesarion
was betrayed by his paedagogue Theo-
dorus [Plut. Z c.].

simulacro Divi Iuli. The worship
of the ‘Divine Iulius! had apparently
been early introduced in Alexandria,
where it was only a natural sequence to
the deification of the Ptolemies. There
were various busts and statues of Iulius
in the Palace, and no doubt in other
places. See Dio 51, 12,—Cleopatra re-
ceives Augustus moAAds elkóvas ToU
varpós aro) kal wavyrodards TapaDe-
pévn. How this deification was con-
tinued in Egypt, see C. 7. G. 4923. In
the great temple at Philae was dis-
covered an epigram in praise of Augustus
(of about B.c. 12) beginning
Kaicap wavropédovr: kal dmelpwv xpa-

réovrt
Za»l, TQ ex Gavds warpds, "EXevOeplq.

For the use of the statues of kings
and emperors as an asylum for fugitives,
see 735. 53 novissime calumniatus modo

ad statuam Augusti modo ad exercitus
confugere velle, Pandatariam relegavit.
Ulpian, Dig. 21, 1, 178 12 Ego puto non
esse eum fugittuum, qui id facit, quod
publice facere licere arbitratur, ne eum
quidem qui ad statuam | Caesaris fugi-
tivum arbitror. This too seems to have
come from Egypt, see Livy 23, 10,
where the Cam panian Magius escaping
from Hannibal’s ship, which had been
blown ashore at Cyrene, 26f cum ad
statuam Ptolemaei regis confugisset de-
portatus a custodibus Alexandriam...
vinculis liberatur.

18. conditorium et corpus Magni
Alexandri, ‘the coffin and body of Alex-
ander the Great.’ On his death-bed Alex-
ander desired that his body should be
taken to the temple of Ammon [Lustin.
12, 15, 7]. How this command was
carried out is told by Diodorus [18,
26—28]. A splendid funeral car was
constructed by Arridaeus [or Arribacus,
see Hicks G. Z7. p. 235] and in Syria
was met by Ptolemy son of Lagus, who
instead of taking it to the temple of
Ammon conducted it to Alexandria,
where xareoxevace Tréucvos xarà 7d pé-
ya0os kal xarà Thy Karacxevhy Tis
"AXe£árópov Sbéns üftov, év Q xydetoas
abrov kal Ovolats Tpewais kal dyaot
peyadomrpérect Tuufoas o0 wap’ dvOpwrwy
pévov GAA Kal wapa Gedy adds duorBas
&\aBev. Pausanias however says [1, 6, 3;
1; 7, 1]that Ptolemy I. buried Alexander
at Memphis, and that Ptolemy II. trans-
ferred the body to Alexandria. Strabo
[17, 1, 7] gives a somewhat different ac-
count. According to him the body was
brought by Perdiccas from Babylon on
his Egyptian expedition in 321, and
taken from him by Ptolemy, —7à & capa
ToU 'AXetárópov xopMas 6 IlroXeuaios
éxhdevoey ép rH AXetavüpeig, Ümov viv
Er. xetraz. At any rate the worship of
Alexander was joined with that of the
Ptolemies, as is shown in the priestly
decrees, C. J, G. 4697 (Rosetta stone),
4876: and his body was preserved in
the tomb of the Ptolemies,...uépos 0é

42 SUETONI [18

oculis, corona aurea imposita ac floribus aspersis veneratus est,
consultusque, num et Ptolemaeum inspicere vellet, regem se
voluisse ait videre, non mortuos. Aegyptum in provinciae
formam redactam ut feraciorem habilioremque annonae urbicae

TU» Bagitclwy écrl kal 7d Kadovpevor
Zia [al. Donal, 0 weplBoros jr, & Q
al rà» Baorhéwy rada kal 1) ' ANetárópov
[Strabo /.c.]. Augustus was able to see
it because the gold coffin made by Arrhi-
baeus had been removed by Ptolemy
Nothus (about B.C. r18) and a glass
one substituted [Strabo Z c.]. The arms
laid upon the coffin were also now or
afterwards taken away, for Caligula
possessed his ¢horax [Suet. Ca/. 53].
The Ptolemacum with the coffin of
Alexander has long disappeared, though
in the sth century Achilles Tatius in
the romance of ZLeucippe and Cleitophon
[5 8 3] in describing Alexandria men-
tions coming els row éwwvupov ‘Areé-
ávópov rérov. According to Dio [51,
16) Augustus not only saw the body
but touched it and broke off a piece of
the nose.

Ptolemaeum, sc. ‘tomb of the Ptole-
mies.’ The form of the word is sup-
ported by Diodor. 20, 100, who calls
the Stoa at Rhodes a IIro\epaiov; and
Cicero de Fin. 5, 1, 1 i» gymnasio quod
Ptolemaeum vocatur. But Stephanos
Byz. s.v. KamiróMor has IIroAeuaetor,
and Propert. 2, 1, 30 has the adjective

Ptolemaceus.

Aegyptum in provinciae formam re-
dactam. Egypt was made a province,
but with several remarkable peculiarities
as to its administration. It was from
the first wholly in the hands of the em-

eror, who received both the revenues
rom the royal domains of the Ptolemies
and the taxes from the country as his
private property. Though the distinc-
tion between Senatorial and Imperial
provinces was not yet made, Caesar
boldly initiated a new departure. It
was governed not by a fro-comsul or
legatus, but by a pracfectus, nominated
by the emperor and subject to recall at
pleasure [infr. c. 66; Mer. 47; Dort.
4; Tac. Hist. 2, 74; C. 4. G. 4923;
Plin. AV. AZ. 6, 181; 19, 3 and 11; 36,
69) The emperor had besides a 2»o-
curator, generally one of his freed-
men [JAVer. 35), and now or later an-
other officer, also nominated by the
emperor, zz7idicus Aegypti [C. 7. L. 10,
2, 1250; Wilmanns, 1250), to preside
over the courts at Alexandria,

The province differed from others
also in not consisting of a number of
states existing side by side with local
autonomy. It was divided into three
great districts or évurparyylau, each
district into nomes (rouol), each nome
into a certain number of hamlets («w-
pat) which were presided over by a
regular gradation of officials, who ad-
ministered their separate offices, but
were all answerable to the Praefectus
at Alexandria. This organization had
existed under the Ptolemies, but at any
rate under the later kings had become
corrupt and inefficient. Caesar there-
fore followed the lines of the old con-
stitution, only infusing reality and
efficiency into it. The Praefectus per-
formed the ceremonial functions of the
kings [Plin. V. H. 5, 57; Sen. MW. Q.
4. 2, 8], and during the reign of Augustus
had three legions, afterwards reduced to
two. But the population of Alexandria
was so seditious [rocaóryw Tov vewrepo-
Toda» atray xaréyvw, Dio] that they
were not permitted to have an elected
Senate, or to share in the advantages
of the /ex Saenia (B.C. 30) which allowed
provincials under certain circumstances
to obtain the czvifas and serve offices
admitting to the Roman Senate. But
perhaps the regulation which confined
the pracfectura to equites (forbidding
Senators and even s/lustres equites enter-
ing Egypt,—see Tac. Anz. 2, 59; H.1,
I1; 3, 8, 11; Suet. 726. 52; Arrian 3,
5, 10; Dio 51, 17 ovdert Bovdeury oóx
Üvws éyxeploa abriy éróNugaey adr’
od éverinuety abr] dtovolay Edwxev—
was in part a concession to the feelings
of the Alexandrians ; for though Roman
soldiers had been there since the time
of Gabinius (B.C. 55), the mob were
easily enraged at the sight of the fasces,
which seemed an open declaration of
their slavery [Caesar &. civ. 3, 106].
Though thus made a kind of appanage
of the emperor, Augustus always affected
to regard Egypt as subject like the
other provinces to the Roman people.
M. A. 27 Aegyptum imperio Populi Ro-
mani adtect. And on the obelisks placed
in B.C. 1o in the Campus and Circus
was engraved [C. /. Z. 6, jor]: IMP*
CAESAR * DIVI * F * AUGUSTUS * PON-

18.]

DIVUS AUGUSTUS. 43

redderet, fossas omnis, in quas Nilus exaestuat, oblimatas

longa vetustate militari opere detersit.
victoriae memoria celebratior et in posterum esset,
urbem Nicopolim apud Actium condidit ludosque

Quoque Actiacae

Nicopolis.

illic quinquennales constituit et ampliato vetere Apollinis
templo locum castrorum, quibus fuerat usus, exornatum na-
valibus spoliis Neptuno ac Marti consecravit.

TIFEX * MAXIMUS * IMP * XII * COS e
XI * TRIB * POT * XIV * AEGYPTO * IN*
POTESTATEM * POPULI * ROMANI * RED»
ACTA * SOLI * DONUM * DEDIT. The
principal passages on this subject are
Strabo 17; Dio 51, 16—17. See the
authorities quoted by Marquardt vol. 9
[with the additional authorities given
by the French translators, Organisation
de l'Empire 2, Aegyptus).

feraciorem habilioremque annonae.
Tac. 7. 1, t1 speaks of Egypt as a
provinciam aditu difficilem annonae fe-
cundam. Pliny, Panegyr. 31, 2 fercre-
Óuerat antiquitus urbem. nostram nist
opibus Aegypti alt sustentarique non
posse. Aurel. Vict. 1, 6 sius Augusti
tempore ex Aegvbto annua ducentiens
centena. millia frumenti inferebantur.
Strabo [17, 1, 13] tells us of the enor-
mous increase in the commerce and im-
portance of Alexandria under the sway
of Augustus, though the corn trade of
Egypt had long been familiar to the
Greeks in the sth century; see Bacchy-
lides apud Athen. 2, 39 f. rupopédpor dé
xar. aly\hevra vijes dyoucw dw Abyómrov
péywrroy whotrov. —

exaestuat, rare and post-classical in
this sense: Iust. 1, 2, 7 quae materia
(dstumen) e terra exaestuat.

fossas oblimatas, ‘choked with mud.’
Cp. Cic. N. D. 28130 Aegyptum Nilus
irrigat et cum tota aestate obrutam op-
pletamque tenuit, tum recedit mollitosque
et oblimatos ad serendum agros relinquit.
By the fossae, Suetonius does not seem
to mean the great canals, such as that
to the Red Sea mentioned by Herodotus
[2, 158; 4, 39]; but the smaller ditches
made to carry off the flood waters,
which Strabo [17, 1, 10) says it was the
special duty of good princes of Egypt
to see were kept clear, —7 6¢ Bojdaa
aÜry: Ti» pé» wodAhy wapéxxvow éu-
ppates kwrtew, ri» 06 wMjpocw ny j
XoUs épyd(era« robvayriov dvaxaÜ0dpcet
TO» Swwptywy kal étavolte. To» cTouá-
TOV.

militari opere, 'by employing soldiers

in the work.’ For soldiers employed in
such fatigue duty see Suet. Claud. 1;
Tac. Ann. 11, 21.

Nicopolim apud Actium. Nicopolis
on the promontory at the entrance of
the Ambracian gulf, opposite to that
of Actium, was built on the site of
Caesar's camp, 3 miles N. of the modern
Prévesa. Dio 50, t2 xaréaBe rà xwplov
ToUTo & @ viv n Nixdwokts ort. $d. 51, 1
rédkw Twà év rQ rod orparowésou Tory
...Gurqkure, Nixdrodtw adrG bvoua Sous.
Inhabitants were found for it by re-
moving the people from Aetolia [Paus.
7, 18, 8; 10, 38, 4], Ambracia and
Anactorium [:7. 5, 23, 3], and Cassopeia
[Strabo 7, 7, 6], and the remaining
townships of Acarnania were made
hamlets of it [Strab. 10, 2, 2].

apud Actium, ‘in the neighbourhood
of Actium.’

ludos quinquennales. Dio 51, 1 dyw-
vá Té ria kal povorxdy kal -yupsKdy
lrwodpoulas re werrernpwr lepor...xar-
éóe£ey. Similar quinquennial games
were also established near Alexandria
at a place also called Nicopolis, where
he conquered Antony [Strabo 17, 1, 10;
C. I. G. 5804].

ampliato...consecravit. According
to Strabo [7, 7, 6] the naval trophy was
near the temple of Actian Apollo, on
the promontory of Actium (mod. /a
Punta), opposite to Nicopolis, olkoüc
TÀ uà» év Seta elowdéover rv ' EAMjvov
"Axaprürpes kal lepdy roi 'Akriov 'AsóA-
Awvos évra(0d, dore xrAnolov rod orduaros,
Aó$os ris, év d 6 weds, xal be’ abrQ
wediov ddcos Exov kal vewpra, év ols dvé-
Once Kaicap T)» Sexavatay axpoOlvor,
awd povoxporou péxpt dexhpous. But Dio
mentions a temple of Apollo open to
the sky in Nicopolis itself, or rather
on the hill above it, on the spot on
which Caesar’s tent had stood, also
adorned with beaks of ships, [51, 1] 7d
52 xwplov év g éoxhwwoe, Moss rerpa-
wédos expyrldwoe kal rots ddodow éufd-
Nos exdounoer, Éóos Te £v adry Tod
"Awod\Awvos Uwal0por lspvoduevos. No

44 SUETONI [19

19/4 Tumultus posthac et rerum novarum initia coniurationesque

Conspira-

complures, prius quam invalescerent indicio detectas,

cies during compressit alias alio tempore: Lepidi iuvenis, deinde
the reign. varronis Murenae et Fanni Caepionis, mox M.

other authority mentions the dedication
to Neptune and Mars. The dedication
to Neptune was perhaps an amende
honorable for the defiance mentioned in
c. 16. An epigram of Philip of Thessa-
lonika [Anthol. 6, 236], who lived in
the 1st century A.D., mentions the naval
trophy

"EufoAa xadxoyéveca, d«AomAoa revyea

vor,
"Axriaxod ToXépov keluea, paprima.

19. tumultus... coniurationesque.
Cicero in the EzgA/A Philippic discusses
the difference between a tumudlius and a
bellum [88 2—4), and concludes that a
tumultus cannot exist without a óe//ust,
though the converse may. /tague ma-
tores nostri tumultum Italicum, quod
erat domesticus, tumultum Gallicum,
quod erat finitimus, praeterea nullum
nominabant. However, the generally
accepted distinction was that a éumudltus
existed when men were in arms in Italy,
though there was no Aostis or foreign
enemy, and the citizens causing it had
not been declared /ostes. See Livy 2, 26
of a movement of the Sabines, Zwnidtus
fuit verius quam bellum. td. 7,9 tu-
multus Gallicus. td. 32, 26 servilis
tumultus.

The conspiracies and other disturb-
ances alluded to are

(r) Lepidi iuvenis. ^M. Aemilius
Lepidus, son of the triumvir, had suffi-
cient motives for conspiracy against
Augustus, His father's disgrace and
enforced retirement since B.C. 36 may
well have rankled in his mind, and his
mother /uzza, sister of M. Brutus, could
have no love for Caesar. But of the
particulars of the plot we have no in-
formation. According to Appian [Z.
civ. 4, 50] he was prosecuted by Mae-
cenas and sent by the consul Balbinus
to Augustus at Actium, and there
executed by his order. But no consul
of that name is recorded in the Fasti,
and if he is identified, as has been done
by some, with L. Saenius, consul from
Nov. 1, B.C. 30, then the despatch of
the prisoner to Augustus at Actium
cannot be true. Livy [e?. 133] seems
to put it after the triumph of B.C. 29.
Velleius [2, 88] says it took place dum
ultimam bello Actiaco Alexandrinogue

Caesar imponit manum, and describes
Lepidus as invents forma quam mente
melior. The plot was said to be to
assassinate Augustus on his return from
Egypt. See also Dio 54, 15; Seneca
de Clem. 1, 9,6; Dialog. 10, 4, 5.

(2) Varronis Murenae et Fanni
Caepionis. Of this conspiracy again
we hardly know anything. A. Licinius
Murena, called, after his adoption by
Terentius Varro, A. Terentius Varro
Murena [Wilmanns 1712], was the
brother of Terentia, the wife of Mae-
cenas, and of the Proculeius celebrated
by Horace [Qd. 2, 2, 6], who had
shared his property with him when re-
duced to poverty by some means during
the civil war. In B.c. 25 he had led a
successful expedition against the Salassi
and founded the town Augusta, mod.
Aosta [Dio 53, 25; Strabo 4, 6, 7]. He
was also a member of the College of
Augurs (Hor. Od. 3, 19, 11], perhaps
as a reward. His conspiracy with
Caepio, for which he was executed in
B.C. 22, seems probably connected with
the more autocratic form of the Empire
established in B.C. 23, in which he was
Consul Velleius Paterc. 2, 9r erast
tamen qui hunc felicissimum statum
odissent ; quippe L. Murena et Fannius
Caepio diversis moribus (nam Murena
sine hoc facinore potuit videri bonus,
Caepio et ante hoc erat pessimus) cum
inissent occidendi Caesaris. consilsa, op-
pressi. auctoritate publica, quod vi fa-
cere voluerunt iure passi sunt. Perhaps
Murena's complicity was much in the
way of rash talk, for he «al áxpár« xai
karakopet wappynole wpós wávras duolws
€xpnro, as to which Horace is supposed
to be giving him a gentle hint in the Ode
addressed to him [2, 10]. It was also
perhaps accentuated by physical causes,
for he was gióberosus, Suet. de Gramm.
9. One consequence of the affair was
a coolness between Augustus and Mae-
cenas, the latter being believed to have
communicated some secrets to his wife
Terentia in the matter of her brother.
See infr. c. 66; cp. Dio 54, 19. Of
Caepio we know nothing more than
what Velleius tells us. He was accused
by Tiberius, see Suet. 776. 8 Fannium
Cacpionem qui cum Varrone. Muraena

19. |

DIVUS AUGUSTUS.

Egnati, exin Plauti Rufi Lucique Pauli progeneri sui, ac
praeter has L. Audasi, falsarum tabularum rei ac neque
aetate neque corpore integri, item Asini Epicadi ex gente
Parthina ibridae, ad extremum Telephi, mulieris servi nomen-

culatoris. Nam ne ultimae

in Augustum conspiraverat reum maies-
tatis apud iudices fecit et condemnavit.

(3 M. Egnati. M. Egnatius Rufus
was Aedile in B.C. 20, and distinguished
his year of office by liberality to the
citizens who had suffered from the fires
so frequent in Rome, xal dd roüro rd
Tre dvaddpara rà rj dpxp avrod Tpoa!j-
korra, wapà Tol O')uov AaBwv xal orparn-
yds wapayépws adxcdeaxOels, &)pün re
vr’ a)rO» robrwy xal riv At-youcroyv
Üwepedpóvysev wore kal epoypdyar sre
&0paverov kal ddXdxAnpor TQ daddy Thy
wodw wapédwxer [Dio 53, 24]. Augustus
snubbed this boastful edict by remarking
that it was the duty of the Aedile rather
to prevent fires; and Velleius [2, 91—2]
says that he soon after the fall of Mu-
rena, having had the praetorship in
the year following his aedileship, and
being a candidate for the consulship in
the next year, with equal illegality, ad-
gregatis simillimis sibi interimere Caesa-
rem statuit, ut quo salvo salvus esse non
poterat, eo sublato moreretur. 'The consul
for B.C. 19, C. Sentius Saturninus, refused
to receive his name as a candidate, and
it was then that he entered into the plot.
Velleius [2, 93] says that the crime of
Egnatius was three years after that of
Murena, and that is the order of events
in Seneca de Clem. 9, 6. But Dio seems
to place it in B.c. 26.

(4) Plauti Rufl. This seems to be
the same person as the Publius Rufus
whom Dio [55, 27] mentions as being
accused of abetting disturbances and
seditious libels in A.D. 6. There had
been great distress in Rome from a
failure in the corn supply, intensified
by several disastrous fires, and the
popular discontent showed itself in many
ways...kal woNAd uév Kal $arepüs vewre-
powodg dedddouv, wrelw 08 03 Bi8Ma.
viktwp éferiÓecav. xal rair’ &Aéyero
hey ék wapacxevis ILovrMov rwos' Poídov
ylyverOa, Urwwretero 06 és ÁANovs * ó nv
yap "Polos ofr’ évOuunOfval re abrüv
otre wpü£at édivaro, Erepor d¢ rQ ékelvov
évouart karaXpujevor Kavoropety émt-
ereóovro. He is not known elsewhere,
but some coins bear the name of Plotius
Rufus as a triumvir of the mint.

quidem sortis hominum con-

(5) Luci Pauli progeneri sui, ‘ Lucius
Aemilius Paulus, the husband of his
granddaughter’; see c. 16. The hus-
band of the younger Iulia, daughter of
Agrippa and Caesar's daughter Iulia.
He was the son of the Paulus Aemilius
Lepidus, censor in R.C. 22, aud by his
wife Iulia had two children, M. Aemilius
Lepidus [Suet. Ca/. 24; Dio 59, t1],
and Aemilia, wife of the emperor
Claudius (Suet. Claud. 26]. He was
consul in A.D. r. What was the nature
of his treason and when it took place
we do not know. It may have been
connected with his wife's banishment for
adultery in A.D. 9.

(6) L. Audasi...Asini Epicadi...Te-
lephi. Nothing is known of these per-
sons. Iulia was in the island of Pan-
dateria off the coast of Campania from
B.C. 2 to A.D. 3[Tac. 4m. 1, 53], Agrippa
Postumus (son of Agrippa and the elder
Iulia) in the island of Planasia, mod.
Pianosa, near Elba from A.D. 7 [Tac.
An. 1, 3; Dio 55, 32]. A similar at-
tempt to carry off Agrippa Postumus to
the legions in Germany took place im-
mediately after Augustus' death, but he
had been already put to death by order
probably of Livia [Tac. 47. 2, 39—40].

falsarum ta ‘of forgery,’
coming under the /ex Cornelia de falsis.

gente Parthina, of the Illyrian Par-
thini, conquered by C. Asinius Pollio
in B.C. 39, of whom this man therefore
was evidently a freedman.

nomenculatoris, The functions of
the nomenclator in Republican times
had been generally connected with
the candidates for office, see Cic. de
petit. 28, 32; pro Muren. 77; ad Att.
4, 1; ad Q. Fr. 1, 2. In later times
his office was chiefly social, to prevent
the great from giving offence,—lIuv. 1.
98; Sen. Zp. 19 and 27; Benef. 6,
33 8 4; Pliny NW. Z. 298 tg. For the
form of the word cp. Mart. 10, 30, 23
nomenculator mugilem citat notum.
Suet. Cal. 41; Claud. 34.

ultimae sortis. Cp. Ca/. 35 nullus
denique tam abiectae condicionis tam
extremae sortis fuit, cuius etc. Suetonius
has omitted among the conspirators Cn.

46 SUETONI [19—

spiratione et periculo caruit. Audasius atque Epicadus Iuliam
filiam et Agrippam nepotem ex insulis, quibus continebantur,
rapere ad exercitus, Telephus quasi debita sibi fato domi-
natione et ipsum et senatum adgredi destinarant. Quin etiam
quondam iuxta cubiculum eius lixa quidam ex Illyrico
exercitu, ianitoribus deceptis, noctu deprehensus est cultro
venatorio cinctus, imposne mentis an simulata dementia, in-

certum ; nihil enim exprimi quaestione potuit.
Externa bella duo omnino per se gessit, Delmaticum
adulescens adhuc, et Antonio devicto Cantabricum.

Delmatico etiam vulnera excepit, una acie dextrum

campaigns genu lapide ictus, altera et crus et utrumque brachium

(1) Dal-
matian

Cornelius Cinna, the consul of A.D. 4,
in regard to whom Dio and Seneca (55,
I4—15; de Ben. 9] have reported a
curious conversation between Augustus
and Livia. Seneca asserts that having
pardoned Cinna and even given him
the consulship, Augustus' life was never
attempted again.

quasi, ‘who pretended that’; see
on c. 6.

ex Illyrico exercitu, the army em-
ployed in Illyricum in B.C. 35—34 ; see
next chapter.

20. Delmaticum. The Dalmatian
campaigns extended over parts of two
years, B.C. 35 and 34. But Augustus was
only personally engaged in the former
year. The expedition began with an
attack upon the Iapodes (Iapudes) who
were foederati, apparently on the pretext
of piracy and the non-payment of tribute.
Their capital Metulum (mod. Moin)
offered a stout resistance, but other
tribes seem to have been more easily
subdued. Augustus then extended his
campaign by an attack upon the Pan-
nonians, who had given no provocation,
in order to exercise his troops and
accustom them to live on plunder.
Their capital Siscia was taken and
Augustus returned victorious to Rome,
having accomplished his purposeof draw-
ing a contrast between his own activity
in extending and defending the Empire
and the inactivity or failure of Antony
in the East. The Pannonians revolted
next year but were again subdued by
the troops left behind under Fufius
Geminus [or Vibius, according to Florus
4, 12, 8}. See Dio 49, 35—36; Appian

ruina pontis consauciatus.

Reliqua per legatos ad-

Zilyr. 16 and 22; Strabo 4, 6, 10; 7,
5, 2. The Dalmatians had as a rule
sided with Brutus and Cassius and had
before this been subdued by Asinius
Pollio in B.C. 39.

Antonio devicto Cantabricum, ‘the
Cantabrian war which took place after
the final defeat of Antony.’ The Can-
fabri and Astures in Northern Spain
were nominally in the Roman province
of Hispania Tarraconensis; but they
were wild and savage highlanders and
their submission was merely nominal,—
Cantabrum indoctum iuga ferre nostra,
Hor. Od. 2, 6, 2. Their offence was
as usual the making raids on tribes
allied with Rome, and Augustus went
in person against them in B.C. 25; but
after some time had to retire to Tarraco
from ill-health, brought on by anxiety
and fatigue. The campaign was con-
tinued with somewhat greater success
by his legates Gaius Antistius and
Titus Carisius, so that at the end of the
year there was apparent peace and the
temple of Ianus was closed; but the
Cantabri soon broke out again and were
not subdued by Agrippa til n.c. 19 [Dio
53, 25—6; Strabo 3, 4, 3].

consauciatus, ‘badly wounded.’

per legatos. These were (1) in the
war against the Dacae and Bastarnae
(B.C. 30), Marcus Crassus; (2) against
the Salassi (B.C. 25), Terentius Varro
Murena; (3) against transalpine Gauls
in B.C. 25, M. Vicinius; (4) against the
Cantabri in B.C. 22, Gaius Fannius, and
in B.C. 20—19, M. Vipsanius Agrippa;
(5) the invasion of Arabia (B.C. 24),
Aelius Gallus; (6) against Queen Can-

ma
o

d
/

uu gy? ee

pons

21.]

DIVUS AUGUSTUS.

ministravit, ut tamen quibusdam Pannonicis atque ®-C. 35,

) Can-

Germanicis aut interveniret aut non longe abesset, isEan
Ravennam vel Mediolanium vel Aquileiam usque P€ ?5-
ab urbe progrediens. Domuit autem partim ductu partim 21
s auspiciis suis Cantabriam, Aquitaniam, Pannoniam,

Delmatiam cum Illyrico omni, item Raetiam et ji,

Vindelicos ac Salassos, gentes Inalpinas.

(3) Aqui-

Coercuit (4 pus

e. e . . non ,
et Dacorum incursiones, tribus eorum ducibus cum (s) Dal-

dace of Aethiopia in B.C. 22, Geius
Petronius; (7) against Alpine tribes
and Pannonians in B.C. 17—15, P. Silius;
against the Bessi, Marcellus Lollius;
against the Sarmatians, L. Gaius ; against
the German tribes on the Rhine, M. Lol-
Mus; (8) in B.C. 15—13 Augustus' step-
sons Tiberius and Drusus against the
Rhaeti; in R.C. 12 Tiberius subdued
the Pannonians, Drusus the Sicambri,
Frisii and Chauci; and in B.C. rr—10
Drusus continued his invasion of Ger-
many, Tiberius his campaign in Dal-
matia and Pannonia (B.C. 11); and
Lucius Piso chastised the Bessi. In
B.C. 8 Tiberius was again engaged in
Germany. (9) A.D. 2—3, Caius Caesar
was engaged in the East as legatus of
Syria. (ro) P. Quintilius Varus was
defeated at the Saltus Teutoburgiensis
A.D. 10.

non longe abesset. In B.C. 20 the
news of the inroads of the German
Usipetes and Teucteri (on the Rhine
about Bonn) and the defeat of Lollius
so alarmed Augustus that he set out for
Gaul He did not however actually
take part in the campaign, but he re-
mained absent from Rome nearly three
years, staying either in Gaul or at some
place easily accessible from it [Dio 54,
20). It is this absence which is referred
to by Horace Odes 4, 5 abes 1am nimt-
um diu.

21. partim ductu partim auspiciis
suis. The distinction is between those
expeditions which Augustus command-
ed in person and those which, though
commanded by others, were under his
auspicia as head of the army, to whom
it pertains to take the auspices before it
started. Thus in the M. A. c. 26 of
the armies sent to Aethiopia and Arabia
he says meo tussu et &uspiclo ducti sunt
duo exercitus ; and in c. 30 of the army
of the Daci,—meis auspiciis profligatus
est. And in c. 4 he draws the same
distinction oó res a me aut per legatos

7He05 auspictis meis terra marique pros-
pere gestis etc.

Cantabriam...Inalpinas. See note
to previous chapter for the dates of these
wars.

Aquitania. The Aquitani (the people

in the valley of the Garonne and the
Landes,—including roughly the depart-
ments of the Hautes and Basses Pyré-
nées) had been it appears defeated by
Agrippa in B.C. 38 [App. Z. civ. 5, 923
Dio 48, 49], before he was recalled to
assist his master against Sext. Pompeius,
but were not finally subdued until B.c. 28
when M. Valerius Messala Corvinus was
granted a triumph for his victory over
them when governor of Aquitania.
Fast. Capit. vit K. Oct. Tibull 1, 7, 3
hunc fore Aquitanas posset qui fundere
gentes, quem tremeret forti milite victus
Atur. Cp. td. 2, 5, 115 sq.
Salassos. The Salassi inhabiting the
Val d' Aosta had been first defeated in
B.C. 143 by Appius Claudius, but they
had continued to harass Roman armies
and convoys, though in B.C. 100 Epo-
redia was established to keep them in
check. In the time of Augustus there
were three struggles with them: (t) in
B.C. 35 when Antistius Vetus failed to
subdue them; (2) in B.C. 34 when
Messala reduced them to temporary
submission; (3) in B.c. 25 when Teren-
tius Varro Murena conquered them and
sold 30,000 into slavery [Dio 49, 34,
38; 53, 25; Livy Zp. 135]. A Roman
colony was then settled called Praetoria
Augusta (.4osa).

Dacorum incursiones. The Daci or
Getae lived on both sides of the Danube,
but it seems that the incursions com-

lained of were of the tribes on the
eft bank who harried Pannonia. The
movement among these barbarians had
attracted attention at Rome for some
time. Iulius Caesar had meant to attack
them before going against the Parthians
[see c. 8; Zw. 44; Appian Z. civ. 2,

48 SUETONI [21

matian magna copia caesis, Germanosque ultra Albim

(6) Alpine
tribes. .

fluvium summovit, ex quibus Suebos et Sigambros

dedentis se traduxit in Galliam atque in proximis Rheno
agris conlocavit. Alias item nationes male quietas ad obse-

quium redegit.

IIO; 3, 25, 37; Liv. Ef. 117]. The
rumours of their incursions continued to
alarm the Romans [Verg. G. 2, 497;
Horace Odes 1, 35, 9; 3, 16, 4; Sat. 2,
6, 53]. While in Plano (B.C. 35)
Augustus attempted to conciliate one of
their kings named Cotiso, offering to
marry his daughter and promise him
the infant Iulia in marriage. Cotiso
refused and threw in his lot with Antony
[see infr. c. 63; Appian ZZyr. 22—3;
Front. Sfrat. 1, 10, 4; Dio 51, 23;
Plut. Anton. 63]. After Actium two
expeditions at least were carried out
with some success against them [M.A.
c. 30 protuli fines Illyrici ad ripam
fluminis Danuvi citra quod Dacorum
transgressus exercitus meis. auspiciis
victus profligatus est, et postea. trans
Danuvium ductus exercitus meus Daco-
rum gentes imperia populi Romani per-
ferre coegit]. The first was in B.C. 29
—28, under Marcus Crassus, for whi
in B.C. 27 he was allowed a triumph ex
Thraecia et Getis [C. 7. R. 1,461, Dio 51,
23—27; Hor. Od. 3, 8, 18 occidit Daci
Cotisonts agmen ; cp. 2,9, 23; 2, 20, 19].
The second in B.C. 10, which seems to
be the first referred to in the Monu-
mentum, when the Daci crossed to the
right bank of the Danube, Dio 54, 36
of re kal Aaxol rà» “Iorpoy wemryira
dcaBdyres delay éx ris Ilavvovlas awe-
téxovro. Mommsen [Res g. p. 130—132]
identifies a third with the second men-
tioned in the Monumentum, in which
the Roman army crossed the Danube
under Cn. Lentulus; but the date is not
ascertainable, though he suggests A.D. 6;
see Tac. Ann. 4, 44; Dio 55, 30; Strabo
7, 3, 12—13; Florus 4, 12, 18—20.
The raids of the northern barbarians
were not however wholly stopped;
see Ovid 7*. 3, 10, 34—65; Suet.
Tib. 41.

tribus...caesis: that is, three out of
four of the chiefs. Strabo 7, 3, 13 els
Térrapas pupddas Tvyxávovcot cuverran-
pévot.

Germanos...summovit, *he thrust the
Germans ar boar the Elbe,’ i.e. the free
Germans; that is to say, he made Ger-
many between the Rhine and the Elbe

Nec ulli genti sine iustis et necessariis causis

part of a Roman province. M. A. 26
Gallias et Hispanias et Germaniam qua
includit oceanus a Gadibus ad ostium
Albis fluminis pacavi. The campaigns
in which this was effected were (1) those
of Drusus in B.c. 13—9 [Dio 54, 32—6;
Livy Zp. 139—142), (2) that of Tiberius
B.C. 8 [Dio 55, 5; Vell. 2, 97], (3) those
of Domitius Ahenobarbus between B.c. 6
—A.D. 2 [Dio 55; Tac. Ann. 4, 44).
The provinces of Germania Superior
and Inferior, however, were on the left
bank of the Rhine with fortresses on
the right bank, and were at first merely
extensions of Gallia Belgica; the terri-
tory between the Rhine and the Elbe,
though occupied by Roman troops and
for a short time regarded as a province,
was lost again by the disaster of Varus
in A.D. 9 [Flor. 4, 12, 21 Germaniam
quoque utinam tanti non putasset! magis
turfiter amissa est quam gloriose. ac-
quisa] and never really recovered.
Tac. Anu. 1, 59; Agr. 15.

Suebos et Sigambros. Cp. Tac. Ann.

'2, 26 sic Sugambros in deditionem ac-

ceptos, sic Suebos regemque Marobodunum
pace obstrictum. Id. 12, 39 ut quondam
Sugamóri excist aut in Gallias tratecti
forent. The Sigambri in B.c. 8, when
Tiberius crossed the Rhine, refused till
too late to join other German tribes in
making terms, and were transferred to
cities on the S. of the Rhine, much
against their will, Dio 55, 6 à re yàp
Abyoveros cvAAaBor avrov’s és óMes
rwas karéÜero kai éxetvot üvaavaox erí-
cavres éavroós karexpücarro. Suet.
T15. g Germanico (bello) quadraginta
millia dediciorum traiecit in Galliam
tuxtague ripam Rheni sedibus adszgnatis
collocavit. Cp. Victor e$. 2; Oros. 6,
21, 24; Hor. Od. 4, 2, 36; 14, 51.
Suebi was a general name for several
warlike tribes in Central Germany and
it cannot mean that they were all trans-
ferred. The statement must refer to
some one tribe of Suebi. An ancient
emendation was Ubios, but the migration
of the U?ii was voluntary, though made
under the protection of Agrippa. Strabo
4^ 3) 4:
sine iustis causis. Yet Dio [49, 36]

21.] DIVUS AUGUSTUS.

bellum intulit, tantumque afuit a cupiditate quoquo modo
imperium vel bellicam gloriam augendi, ut quo-

Ta " : . He avoids
rundam barbarorum principes in aede Martis Ultoris extending
iurare coegerit mansuros se in fide ac pace quam e ;

mpire.

s peterent, a quibusdam vero novum genus obsidum,
feminas, exigere temptaverit, quod neglegere marum pignora
sentiebat; et tamen potestatem semper omnibus fecit, quotiens
vellent, obsides recipiendi. Neque aut crebrius aut perfidiosius
rebellantis graviore umquam ultus est poena, quam ut captivos

1» sub lege venundaret, ne in vicina regione servirent neve intra
tricensimum annum liberarentur. Qua virtutis moderationisque
fama Indos etiam ac Scythas, auditu modo cognitos, pellexit
ad amicitiam suam populique Romani ultro per lega- efus of

tos petendam. Parthi quoque et Armeniam vindicanti the stan-

15 facile cesserunt et signa militaria, quae M. Crasso et
M. Antonio ademerant, reposcenti reddiderunt ob-

declares the expedition of 35 B.C. against
Pannonia to have been unprovoked,
EykNgua, uév oddev abrois éripépwv, ovde
yap 068" H8iknro bx’ abr», k..À.

quoquo modo, ‘in any and every way,’
i.e. without distinction. See Roby Z. G.
2289; Livy 41, 8.

imperium...augendi. In his post-
humous memoir Augustus advised his
successors not to extend the Empire, —
rois Te wapovow ápkea0fjvac xal undapws
él ricloyv ri» dpxhy éravifoa: é0eMfjoac
Üvo$íAaxrór Te yap abri» ErecOa, Dio
56, 33. who adds ToÜro yap xal abrós
Órrws del word ob Adyw uóvov GANA kal
Epyy eripnoev: wapdy yap yotv aóTQ
woAnd ék Trot BapBapixot rpooxricac bat
otk hOéAncev. Tac. Ann. 1, 11 adds-
derat consilium coercendi intra terminos
imperii.

barbarorum principes. The various
chieftains who came to Augustus for
aid or protection are enumerated in the
Monumentum, c. 32—33.

Martis Ultoris: see c. 29.

feminas. This refers to the Germans,
of whom Tacitus [Germ. 8] says quam
(captivitatem) longe impatientius femi-
narum suarum nomine timent, adeo ut
efficacius obligentur animi civitatum qui-
bus inter obsides puellae quoque nobiles
imperantur.

sub lege...liberarentur. <A con-
dition of this sort was imposed by
Terentius Varro on the captive Salassi

dards by
Parthians
B.C. 22.

sold in B.C. 25 cuvédaBé re rods év 3) uxlg
kal dwéSoro é$' Q undcls aw» évrós d-
kogt» érav éXevÜepw0ci9, Dio 53, 25. A
clause in the contract for the sale of
slaves prohibiting their manumission
was known to Roman law: Paul. Dig.
II, 1, 9—12.

Indos...petendam. M. A. 31 4d me
ex India regum legationes saepe missae
sunt, nunquam antea visae apud quem-
quam Romanorum ducem. — Nostram
amicitiam petierunt per legatos. Bas-
tarnae Scythaeque et Sarmatarum. qui
sunt citra flumen Tanaim et ultra reges,
Albanorumqué rex et Hiberorum et
Medorum. Horace makes much of this
in the Carmen Saeculare, 55 [B.C. 17],
tam Scythae responsa petunt superbi
nuper et Indi. Cp. Od. 1, 12, 56;
Verg. Georg. 2, 170. Dio [54, 9] says
that these Indians brought tigers for the
first time to Rome: Florus [4, 12, 62],
that they brought elephants, pearls, and
other jewels. Cp. Strabo 15, 7, 4; and
other authorities in Mommsen, Aes g.

. 133. For the Scythae, the barbarians

tween theDanube and the Borysthenes
(Dnieper), see Victor Ep. 2 ad hunc Indi,
Scythae, Garamantes, Aethiopes legatos
miserunt; Flor. 4, 12, 62 et Scythae
misere legatos et Sarmatae. amicitiam
petentes.

Armeniam...cesserunt. Armenia, the
district of the upper Euphrates to the
Caspian, was reduced to the state of a

SUETONI

[22—

sidesque insuper optulerunt, denique, pluribus quondam de
regno concertantibus, nonnisi ab ipso electum probaverunt.
Ianum Quirinum, semel atque iterum a condita urbe ante

Closing of
Janus B.c.
29 and
B.C. 25.

client kingdom by Antony's victory over
Artabazes in B.C. 34. loseph. 15, 4, 3.
About B.C. 20 its king Artaxes was
murdered, and Augustus says that he
might then have made it a province,
but preferred to follow precedent by
establishing Tigranes, another son of
Artabazes, on the throne. M. A. c.
27; Dio 54, 9; Tac. Ann. 2, 3; Vell.
Pat. 2, 94, 122. Tiberius was sent to
effect this, see Sueton. 715. 9 regnum
Armeniae Tigrani restituit ac pro tribu-
"ali diadema imposuit.
signa...optulerunt. The standards
were those lost at Carrhae by Crassus
(52): and on two occasions during An-
tony's operations in the East, (1) when
Decidius Saxa, Antony's legatus in Syria,
was defeated in B.C. 40 by Pacorus, son
of Orodes [Dio 48, 25]; (2) in B.c. 36,
when the Medes and Parthians cut to
pieces two legions under Oppius Stati-
anus who were in charge of Antony's
baggage [Dio 49, 25; Plut. Ant. 38].
The standards taken by the Medes were
afterwards returned to Antony (B.C. 33),
but not those taken by the Parthians
[Dio 49, 44) It is to this double
disaster that Horace refers in Od. 3,
6, 10 zam bis Monaeses et Pacori manus
non auspicatos contudit. impetus nostros
et adiecisse praedam. torquibus exiguis
renidet. And it is thus that Augustus
in the M. A. c. 29 speaks of them as
trium exercituum Romanorum spolia et
signa. Their recovery by Augustus was
a triumph of diplomacy rather than of
arms. e kingdom of Parthia came
into the hands of Phraates (s. of Orodes)
in B.C. 37: his cruelties raised up a pre-
tender against him in Tiridates, who
appears to have been successful for a
time. After Actium Phraates was dri-
ven to take refuge in Syria, and was
so much afraid that Augustus (who
granted Tiridates safe harbourage in
Syria) should take advantage of this
disorder to attack him, that he sent
legates to him in B.C. 30 (while he was
in Asia) and gave him a son as hostage

memoriam suam clausum, in multo breviore temporis
spatio terra marique pace parta ter clusit. Bis ovans s
ingressus est urbem, post Philippense et rursus post
Siculum bellum. Curulis triumphos tris egit, Del-

[Dio 49, 23; 51, 18]. In B.c. 23 how-
ever, Tiridates (after apparently farther
attempts in Parthia) fled to Rome carry-
ing with him a son of Phraates. Au-
gustus allowed Tiridates to remain in
safety; but opened negotiations again
with Phraates, sending him back the
son who had been living as a hostage
at Rome, but on condition of receiving
back captives and standards [Dio 53,
33] Still Phraates did not fulfil the
bargain until Augustus came again per-
sonally to the East, spending the winter
of B.C. 21—20 in Samos, «ay rotry
Dpadryns $ofw»0cls ui) kal émiorparevon
ol, ór. undérw rv a vykeuiév uy émemovíhket
Tl, Ta Te onueta adr xal rods alxyua-
Awrous...dwéwenwev [Dio 54,7—8]. The
Roman poets constantly refer to the res-
titution as part of the warlike triumphs
of Augustus: Verg. Aen. 7, 605; Hor.
Od. 4, 5, 163 4, 15, 4—9; Zp. 1, 18,
56; Propert. 3, 10, 13; 4, 4, 163; 4, 5,
48; 4, 12, 33 5, 6, 79: Liv. Hf. 141
pax cum Parthis facta est, signis a rege
corum, quae sub Crasso et postea sub An-
tonio capla erant, redditis. Cp. Iustin.
42; 5, 1I.

Obsides: besides the one given in
B.C. 30 [Dio 51r, 18), Strabo tells us
that Phraates at the time of the resti-
tution of the standards put into the
hands of the legate of Syria four sons,
two of them with wives and children ;
they do not seem however to have been
taken to Rome [Strab. 16, 1, 28].

22. Ianum Quirinum...ter clusit.
The form clido, clusz, is late, and is not
always used by Suetonius; cp. Ver. 47.
The two previous occasions of closing
Ianus were in the reign of Numa and in
B.C. 235 after the rst Punic War [Liv.
I, I9]. Of the three occasions of its
closing under Augustus, two are re-
corded by Dio: (1) in B.C. 29, among
the honours voted to him by the Senate
after the fall of Antony [Dio 51, 239;
cp. Vell. 2, 38; Plut. de fort. Rom. 9;
Oros. 6, 20, 8]; (2) in B.C. 25, after
the campaign against the Astures and

|
|

s paene exitiabilem, tribus legionibus cum duce lega-
tisque et auxiliis omnibus caesis.

—

23.]

DIVUS AUGUSTUS.

maticum, Actiacum, Alexandrinum, continuo triduo omnes.

Graves ignominias cladesque duas omnino nec alibi quam in 23

Germania accepit, Lollianam et Varianam, sed Lolli- perat of
anam maioris infamiae quam detrimenti, Varianam Lolli

Cantabri [Dio 53, 27; Oros. 6, 21, 1].
The third time is not recorded except by
Orosius who puts it in B.C. 2 [6, 22, 1].
The Senate voted for its closure in
B.C. 10, but the closing was prevented
by the Dacian rebellion [Dio 54, 36].
Mommsen (Aes g. p. 50) is inclined to
put it between the end of the German
wars of Drusus and Tiberius, B.c. 8,

. and the outbreak in Armenia in B.C. I.

The term Za»us Quirinus is used also
in the Monum. c. 13, and represented
in the Greek by II(Ag» 'ErváXo»,
‘gate of Enyo' or ‘Bellona.’ It was
otherwise called /anus Geminus and
Janus bifrons. See Hor. Od. 4, 15, 9
Janum Qutrini; Verg. Aen. 7, 607
geminae belli portae. / The condition of
its closure is cum per totum imperium
populs Romani terra mari esset. parta
victoriis pax (M. A. 7. ¢.). /

bis..omnes. M. A. 4 s ovans
triumphavi, tris egi curules triumphos
Als &wl xéAnros é0piáuBevca), rpis éd’
&puaros. The two ovations were in
B.C. 40, after a reconciliation with
Antony [Dio 48, 31], and in B.C. 36,
after the defeat of Sextus Pompeius
[Dio 49, 15]. See C. 7. Z. 1, p. 461,
Acta Triumph. :

714 IMP * CAESAR * DIVI « Fe Ce Fe
III e VIRe Re Pe Ce OVaNS - ane
Accxizt « QVOD « PACEM * CVM * M*
ANTONIO * FECIT.

718 IMP*CAESAR * DIVI * F* C* F * Ile
III * VIRSR* Pe C* II A» DCCXVII e
OVANS « EX « SICILIA « IDIBVS «
NOVEMBR.

An ovation was voted in the Senate
to Octavian after the battles near Mu-
tina in B.C. 43 [Cic. ad Brat.], but was
never celebrated.

Of the three triumphs two were cele-
brated on the 13th and 15th of August,
B.C. 29 DE * DALMATIS * EID * SEX « ...
AIGVPTO « XIIX * K » SEPT. [C. Z. ZL.
vol. r, p. 478]. The third, on ac-
count of the victory of Actium, was
probably on the rath or the inter-
vening r4th. All authorities agree
in the number three. Liv. E. 133;

B.C. 17 and
Varus

Hac nuntiata ^P !9

Macrob. Sat. 1, 12, 35; Verg. Aen.
8, 714, where Servius says prémo
die triumphavit exercitus gui Antonium
vicerat navali bello. Secundo qui Del-
matas vicerat. — Tertio ipse cum Alex-
andrino est ingressus triumpho. Dio
[51, 22] however puts the order (1) Dal-
matian, (2) Actian, (3) Egyptian, as
Suetonius does. For the distinction
between the ovatio and triumphus see
Gellius, 5, 6. — x

23. Lollianam...Varianam. The
first disaster was in B.C. 16, when the
Sigambri, Usipetes, and Tencteri crossed
the Rhine into Roman Germany and
Gaul and inflicted a defeat on the
Roman cavalry under M. Lollius, the
legatus in Gaul, in which affair the
Eagle of the 5th legion was lost, Dio
54, 20; Tac. 4. 1, 10. Of Lollius, see
Vellei. 2, 97 homine in omnia pecuniae

uam recte faciendi cupidiore, though

orace (Od. 4, 9, 32—40) says the re-
verse. It was this disaster that led to
Augustus spending nearly three years in
or near Gaul [Hor. Od. 4, 5].

The clades Variana was much more
serious. P. Quintilius Varus was ap-

inted legatus of the army in Germany
in A.D. 7, and seems to have regarded
the district between the Rhine and the
Elbe as completely reduced to form a
part of the Roman province. He was
ingenio mitis moribus quietus and more
fitted for the Court than the camp. His
character in regard to money was bad ;
he had been governor of Syria,—quam
pauper divitem ingressus dives pauperem
reliquit; and it seems to have been his
severe measures in levying taxes that
raised up the national movement under
Arminius. In the Saltus Teutoburgi-
ensis (Lippischer Wald) he was caught,
and he and three legions were cut to
pieces, A.D. 9 [Dio 56, 18—22; Vell. 2,
II7—120; Tac. Ann. 1, 60, 61, 71;
Flor. 4, 12, 26—39]. The victories of
Tiberius in Pannonia prevented for the
present serious consequences to the
Empire beyond the loss of Germany
between the Rhine and the Elbe, see
Suet. 776. 16—17.

4—2

24 maestum habuerit ac lugubrem.

= .
—À

52 SUETONI [24

excubias per urbem indixit, ne quis tumultus existeret, et
praesidibus provinciarum propagavit imperium, ut a peritis
et assuetis socii continerentur. Vovit et magnos ludos Iovi
Optimo Maximo, si res p. in meliorem statum vertisset:
quod factum Cimbrico Marsicoque bello erat Adeo denique
consternatum ferunt, ut per continuos menses barbà capillo-
que summisso caput interdum foribus illideret, vociferans:
Quintili Vare, legiones redde! diemque cladis! quot annis

In re militari et commu-

tavit multa et instituit, atque etiam ad antiquum morem

nonnulla revocavit.

Disciplinam severissime rexit: ne legatorum quidem cui-

Military

excubias. Serv. ad Verg. en. 9,
159 excubiae diurnae sunt, vigiliae noc-
turnae.

propagavit imperium, ‘ pralonged
their command,’ that there might be
no change in the legati of the provinces
while there was danger of a panic.
propagare is used for the more common
prorogare in Livy [23, 25 C. Terentio
consuli propagarit in annum imperium)
in very similar circumstances,

& peritis et assuetis. Men who had
had experience of their subjects, and to
whom their subjects had grown accus-
tomed. Tiberius made this a regular
part of his policy: see Suet. 75. 41;
and Augustus from the first limited the
holding a province not by time, but
according to his pleasure, é$' Scov àv
éaur@ 9ózo, Dio 53, 13.

magnos ludos, ‘Great Games,’ such
as the Ludi Magni or Romani, cele-
brated on the 4th of September in the
Circus Maximus.

Cimbrico Marsicoque. The Cimbric
war, B.C. 105—101. The Marsic or
Social war, B.C. 90—88. This is, I
believe, the only extant authority for
the vowing of Games in these wars.

barba capilloque summisso. Cp.
Jul. 67 milites...diligebat quoque usque

. adeo ut, audita clade Tituriana, barbam

capillutmque sumtmiserit nec ante demp-
serit quam vindicasset.

24. et commutavit multa et insti-
fuit. For the changes in the army
initiated by Augustus see Mommsen,
Res g. p. 68 sq., Marquardt, XI. 159,

quam, nisi gravate hibernisque demum mensibus,
discipline. permisit uxorem intervisere.

Equitem Romanum,

and the authorities quoted by him.
The chief changes were (1) as to the
number of legions. It is calculated that
after Actium and the fall of Antony he
had fifty at his disposal. To diminish
the vast armaments maintained during
the civil war was his first care. The
number was reduced to eighteen, ac-
cording to Mommsen, according to
others twenty-three [see E. G. Hardy
in Fournal of Philology, vol. 22, no. 45,
and Dio 55, 23], until it was raised
again to twenty-six on the Pannonian
rising in B.C. 6. (2) The most im-
portant change perhaps was that each
legion was put under the command of
a legatus, as a deputy of the Emperor,
distinct from the legatus of a province.
There was no imperator of a whole
army in any district to whom the sacra-
mentum was taken; that would now be
taken only to the Emperor. (3) Certain
changes in the officering of the legions
followed from the fact that they were
generally stationed permanently in some
province (Tac. An. 4, 5] with a perma-
nent castra. The pracfectus castrorum
thereforebecameanimportant officer. (4)
The fraetoria cohors, always existing in
the army, was now organised as a body-
guard of the Emperor and was stationed
in and near Rome. (5) The cohortes
urbanae under the orders of the gsrae-
fectus urbi, and the cohortes vigilum,
performed various police duties in the
city [Tac. 77. 3, 64; Dio 55, 26]. For
further changesas to service and pensions
see c. 49.

24.] DIVUS AUGUSTUS. 53

quod duobus filiis adulescentibus causa detrectandi sacra-
menti pollices amputasset, ipsum bonaque subiecit hastae ;
quem tamen, quod inminere emptioni publicanos videbat,
liberto suo addixit, ut relegatum in agros pro libero esse
sineret. Decimam legionem contumacius . parentem! cum
ignominia totam dimisit, item alias immodeste missionem
postulantes'citra commoda emeritorum praemiorum éxaucto-
ravit. Cohortes, si quae cessissent lóco, decimatas hordeo
pavit. Centuriones statione deserta, itidem ut manipulares,
capitali animadversione puniit, pro cetero delictorum genere
variis ignominis adfecit, ut stare per totum diem iuberet ante
praetorium, interdum tunicatos discinctosque, nonnumquam

detrectandi sacramenti. Since B.c.
80, a term of military service had ceased
to be a condition for obtaining office.
But the old obligation of service when
an imperator held a levy remained [Dio
56, 23]. But as the legions came to be
more and more recruited in the pro-
vinces a levy in Italy became rare.
Moreover, as a rule, enough men were
found willing to volunteer.

hastae: the full phrase auctio hastae
in Jul. 50.

in agros: the mildest form of rele-
gatio, whereby a man was not bound to
leave Italy. Livia in her speech to
Augustus indicates the various degrees
of relegatio, Tl yap dv ddixhoedé Tis és
viov karakAeuÓels 7) kal ev dypp TÓAet
Té TU; Dio 55, 20.

decimam legionem. Thetenth legion
formed part of the army in the province
of Syria in A.D. 18 [Tac. 4. 2, 57). It
was therefore either forgiven, or a fresh
legion enrolled with the same number.
It is called Decima Fretensis, which
Mommsen (Aes e. p. 69, note 5) sup-
poses to have arisen from its once serving
under Sextus Pompeius in the Straits.

cum ignominia opp. to honesta missto.
citra...exauctoravit, ‘discharged from
full service without the good-service
money due to men who had served their
full time.’ The exauctoratio might be
honourable or the reverse; in either
case it was not a full messto [Tac. An.
I, 17 afud vexillum tendentes alio voca-
bulo eosdem labores perferre], and the
exauctorati were not necessarily entitled
to the praemia militiae accruing after
vicena stipendia: Marq. XI. p. 184.
See Tac. 4. 1, 36 igüur volutatis
inter se rationibus placitum ut epistolae

nomine principis scriberentur: missto-
nem dari vicena stipendia meritis, ex-
auctorari qui sena dena fecissent. Cp.
T5. 30; Nero32; Vitell. 10; Vesp. 8; Tac.
Zf. 1,20. Forcommoda praemiorum, ‘the
bounty,’ at the misszo, see c. 49. Cal. 44
commoda emeritae malitiae ad DC milium
summam vecidit. Brutus et Cassius ad
Cic. fam. 11, 2 § 3 quod de commodis
veteranorum laturus esses. Augustus
fixed it at 5000 denarii at the end of
16 years’ service for the Praetorians ;
and 3000 denarii at the end of 20 years’
service in the legions, Dio 55, 23.
citra in silver Latin=‘without.’ See
Zl. 28 ; infr. c. 43; Roby Z. Gr. 1876.

decimatas hordeo pavit, 'He had
every tenth man executed and served
out rations of barley (instead of wheat)
to the rest.’ A very ancient military
punishment ; Livy 27, 13 Marcellus...
cohortibus quae signa amiserant hordeum
dari tussit. For the decimatio see Polyb.
6, 38; Suet. Gals. 12 ; and its rarity
Tac. An. 3, 21; it was specially inflicted
for loss of a standard, Livy 2, 59.

statione deserta. Any dereliction in
the matter of keeping guard was pun-
ished by the fustuarium. A Tribunus
touched the offender with a rod and
then he had to run the gauntlet of the
whole army, Polyb. 6, 37. Livy 5, 6
fustuarium meretur. qui signa reliquit
aut praesidio decedit.

tunicatos discinctosque, ‘ without
the sagum or the sword belt.’ Livy
27, 13 centuriones manipulorum, quo-
rum signa amissa fuerant, destrictis
gladits discinctos destituit. As a sign
of mourning see infr. c. 100. See the
opposite, Vitell. 11 urbem...introit pa-
ludatus ferroque succinctus,...sagulatis

SUETONI

[25

25 cum decempedis, vel etiam cespitem portantes. X Neque post
bella civilia aut in contione aut per edictum ullos militum
commilitones appellabat, sed milites, ac ne a filiis quidem aut
privignis suis imperio praeditis aliter appellari passus est,
ambitiosius id existimans, quam aut ratio militaris aut tem- s
porum quies aut sua domusque suae maiestas postularet.
Libertino milite, praeterquam Romae incendiorum causa et si
tumultus in graviore annona metueretur, bis usus est: semel
ad praesidium coloniarum Illyricum contingentium, iterum
ad tutelam ripae Rheni fluminis; eosque, servos adhud viris
feminisque pecuniosioribus indictos ac sine mora manumissos,
sub priore vexillo habuit, neque aut commixtos cum ingenuis

aut eodem modo armatos.

comitibus ac detectis commilitonum gla-
diis.

25. neque...commilitones appella-
bat. Contrary to the habit of Iulius;
see Jul. 67 nec milites eos pro contione
sed blandtore nomine commilitones appel-
labat. So Galba to the soldiers attack-
ing him, Quid agitis, commilitones ?
Gaíb. 20. And Pompey while being
rowed on shore in Egypt attempted to
conciliate Septimius by saying ov 5} vo
ge éyà "yeyovóra cevorparTcóTyV enor
dudryvod; Plut. Pomp. 79.

libertino...bis usus est, 'heemployed
freedmen in the army (other than the
urbanae cohortes on special occasions)
only twice.' The old rule of course
confined service in the army to citizens.
Yet in times of stress freedmen or slaves
manumitted for the occasion had been
several times enrolled. See for examples
Livy 22, 57; 23, 32 355 24) 145 25, 20;
27, 38. During the civil wars both sides
had availed themselves of the practice.
Thus Marius formed a corps from slaves
to whom he gave liberty [Plut. 92/9;
Mar. 41]; Pompey [Caes. B. civ. 1,24],
Labienus [J. A/r. 19], Cn. Pompeius
[App. &. civ. 2, 103], Brutus [Plut.
Brut. 45], Sext. Pompeius [App. Z. civ.
5, 131], all did the like. Augustus had
shown his sentiments on the subject by
returning some of the slaves in the army
of Sext. Pompeius totheir masters. The
two occasions of his employing libertini
here mentioned are:

(1) At the Pannonian rising, A.D. 6,
see Dio 55, 31 wéuree Tov l'epuavuór
kalrou Tramsevovra orparwras ol oük
evyevets pdvov àXÀà Kal é£eXevOÉpovs
Sods.

(2) After the fall of Varus, A.D. 9,
see Dio 55, 23 awoxAnpwoas dé Ex re
Trav écrpareupévwy Hon kal éx ray dbendev-
0épwv Scous hiur}On waréreEe. Cp. Tac.
A. 1, 31.

incendiorum causa. See c. 3o. Dio
55, 26 éxre«bf re év TQ xpóvg rotry
WodAa THS worews wupl StePOdpn Avdpas
re é£eNevÜÉépovs éwraxy wpós ràs Extxov-
pias airis kareAé£aro.

indictos. He levied [cp. dicere
multam] a certain number of slaves
from the richer families. That is, these
persons had to supply a certain number
of slaves for the army, who were at

. once manumitted. Cp. Mer. 44 mox

tribus urbanas ad sacramentum citavit,
ac nullo idoneo respondente certum do-
mints servorum numerum indixit. The
immense number of slaves kept by rich
Romans at this time offered a ready
recruiting ground in an emergency,
especially when famsiliae of gladiators
were trained. As tothe number of slaves
kept see Plin. JV. 7Z. 33, 1 mancipiorum
legiones et in domo turba externa ac
servorum quogue causa nomenclator ad-
hibendus. Senec. de Trang. 8. In 49B.c.
Domitius Ahenobarbus was able to man
seven naves actuarias colonis suis [Caes.
B. civ. 1, 34].

servos adhuc, *before manumission.'

sub priore vexillo, ‘he kept them in
separate cohorts, in which they had
been originally enrolled.’ Such cohorts
were called voluntartae. Cp. Macrob.
Sat. 1, 11, 33 Caesar Augustus in Ger-
mania et Illyrico cohortes libertinorum
complures legit, quas voluntarias appel-
lavit. Cp. Liv. 22, 57 prius sciscitantes
vellentne militare (whereas citizens had

ond

Bsa Ra RP ae

scaligatis tribuit.

25.] DIVUS AUGUSTUS. 55

Dona militaria, aliquanto facilius phaleras et terques, quic-
quid auro argentoque constaret, quam vallares ac
murales coronas, quae honore praecellerent, dabat; planes
has quam parcissime et sine ambitione ac saepe etiam
M. Agrippam in Sicilia post navalem vic-
toriam caeruleo vexillo donavit. Solos triumphales, quamquam
et socios expeditionum et participes victoriarum 'Suarum,

numquam donis impertiendos putavit, quod ipsi quoque ius

habuissent tribuendi ea quibus vellent.

Nihil autem minus

10 perfecto duci quam festinationem temeritatemque

convenire arbitrabatur.
2ae00e Bpadéws.

Crebro itaque illa iactabat :
'AeóaX)s yap éeT apetvov 7

His
caution.

Opacvs 'otparnrarns, Et Sat celeriter fieri quidquid fiat satis

Bene.)

Proelium quidem aut bellum suscipiendum omnino

:5 negabat, nisi cum maior emolumenti spes quam damni metus

ostenderetur.

Nam minima commoda non minimo sectantis

discrimine similes aiebat esse aureo hamo piscantibus, cuius
abrupti damnum nullà captura pensari posset.

then no choice) vexillum = cohors.
Cp. Tac. A. 3, a1 vexillum veteranorum
non amplius quingenti numero.

eodem modo armatos, like other
‘auxilia’ such cohortes would be Zeves
[Tac. Aan. 1, 51). They were armed
with the sfathka (long sword) and the

Aasta instead of the gladtus and pilum.

Marq. XI. p. 192.

phaleras et torques. For these
military rewards see Polyb. 6, 39,
who however says that 2Aalerae were
given to a man in the cavalry, a cuf to
one in the infantry. The condition was
the having slain and stripped an enemy
in the field. Cp. Bell. Hisp. 26 Caesar
ob virtutem turmae Cassianae donavit
milha xiii et praefecto torques aureos.
Cp. Tac. Ann. 2,9. From c. 43
Augustus seems rather to have under-
valued such rewards.

vallares ac murales. The former to
the man who first mounted the vallum
of a camp, the latter to him who first
mounted a city wall. [Polyb. 4. c.;
Gellius 5, 6; Valer. Max. r, 8, 6; Livy
26, 48.] These rewards are all men-
tioned in an inscription in honour of a
soldier of the 11th legion, L. ACONIO...
AB * IMP * TRAIANO * AUG* GERM * OB +
BELLUM * DACIC * TORQIB * ARMILL «
PHALERIS* CORONA*VALLAR...DONATO.

Wilmanns 1589. Cp. 2. 1598, 1607. *
In td. 1615 a certain M. Vergilius
Lasius is said to have been DONATUS*
HASTIS* PURIS* DUABUS * ET* CORONIS»
AUREIS * AB * DIVO*AUGUSTO*ET* TIB*
CAESARE. Cp. id. 1616.

sine ambitione, ‘without respect of
persons,’ ‘without any design of winning
favour.’ caligatis ‘common soldiers.
Vit. 7; Iuv. 3, 322; 16, 24.

M. Agrippam in Sicilia. See on c.
16. caeruleo vexillo, ‘sea blue’ as a
sign of anaval victory. Velleius [2, 81]
says that he gave him a corona classica
insigne quo nemo unquam Romanorum
donatus est. And Dio [49, 14] describes
it as a orépavoy xpvcoüv éuBóXors 7)0kn-
Mévor, and a special decree was passed
authorising him to wear it whenever
triumphal ornaments were worn. The
blue flag according to Dio was given
after Actium [51, 21 onpelw xvavoedet
vauxparnrik@ wpocewecéuvuve]. For the
presentation of a vexillum, see Wil.
manns 1620, T*PONTIUS...DONATUS...
A* DIVO* TRAIANO-: HASTA*PURA*VEXIL-
LO«CORONA*MURALI. Cp. 1625.

omevde BpaBéos, festina lenge, ‘more
haste less speed.’ Aul. Gell. ro, 11.

aodalis...... orparynAatns, Eurip.
Phoentss. 602.
aureo hamo piscantes. The Em-

SUETONI

[26—

Magistratus atque honores et ante tempus et quosdam

ist Con-
sulship,
August
B.C. 43.

novi generis perpetuosque cepit.
simo aetatis anno invasit, admotis hostiliter ad urbem
legionibus, missisque qui sibi nomine exercitus de-
poscerent cum quidem cunctante senatu Cornelius

Consulatum vice-

centurio, princeps legationis, reiecto sagulo Óstendens gladii
capulum, non dubitasset in curia dicere: Hie faciet, si vos

"non feceritis.

peror Mauricius in his erparzy«á 8, 1
ol rotoÜro. obdev O.adépove. rov xpvog
üeAeafouérwr. A corresponding proverb
is in Thucyd. 5, 16, 3 dpyupég evAdxg
evAdgev foretelling a dearth.

pensari, used in the silver age for
compensart.

26. magistratus...cepit. The con-
sulship in August B.c. 43 when he was
in his 20th year, having already by two
Senatus Consulta been invested first
with pro-praetorial rank and then the
consularia ornamenta and imperium
[C. 7. £. 10, 8375, Vil /dus Lan. 10 die
Caesar primum fasces sumpsit]. In
December of the same year he became
triumvir r. p.c. Itis however doubt-
ful whether the law as regards the age
for holding magistracies applied to ex-
traordinary commissions of this sort.
His election into the College of Ponti-
fices soon after the battle of Pharsalus,
when he was perhaps still practextatus,
or immediately after taking the ‘aga
virilis, was not against precedent. See
Livy 40, 42; 42, 28. Mommsen
[Séaafsr. vol. 11.] has shown that the
condition as to age for the magistracies
depended on and was consequential to

the age at which the Quaestorship .

could be held. A power of suspending
the rules had always been held to be-
long to the Senate, and had been exer-
cised in several cases as in that of
Scipio [Polyb. 10, 4] and Pompey in
B.C. 70 [Cic. de imp. Pomp. § 62]; and
therefore Augustus may have justified
on constitutional grounds his eleven con-
sulships between 43—23 B.C., all of
which were while he was under the
consular age, by the S°¢m proposed by
Cicero on the ist of January 43, etus
ralionem, quemcunque — magistratum
petet, ita. haberi, ut haberi liceret, st
anno superiore quaestor fuisset. Cic. 5
Phil. § 47. After B.C. 3o the rules seem
to have been altered, and the ages for
office to have been settled as, for the

Secundum consulatum post novem annos,

Quaestorship 25th year, Aedileship or
Tribunate 27th year, Praetorship 3oth
year, Consulship 33rd year. But dis-
pensations were frequent.
novi...generis...perpetuosque. Au-
gustus in the M. A. 5 says that the
consulship asnuus et perpetuus was
offered him [apparently in B.c. 22) but
that he refused it. The offices of a
‘new kind’ may refer to the froconsu-
lare imperium, the potestas tribunicia,
morum praefectura, and the Principatus.
These may perhaps come under Aozo-
res; but Augustus always held that he
was only first in rank, in Power was on
a par with his colleagues, M. A. c. 34
d£ujuar. wayrwy Óvjveyka éfovelas de
ovdé re Actor Exxor rv ovvaptávTwv LoL.
admotis hostiliter, i.e. after the

battle of Mutina and the refusal of the

consulship by the influence of the party
of assassins. App. Z. civ. 3, 82, 86.

hic faciet... feceritis. The same
story is told of the emissaries of Iulius
in B.C. 50 by Plutarch [/omp. 58].
Dio [46, 43] gives it rather differently
...els Tis avro» é£9A0€ re éx Tod Boudev-
Tnpiov kal TO £l($os AaBwy (domo: yap
éceAgA 090a») aro re avroÜ xal elmev
ór. dy vets Thy Urarelay wy bore TQ
Kalcap. rodro dwoe. ‘If that’s your
method of persuasion,’ said Cicero, ‘he
will get it.’ Appian [&. civ. 3, 82]
says nothing of the threat but represents
the application as part of an intrigue
with Cicero, who supported it with the
idea of being the young man’s colleague
himself.

secundum...tertium. Augustus was
Consul for the second time in B.C. 33, for
the third tifne B.C. 31. As the trium-
virate legally terminated Dec. 31 B.c.
33 there was an interval of a year in
which he would naturally not have had
imperium. But this he never laid down,
and still kept up the right of seating
himself between the two consuls as
though sharing with them the supreme

27.]

DIVUS AUGUSTUS.

tertium anno interiecto gessit, sequentis usque ad unde-
cimum continuavit, multisque mox, cum deferren- Subse-

tur, recusatis duodecim magno, id est septemdecim

quent
Consul-

annorum, intervallo et rursustertium decimum biennio ships.
s post ultro petiit, ut C. et Lucium filios amplissimo praeditus

magistratu suo quemque firocinio deduceret in forum.

Quin-

que medios consulatus a sexto ad decimum annuos gessit,
ceteros aut novem aut sex aut quattuor aut tribus mensibus,

secundum vero paucissimis horis.

Nam die Kal. Ian. cum

mane pro aede Capitolini Iovis paululum curuli sella praese-

. oe . '.e
disset honore abiit suffecto alio in locum suum. Nec

Sometimes

omnes Romae, sed quartum consulatum in Asia, taken up

quintum in insula Samo, octavum et nonum Tarra-

cone iniit.

abroad.

Triumviratum rei p. constituendae per decem annos

power [Dio 50, 2 év uécq rà» brárwv
émt dippou apxwoü Uinoas. Cp. 54, 10].

sequentis...continuavit. He was
consul every year from B.C. 29 to B.C.
23; but in the first and last of these
only for the first four or six months of
the year.

C. et L. filios. Gaius and Lucius
were the sons of Agrippa by Iulia d.
of Augustus, see on c. ^H

tirocinio...forum. For the import-
ance attached to the deductio in forum
or firocinium fori of the youths about
to assume the Zoga virilis in the imperial
families, see 730. 15 and 54; Calig.
10; Nero 7; Claud. 3; M. A. 14 ex
eo die quo deducti sunt in forum ut
interessent — publicis | consiliis | decrevit
senatus... For the sacrifice on the
Capitol, Valer. Max. 5, 4, 4.

annuos, ‘throughout the year,’ az-
nuum mihi tempus des, Nep. Then. 9.
From B.C. 28—24 he was consul all
through the year.

secundum...paucissimis horis, Dio
49, 43 6 9 ob» Kaícap rov vrarelay
(npte yap perà Aovxiov rot "To/AXov
devrepov) ry mpwry ebOds Nuépg xarà, Tov
rod ’Ayrwvlou rpérov ametwe. Antony
had done the same in the preVious year
led. 49, 39]. The reason seems to have
been that their common position as
triumvirs made the holding of the con-
sulship by one or the other a source of
difficulty, and neither was as yet pre-
pared for an open breach.

alio, P. Autronius Paetus, B.C. 33.

quartum in Asia, B.C. 30. Augustus
spent the Winter of B.C. 31—30 in Asia
preparing for his attack on Antony and
Cleopatra. Dio 51, 5. |

quintum in...Samo, B.C. 29. After
the fall of Antony (30) Augustus did not
return to Italy till the Summer of B.c.
29, his triumphs taking place in Sep-
tember of that year. He wintered at
Samos, ro dé 07) Ü£povs &s re r7» ENAdda
kal és rv 'IraMa» 6 Kaicap éweparwOn,
Dio 51, 21.

octavum et nonum Tarracone, B.C.
26 and 25. Augustus was engaged in
these years in the Cantabrian war, see
c. 20. In B.C. 27 he was in Gaul in-
tending to cross to Britain, but was
detained by disturbances among the
Gauls...kávreüOcv & re T9» "Igmpiav
ddixero kal Kkarecrnoaro xal éxelyny
[Dio 53, 22]. He must therefore have
arrived at Tarraco before 1 January
B.C. 26. Suetonius remarks on his
entering upon his consulship away from
Rome, as it was unusual ; yet there had
been several precedents, as Flaminius
in B.C. 217 (Liv. 21, 63) and Marius on
more than one occasion.

27. iriumviratum...administravit.
The triumvirate upon which Antony,
Octavian, and Lepidus entered 27
November B.C. 43 by the Jex 7i/ia
expired on 31 December B.c. 38 [see
Fasti Colotani C. 7. Z. 1, p. 466 M.
Aemilius M. Antonius Imp. Caesar 111
VIR* ReP*C* EX* A*D* Ve KAL* DEC* AD*
PReKeIAN*SEXT«]. But when that term

58 SUETONI [27

, administravit; in quo restitit quidem aliquandiu collegis
Triumvirs ne qua fieret proscriptio, sed inceptam utroque
Dots acerbius exercuit. Namque illis in multorum saepe
B.C. personam per gratiam et preces exorabilibus, solus
2 Deon. magnopere contendit ne cui parceretur, proscripsitque
berB.c.33- etiam C. Toranium tutorem suum, eundem collegam
patris sui Octavi in aedilitate. Iunius Saturninus hoc amplius

tradit, cum peracta proscriptione M. Lepidus in senatu excu-

arrived they did not lay down their
office and in the Spring of B.C. 37 agreed
to keep it for five years more, appa-
rently without a /ex. See App. Z7. civ.
5, 95 [of the negociations at Tarentum]
éwel 06 à xpdvos abrots EXmrye. Tis apx7s
Tos Tholw éyndicro avdpdow, érépay
éavrois dpuov wevraeriay, ovdéy Ert ToO
ó9uov SenOévres. Dio 48, 54 éavrots 0é
Thy jryeuovíay és Gra Ern vwévre, éreó
Ta *pórepa éjeNgAU0eu émérpeyav. It
will be observed that when this arrange-
ment was made, whether in the Winter
according to Dio or the Springaccording
to Appian, the triumvirate had already
expired. The triumvirs simply did not
lay down their zmferium, and agreed
entirely between themselves upon a
further term of holding it. It is an
illustration of the Roman constitutional
practice that for an office to become
vacant the actual holder must formally
lay it down. It is true that in the
ordinary annual magistracies the term
was so strictly fixed that no one could
venture to refuse to perform the act of
abdication, but in extraordinary offices,
such as the decemvirate, or this trium-
virate, the case was less clear; and
at any rate the triumvirs availed them-
selves of the doubt, and even when
the second term arrived [31 Dec. B.c.
33] appear not to have abdicated. Au-
gustus, however, does not own to this
second extension. M. A. c. 7 rp»
dvópov éyevdunv Ónuoclwv | payuárwv
xaropOwrns cuvexéow Ereow déxa. See
Mommsen .S/aatsr. vol. IV. p. 431.

in quo...exercuit. The first list con-
tained only seventeen names [App. Z.
civ. 4, 6] and the consul Pedius assured
the terrified nobles that the list was
definitive. But when the triumvirs
arrived and the law was passed for their
legal establishment [Nov. 27], on the
next morning a fresh edict was fixed up
in the Forum announcing the resolution
of the triumvirs of putting to death
those who had joined in the murder of

Iulius or approved it or continued their
opposition to themselves [App. 7. c. 4,
8—11) The number of the names
proscribed is spoken of by Livy Ef. 120
as cxxx senatores at plurimi equites.
Appian says about 300 senators and
2000 equites. Livy may be referring
to the number that actually perished,
for many escaped to Brutus and Cassius
or Sext. Pompeius. See Appendix D.
As to the part taken by Augustus it was
inevitable that a writer like Velleius [2,
66] should minimise it and lay the blame
on Antony...repugnante Caesaresed frus-
tra adversus duos. But Plutarch [.4s.
21] also says that most blame was
thought toattach to Antony...mpeafi/re-
pos wy Kalcapos Aewldou 0e Suvarwrepos :
while Dio [47, 7] declares that the
chief fault lay with Antony or Lepidus,
and makes the weighty remark that
Augustus was too young to have incur-
red or conceived numerous enmities; and
he goes on to relate instances in which
he preserved certain of the proscribed.
Appian, however, makes no distinction
in the guilt of the three.

C. Toranium tutorem suum. The
action of Augustus in regard to this
man may perhaps be explained by the
assertion of Nicolaus Dam. c. 2 that his
guardians had plundered his property,
to which he submitted at the time with-
out taking legal action...ol adrov mwpé-
yova...dppavy byte éxelyp Ta xpnuara
éAUrovTo* katacravtes 8° éxlrpora raira
deepdpnoav * 6 06 rwy wpds avrovs Stxalwy
drooras Tos wepthapOeiow npxetro. C.
Thoranius or Toranius [Aeyéuevos bmó
Tw émiTpowetoa Kaleapos App. 4, 12]
was a praetorius and was betrayed by
his son, who got him put on the list by
Antony [2d. c. 18; Valer. Max. 9, 11,
5) It may be therefore that Augustus
only acquiesced. C. Toranius was in
exile in Corcyra in B.C. 45. See Cic.
fat. 6, 20, 21.

in senatu, probably in the usual ad-
dress on the ist of January B.C. 42 when

—~y

mw 2 TA af"

a= —À Tae

27.] DIVUS AUGUSTUS. 59

sasset praeterita et spem clementiae in posterum fecisset,
quoniam satis poenarum exactum esset, hunc e diverso pro-

fessum, ta modum se proscribendi statuisse, ut omnia

Conduct

stbt reliquerit. libera. In cuius tamen pertinaciae in the

s paenitentiam postea T. Vinium Philopoemenem, quod Proscrip-

tions.

patronum suum proscriptum celasse olim diceretur,

equestri dignitate honoravit.

In eadem hac potestate multi-

plici flagravit invidia. Nam et Pinarium equitem R. cum,
contionante se admissa turba paganorum, apud milites sub-

xo Scribere quaedam animadvertisset, curiosum ac speculatorem

ratus, coram confodi imperavit; et Tedium Afrum consulem
designatum, quia factum quoddam suum maligno sermone
carpsisset, tantis conterruit minis, ut is se praecipitaverit ; et
Quintum Gallium praetorem, in officio salutationis tabellas

:5 duplices veste tectas tenentem, suspicatus gladium occulere,

nec quidquam statim, ne aliud inveniretur, ausus inquirere,

Lepidus entered on his 2nd Consulship.
Another proscription list was afterwa
published, but it was in the nature of an
extra tax on the property of the oppo-
sition party. Dio 47, 16. Nothing is
known of Iunius Saturninus or his
history.

ita...libera, ‘though he assented to
put a stop to the proscription he
reserved complete freedom to himself
for the future.’ Octavian had no inten-
tion of sparing the assassins of Iulius,
and as many of them were still at large,
he would not bind himself not to exer-
cise his powers upon them.

T. Vinium. The story is told by Dio
[47, 7]. He was concealed by his wife
in a chest at the house of a freedman,
and afterwards produced under the pro-
tection of Octavia when Caesar was
apart from his colleagues. Wife and
freedman had incurred death by the
concealment according to the edict
(App. Z. civ. 4, 11 ós adv 7 owoas 7
émwovpcas ouvedas arg] Dio
asserts that Augustus saved many in a
similar way, but gives noother instances.
Perhaps Ovid refers to some stories of
the sort when he says of Augustus...
Saepe fidem adversis etiam laudavit in
armis, Tr. 1, 5, 39.

Pinarium...Tedium...Q. Gallium. Of
the two former we have no certain infor-
mation. Pinarius may be T. Pinarius or
his brother, both of whom were intimate

with Cicero [Cic. ad Q. Fr.3, 1,22]. Some
of the Pinarii were connected with the
Caesars [Suet. /u/. 83]. Tedius Afer
may be connected with a friend of
Augustus mentioned by Tacitus [4s.
I, ro]. Q. Gallius was a son of a
Q. Gallius once defended by Cicero on
a charge of ambitus [Cic. Bret. 277;
de fet. cons. $ 19], and a brother of the
M. Gallius who adopted Tiberius [Suet.
71. 6]. Appian's account of the affair
of Gallius agrees substantially with that
of Augustus in his memoir, Z. civ. 3,
95. The ocudis erus sua manu effosszs
seems incredible. A similar story was
told of Sulla [Val. Max. 3, 3, 5].

paganorum, ‘civilians’ opposed to
milites, Iuv. 16, 33; Plin. Ef. 10, 86b;
7 25 b; Digest 29, 1, 9 8 2.

curiosum et speculatorem, 'eaves-
dropper and spy.’ In later times curios
became a regular name for informers ;
Iustin. Cod. 12, 33, 1. speculator, one
of the ‘scouts’ attached to a legion, came
to indicate an aide-de-camp of the com-
mander, and later one of the Emperor's
body-guard. Seec. 74. Ido not find
any parallel use of it as a *spy.'

in officio salutationis, ‘when waiting
on him in the morning.’ The morning
salutatio is sufficiently known from
Martial and Iuvenal. For officium in
this connexion see Iuv. 3, 125.

tabellas duplices, ‘folded tablets,’
either a letter or petition. See Ovid

60 SUETONI

[27—

paulo post per centuriones et milites raptum e tribunali,
servilem in modum torsit! ac fatentem nihil iussit occidi, prius
oculis eius sua manu effossis; quem tamen scribit conloquio
petito insidiatum sibi coniectumque a se in custodiam, deinde
urbe interdicta dimissum, naufragio vel latronum insidiis s

The Tri-
bunician

and legam sibi cooptavit.
regimen aeque perpetuum, quo iure, quamquam sine

Censorial
powers.

perisse. Tribuniciam potestatem perpetuam recepit,
in qua semel atque iterum per singula lustra col-

Recepit et morum legumque

censurae honore, censum tamen populi ter egit:
primum ac tertium cum collega, medium solus.

Rem. 667; Am. 1, 12, 37. They were
of waxed wood, and are called duplices,
triplices etc., according to the number
of x Mart. 7, 53, 3; 73, 1; 10,
87, 6.

servilem in modum. Free citizens
were exempt from examination by tor-
ture, Dig. 48, 8, 5; except (in later
uu on charges of maiestas; ib. 48,
18, 10.

tribuniciam ...recepit. (1) Tribu-
nicial privileges were first conferred on
Augustus in B.C. 36, after the defeat of
Sextus Pompeius [Dio 49, 15 mire Epyy
hare Xéóyo UBplfecOar* ef 68 ph, rois
avrois Tov To.oUTo Spdoavra évexéc Oat olc-
wep éxl TQ Snudpxy érérakro]. Appian
[B. civ. 5, 132] and Orosius [6, 18, 34]
say that he now accepted the ¢rzbunzcia
potestas for life, —wrongly, as it seems;
and Mommsen holds that its extension
recorded by Dio in B.C. 30 [51, 18]
only applied to its extension outside the
pomoerium [Aes g. p. 44]. (2) The final
step in making the 4rzbumzcia potestas
the chief feature in the prerogative of
the Princeps was taken in B.C. 23 when
Augustus laid down his 11th Consulship
on the rst July (C. 7. Z. 1, p. 472]. The
Senate then voted [Dio 53, 32] dnuapxév
re avrdy did Blov elvac, kal xpnpariqew
abry Tepl évós rwos Ürov dy ebedjon Kad’
éxáo To» BovN v, xdv wn vrareby. Thus
Augustus himself calculates the years
of his /ribusicia potestas from this.
M. A. c. 4, cp. io. Mommsen's .Saatsr.
11.2, p. 836. These privileges were em-
bodied in the laws conferring their
powers on subsequent emperors. See
C. 7. L. 6, 930, Rushworth, p. 82.

semel atque iterum...collega. (1)
Augustus took Agrippa as his colleague
for five years in B.C. 18; Dio 54, 12.

(2) In B.c. 6 Tiberius was admitted for '

a term of five years also; Dio 55, 9;
Suet. 776. 9, 11; and again in A.D. 4

for ten years, after the death of Gaius .

and Lucius; Suet. 735. 16; Dio 55,
I3.
recepit et morumlegumque regimen.
From the testimony of the Monumentum
[in this passage supplied by the copy at
Apollonia] it appears that Augustus was
offered a perpetual 2ofestas censoria, but
declined it. The actual work however
he undertook in right of his fofestas
tribunicia. M. c. 6 'Poualwy ópoXo-
yourrwy ta émimednrhns Tay T€ vÓjwv
Kal ray rpómuv él ry peylory é£ovolq
póvos xeuporovg0g, dpxhv ovdeuiay rapa
Ta warpia On Sdopévny dvedetdunyv. a
6¢ rére 0v éuod 7) ci-yxAnros oixovopeto bas
€Bovdero Tis Ómuapxikgs éfovelas wy
éréXeoa. The two occasions of his
undertaking this were in B.C. 19 [Dio
54, to] and B.C. 12 [Dio 54, 30]. But
Suetonius says that this office was per-
petuum, Dio, that in both cases it was
for five years; Augustus in the Mon.
says that it was offered him three times
in B.C. 20—19 [M. Vinucius, who is
named in the latter of these years, began
office on 1 July], and again B.C. r1.
The allusions to this function of Augustus
in the poets are numerous; see Hor. Od.
4) 5, 22; 15, 9; Epist. 2, 1, 1; Ovid
Met. 15, 833; 77. 2, 233; Momms.
Staatsr. 11.7, p. 686.

quo iure...solus. Suetonius agrees
with the Monumentum c. 8 Z7 consulatu
sexto [B.C. 29] censum populi collega
M. Agrippa egt...zterum consulari cum
imperio lustrum solus fect C. Censorino
et C. Asinio cos. [B.C. 8]...Zertium con-
sulari cum imperio lustrum conlega Tib.
Caesare filto fect Sex. Pompeto et Sex.

- o. — oA

¢ tmp. Caesare V1. M. Agrippa

28.] DIVUS AUGUSTUS. 61

De reddenda re publica bis cogitavit: primum post 28

oppressum statim Antonium, memor obiectum sibi

Two

ab eo saepius, quasi per ipsum staret ne redderetur ; meditated
ac rursus taedio diuturnae valitudinis, cum etiam ,58^-

imperii tradidit.

Appuleio cos. [A.D. 14]. Dio however
gives a different account: (1) B.C. 29
[52, 42], (2) B.C. t9 [54, to], (3) B.C. 12
[54, 35], (4) A.D. 3 (55. 13). But the
second and third of these seem to be con-
fused with the regimen morum ascribed
to him by Dio. The first census was
held by Augustus and Agrippa in virtue
of a censoria fotestas [C. I. L. 9, 422
II. cos. ;
idem censoria fotest. lustrum fecerunt],
the other two in virtue of his consularis
potestas; and it must be remembered
that this was strictly constitutional.
The census had always been in the
hands of the consul. The censors were
appointed to take this burden off them,
but there being no censor the consular
prerogative revived. Therefore Sue-
tonius is wrong in describing the census
as held by a ius derived from a perpetual
censoria potestas.

28. de reddenda...bis. I. In B.c.
28—27 In consulatu sexto et septimo...
rem publicam ex mea potestate im senatus
populique Romani arbitrium transtuli.

A. c. 34. This is the first great
constitutional experiment of Augustus,
and is mentioned by such writers as
Ovid [¥. 1, 589] and Velleius [2, 89] in
the sense in which Augustus desired it
to be regarded. It was also commemo-
rated on coins (e.g. Eckhel 6, 83 2».
Caesar divi f. cos. Vi. libertatis 5. R.
vindex); and in the Fasti (e.g. Fasti
Praem. ad Tan. 13. C. 7. L. t, p. 384
corona querna uli super postes imp.
Caesaris Augusti poneretur senatus de-
crevit quod rem publicam p. R. restituit).
And yet both Strabo [17, 3, 25] and
Dio [52, 1; 53, 12] saw and expressed
the truth that from that time Augustus
was practically supreme.
seems to be that in the course of 28—27
Augustus (r) laid down the extra-
ordinary powers which he had exercised
as triumvir; (2) abolished in an edict
the acta of the triumvirate (Tac. Ax.
3, 28; Dio 53, 2]; (3) while holding
the consulship each year kept up the
custom of handing over the /asces
in alternate months to his colleague

The real fact '

tions

5 magistratibus ac senatu domum accitis rationarium (1) ».c. 27,
Sed reputans, et se privatum non

(2) B.C. 23.

[Dio 53, 1]; (4) restored to the Senate
the control of some of the provinces and
its right of allotting provincial governors ;
(5) allowed censors to be elected in the
ordinary way in B.C. 22. What in spite
of these things maintained the autocracy
of Augustus was (1) that he retained
the fofesfas tribunicia with its tus rela-
tionts and other powers defensive and
obstructive; (2) that he retained or
accepted a perpetual émperium pro-
consulare by reserving to himself the
command of certain of the provinces in
which the presence of a considerable
armed force was necessary [Dio 53, 12].
This led, among other things, to the
separation of the public treasury (aera-
rium), on which fell almost exclusively
the local'expenses in Italy, from the /£scws
or imperial treasury, out of which the ex-
penses of the provinces and army were
defrayed and which was wholly under
the control of the Emperor. (3) Though
the titles of Augustus and Princeps gave
him no definite constitutional powers,
they gave him precedence everywhere
and a certain sanctity which disarmed
opposition. These powers Augustus did
not think of laying down, as Suetonius
says; what he did elaborate was the
restitution of the forms of the republic
so far as was consistent with his own
supremacy.

II. The second occasion referred to
was in B.C. 23 when he was attacked b
what seemed a fatal illness, from whic
he was recovered by the skill of Antonius
Musa, tds re dpxàs rots re ÁXAXovs robs
mwpwrous kal TOv BovAevraw xal row by-
véwv áOpolaas Siddoxor ovddva dwédecte
.. drarexGels Bé Twa avdrois wepl rwv
Snuoclwy wpayudruw Tq ui» Mlcwn rds
re Suvduecs kal ras wpoodbdous ras Kouwds és
BiBMor eyypdwas Edwxe, T 5” ’Ayplrxra
rov Saxriniovy evexelproev [Dio 53, 30].
By thus refraining from appointing a
successor Augustus acknowledged that
the ultimate authority lay with Senate
and people. , But after his recovery, by
resigning thé consulship and resting on
his £ribunicia potestas and proconsulare
imperium he made a still more dis-

62 SUETONI [29

sine periculo fore et illam plurium arbitrio temere committi,
in retinenda perseveravit, dubium, eventu meliore an voluntate.
Quam voluntatem, cum prae se identidem ferret, quodam
etiam edicto his verbis testatus est: /ta wu: salvam ac
sospitem rem publicam sistere in sua sede liceat, atque eius ret
fructum percipere, quem peto, ut optimi status auctor dicar, et
moriens ut feram mecum spem, mansura in vestigio suo funda-

menia rei publicae quae iecero.

Fecitque ipse se compotem

voti, nisus omni modo, ne quem novi status paeniteret.
Urbem, neque pro maiestate imperii ornatam et inunda-
tionibus incendiisque obnoxiam, excoluit adeo, ut

Buildings
and other
adorn-
ments of
the city.

iure sit gloriatus, marmoream se relinquere, quam
latericiam accepisset. Tutam vero, quantum provideri
humana ratione potuit, etiam in posterum praestitit.

Publica opera plurima extruxit, e quibus vel prae-
cipua: Forum cum aede Martis Ultoris, templum Apollinis

tinct departure from old constitutional
theories.
rationarium. Cp. breviarium im-
7, c. 101. The word itself (=‘finan-
cial statement’) does not seem to occur
elsewhere, though rationarti is used in
the Digest for ‘accountants.’
inundationibus incendiisque. The
frequent floods in Rome are familiar to
readers of Livy [1, 4; 24, 9; 25, 21;
30, 38; 38, 28; cp. Hor. Od. 1, 3].
Pliny MV. 4. 3, 5, 55 remarks on the
liability of the Tiber to sudden rises.
Fires were scarcely less frequent, see
the passages quoted by Mr Mayor,
Iuv. 3, 6. The crime of arson was
included under several laws [see Ramsay
KR. Ant. p. 348] and was, it is supposed
from Dig. 42, 9, 9, punishable by burn-
ing alive.
marmoream...relinquere. Dio 56,
30 Thy ‘Pwynr *ynivg» rapadaBuw AcOlynv
Uuiv xaradelww. The extent to which
Augustus by his own liberality and that
of his friends beautified Rome is best
understood by studying the list of build-
ings given in the M. A. cc. r9—ar.
In his sixth Consulship [B.c. 28] for
instance he says that he restored 82
temples in Rome. Cp. Hor. Od. 3, 6,
1—4, and Middleton’s Remains of
Ancient Rome, vol. 1, p. 387, ‘the
whole city burst out, as it were, into a
sudden blaze of splendour, glowing with
the brilliance of richly veined marbles,

poured into Rome from countless quar-
ries in Africa, Greece, and Asia Minor.’

29. forum cum aede Martis Ultoris.
The Forum Augusti was on the S.E.
of the Forum luli, and was a rect-
angular space surrounded by a wall
nearly roo feet high (with the temple
in the centre), lined on the inside with
polished marble. Augustus bought the
land necessary for the building, M. A.
21 in prrvato solo Martis Ultoris tem-
plum forumque Augustum ex manubiis
fect. See Middleton, Remains of Ancient
Rome, vol. 11. p. 6 sqq. There was in
it also a guadrigae dedicated by Augus-
tus, M. A. c. 35. The temple of AZars
Ultor was vowed by Augustus at
Philippi [c. 29, cp. Ov. F. 5, 569] and
dedicated in B.C. 2, see Vell: 2, 100 se
et Gallo Cantnio consulibus. But as early
as B.C. 20 it seems to have been sufh-
ciently advanced to receive the stand-
ards recovered from the Parthians [Dio
54, 8) Three Corinthian columns of
it are still standing. Its treasury is
alluded to in Iuvenal 14, 261. See
also Calg. 24.

templum Apollinis in Palatio. M. A.
19 Zemplumque Apollinis in Palatio cum
porticibus. It was approached by lofty
steps, and two libraries of Greek and
Latin books were attached to it. See
Ov. 77.3, 1, 59
inde tenore pari gradibus sublimia celsis

ducor ad intonsi candida templa dei.

»t

29] DIVUS AUGUSTUS.

in Palatio, aedem Tonantis Iovis in Capitolio. Fori extruendi
causa fuit hominum et iudiciorum multitudo, quae videbatur
non sufficientibus duobus etiam tertio indigere; itaque festi-
natius necdum perfecta Martis aede publicatum est, cautumque
ut separatim in eo publica iudicia et sortitiones iudicum

fierent Aedem Martis bello Philippensi, pro ultione

paterna suscepto, voverat; sanxit ergo, ut de bellis

Mars
Ultor.

triumphisque hic consuleretur senatus, provincias
cum imperio petituri hinc deducerentur, quique victores
redissent, huc insignia triumphorum conferrent. Templum

Apollinis in ea parte Palatinae domus excitavit

^ Apollo

quam fulmine ictam desiderari a deo haruspices Zainws.

signa peregrinis ubi sunt alterna colum-
nis
Belides et stricto barbarus ense pater.
quaeque viri docto veteres coepere novi-
que
pectore, lecturis inspicienda patent.
According to the commentarii divini

[C. 7. L. 1, p. 403] it was dedicated °

October 9, in B.c. 28 [Dio 53, 1 ró re
drwrd\wviov 7d év r@ Iladarly xal rd
repéviona Td wept aird rds re drofjxas
Tov BiBAlwy é£emolmoe kal xadtépwoev].
It was vowed or promised in B.C. 36

after the victory over Sextus Pompeius :

[Vell. 2, 81]. Cp. Hor. Od. 1, 31.

aedem Tonantis, a small temple near
the great temple of Iupiter Capitolinus,
see c. 91. It was of solid blocks of
marble [Plin. N. Z7. 36, 5o]. It was
dedicated in B.C. 22 [Dio 54, 4] on the
I September [C. Z7. Z. 1, p. 400].

publicatum, *opened for public use.'
Cp. Jul. 44 bibhiothecas Graecas Lati-
nasque...publicare. lt is not used in
this sense by Cicero.

separatim, i.e. separately from the
iudicia privata, which were still to be
held in the old forum or basilicae. For
sortitiones iudicum Ascon. on Cic.
Verres Act. 1, 6; Cic. pro Cluent. 27;
pro Flacc. 2; ad Q. Fr. 3, 4; in Pis. 40.

publica iudicia are trials for crimes
under laws establishing quaestiones per-
petuae, such as lex Zulia maiestatis, de
sicarüsetc. Dig. 47, 1, 1.

pro ultione paterna, see on c. 10.

hic, instead of in the Campus, as
before [Liv. 3, 63] or later in the
temple of Bellona outside the pomoe-
rium, because the claimant could not
come inside without forfeiting his im-
perium. See the case of Africanus, Livy

28, ge cp. 26, 21; 28, 9; 31, 473
41, 6.
deducerentur, cp. Caesar starting for
Spain in a lectica inter officia prose-
quentium fascesque lictorum, Jul. 71.
According to the arrangements of Au-
gustus the proconsuls of Senatorial pro-
vinces did not wear the sagum and
sword, the legati or propraetors of
Imperial provinces did. Both had six
lictors, but neither were allowed to
assume the insignia of their office till
they reached their province [Dio 53,
I3) It was therefore probably only
the latter class of provincial governors
who started from the temple, for they
alone had imperium.

fulmine ictam. The consecration of
a place struck by lightning was general.
It was part of the Etruscan discipline,
and therefore was referred to the Etrus-
can haruspices. See Festus s.v. oscum ;
Pliny W. Z7. 2, 145; Pers. Sat. 2, 27.
Augustus seems to have bought up a
number of houses on the Palatine near
his own with the view of enlargement,
and then to have determined on devoting
a part of it to the temple of Apollo and
its adjoining colonnades and libraries.
Dio 49, 15 rà» réwov, bv év ry IIaAa-
tly wor’ olkodoufjoal rwa édvnro, é5n-
poglwoe kal r@’AwédAwvt lépuaev, émeiór)
Kepauvds és abrüy éyxaréoxnyer. Vell.
2, 81 contractas emptionibus complures
domos per procuratores, quo laxior
fieret ipsius, publicis se usibus destinare
professus est, templum Apollinis et circa
porticus facturum promisit, quod ab eo
singulari extructum. munificentia. est.
For the splendours of the temple, see
Propert. 5, 6. Middleton's Remains of
Ancient Rome, vol. 1. p. 185.

pronuntiarant ;

Biblio. | Graecaque,
theca.

quo

Zuppiter
Tonans.

SUETONI

addidit porticus cum bibliotheca Latina
loco
senatum habuit decuriasque iudicum recognovit.
Tonanti Iovi aedem consecravit liberatus periculo,
cum expeditione Cantabrica per nocturnum iters

iam senior saepe etiam

lecticam eius fulgur praestrinxisset servumque praelucentem

exanimasset.

Quaedam etiam opera sub nomine alieno, ne-

potum scilicet et uxoris sororisque, fecit, ut porticum

Porticus.

basilicamque Gai et Luci, item porticus Liviae et
Theatrum. Octaviae theatrumque Marcelli.

Sed et ceteros

principes viros saepe hortatus est, ut pro facultate
quisque monimentis vel novis vel refectis et excultis urbem

Buildngs adornarent.

by his
courtiers.

decurias...recognovit. For the de-
curiae iudicum see on c. 32. As they
were nominated for life by the Emperor
periodical recognitiones would be neces-
sary for filling up vacancies. For re-
cognoscere see cc. 32 and 38; Ca/. 16
equites recognovit.

expeditione Cantabrica, see c. 20.

praelucentem, ‘carrying a torch be-
fore him.’ Stat. Si/v. 1, 2, 89 natant:
praeluxi. luv. 3, 283—4, where Mayor
quotes the name of the slave thus carry-
ing it (/ampadarius) from inscriptions.
See Orelli 2845, 2930. C. 7. L. 6,
8867—69 ; /anternarius, Cic. tn Pis.
9, 20; C. J. LZ. 10, 3970; Val. Max. 6,
8, 1 Janternam praelatam.

quaedam etiam...Marcelli. M. A.
c. 21 Theatrum ad aedem. Apollinis in
solo magna ex parte a privatis empto
fect, quod sub momine M. Marceli
generi mei esset. The theatrum Mar-
celli had been projected by Iulius, see
Jul. 44 theatrum summae magnitudinis
Tarpeio monti accubans. Dio 43, 49
Odarpov r. xara Trà» Toprhov olxodo-
Bijou éedijoas wpoxareBdXero pev ovK
éferéiece 0é. Augustus completed it
and dedicated it either in B.c. 11 [Plin.
H. N. 8, 65] or in B.c. 13 [Dio 54, 36]
in honour of the young Marcellus, son
of Octavia and adopted by himself, who
died in B.C. 23.

basilica. The Basilica Iulia was
dedicated by Iulius in B.C. 46, having
been begun in B.C. 54, if Cicero [ad A Zt.
4, 16, 14] is referring to it. It seems,
though dedicated, not to have been en-
tirely finished off till Augustus put the

Multaque a multis tunc extructa sunt,
sicut a Marcio Philippo aedes Herculis Musarum,

finishing touches to it. It was then
destroyed by fire, and restored by
Augustus A.D. 12 and dedicated to the
memory of Gaius and Lucius [Dio 56,
27]. M. A. ao Forum Iulium et basi-
licam, quae fuit inter aedem | Castoris
et aedem Saturni, coepta. profligataque
opera a patre meo, perfect: et eandem
basilicam consumpta incendio, ampliato
eus solo, sub titulo nominis filiorum
meorum incohavi, et, si vivus non per-
fecissem, perfici heredibus iussi.

porticus Liviae et Octaviae. The
porticus Liviae was on the Esquiline
on the site of a large building said by
tradition to have been the palace of
Servius Tullius; near it was a temple
of Concord also built by Livia, see Ovid
Fast. 637—640 disce tamen, veniens
aetas, ubi Livia nunc est | porticus,
imtnensae tecta fuisse domus. The por-
ticus Octaviae [to be distinguished from
the Porticus Octavia, Livy 45, 6 and
42], built on the site of an older porticus
Metelli, was a quadrangular cloister
enclosing the temples of Iupiter Stator
and Iuno regina. It was built after
the Dalmatian war [B.C. 33] and dedi-
cated in the name of his sister with the
other ofera Octaviae. Mommsen, X. g.
p. 80; Middleton, Remains, vol. 11. p.
200. See fragments of the Capitoline
Plan in Burn’s Rome, p. 300.

ceteros...hortatus est. See Dio 5,4,
18 rois rà éwivlkia méumovow Epyov éx
T&v Aaóípwr és Thy TOv Tpá£ewv ufum
wovety wpooératev.

Marcio...Musaram. This temple was
originally built by M. Fulvius Nobilior

[29—

»t

29. |

DIVUS AUGUSTUS.

a L. Cornificio aedes Dianae, ab Asinio Pollione atrium
Libertatis, a Munatio Planco aedes Saturni, a Cornelio Balbo
theatrum, a Statilio Tauro amphitheatrum, a M. vero Agrippa

complura et egregia.

in B.C. 186, and filled with the spoils of
Ambracia, especially terra-cotta statues
of the Muses by Zeuxis [Plin. MV. Z.
35, 66]. Ovid [7. 6, 799 sq.] seems to
say that Marcius Philippus at his resto-
ration of the temple joined the worship
of Hercules to it,—dictte, Pierides, qui
vos adiunxerit isti, cui dedit invitas
victa noverca manus. AstoL. Marcius
Philippus and his relationship to Au-
gustus see note on p. 17. He appears
not only to have rebuilt the temple but
to have surrounded it with a porticus,
see Burn's Rome, p. 312; Mart. 5, 49,
I2. It appears in the Capitoline plan
opposite one side of the Porticus Octa-
viae.

The aedes Dianae was that said to
have been built on the Aventine by
Servius Tullius as a common temple for
the Latin League [Liv. r, 45; Dionys.
4, 26; Strabo 4, r, 4]. L. Cornificius
was consul B.C. 35 after doing Augustus
good service in the war against Sext.
Pompeius.

The atrium Libertatis was probably
not identical with the temple of Liberty
founded by Tiberius Gracchus on the
Aventine [Burn's Rome, p. 206]. It
appears to have been used as a place
for the examination of slaves by torture
[Cic. pro Mil. $ 59]; and it had a library
attached to it [Ov. 772s£. 3, 1, 71] which
Pollio founded from his Illyrian spoils
[Plin. V. 7Z 7, 115; 35, 10].

aedes Saturni. The very ancient
temple of Saturn was said to have been
dedicated in B.C. 497 [Livy 2, 2; Dionys.
6, 1], and stood at the foot of the
Chvus Capitolinus. For its restoration
by Munatius Plancus see Wilmanns,
III2

L*MVNATIVS* Le Fe Le Ne L* PRON®
PLANCVS * COS * CENS * IMP * TERT VII
VIR * EPVLON * TRIVMPH * EX * RAETIS*
AEDEM * SATVRNI * FECIT * DE * MANI-
BIS.

This attributes the restoration of the
aedes Saturni to the proceeds of his spoils
in the war with the Raeti. His triumph
is given in the Fast. Cap. under 29 Dec.
711/23, as ex Gallia, for he was.governor
of Gaul.

The theatrum of Cornelius Balbus
was dedicated in B.C. 13 [Dio 54, 25].

L. Cornelius Balbus, like his uncle, the
friend and agent of Iulius Caesar, was
a native of Gades, and had obtained
the Roman citizenship about B.C. 72
with his relations. He was with Pollio
in Spain B.C. 44—3, and was proconsul
in Africa in B.C. 20, being allowed a
triumph over the Garamantes in B.C. 19,
—ex Africa VY Kal. Apr. [C. 7. L. 1,
P. 461]. The splendour of his theatre,
which was not far from the theatrum
Marcelli, is mentioned by Pliny W. Z.
36, 60. It was however so near the
Tiber that when the river was flooded
it was inaccessible [Dio 7. c.].

amphitheatrum.. Tauri. The am-
phitheatres at Rome, which were an
adaptation of the Greek theatres for
the purposes of the arena, had always
been temporary wooden structures in
the forum and elsewhere. T. Stati-
lius Taurus was another friumphalis
[C. 7. L. 1, p. 461] ex Africa, which he
had secured for Octavian after serving
against Sext.Pompeius (B.C. 34). Hewas
consul in B.C. 37 and again in B.c. 26
[Wilmanns r111 T*STATILIO * TAVRO*
IMP * III * COS * II * PATRONO], after a
successful campaign in Spain, and again
in B.C. 16. Dio [51, 23] assigns the
erection of the amphitheatre to B.C. 29.
It was on the Campus Martius, and is
said to have been destroyed in A.D. 64
in the great fire [Dio 62, 18]. It did
not at once supersede wooden structures,
either temporary or permanent, like that
of Curio [Plin. A. 77. 36, 116], for
Augustus speaks of exhibitions ## am-
phitheatris [M. A. c. 22].

& M. Agrippa...egregia. Besides
great works in Italy such as the portus
Luliusat Baiae [see pp. 32—3], Agrippa's
contributions to the splendours and con-
veniences of Rome were very numerous,
either at his own cost or as administering
public funds. Besides the Pantheon
which, dedicated in B.C. 27, still stands
as a monument of the greatness of his
ideas [Dio 53, 27; 63, 27; 66, 24], we
hear of Thermae opened in B.c. 21 [Dio
84, 29]; numerous other smaller baths
[Dio 54, 11]; a bridge over the Tiber
[Middleton’s Rome, 2, p. 368]; the com-
pletion of the Seffa in the Campus
[Dio 53, 23]; a porticus (Neptuni [Dio

» “eS

SUETONI

[30

Spatium urbis in regiones vicosque divisit instituitque, ut

City dis-

cautions
against

53, 27 ; 66, 24; Mart. 66, 24]; gardens
with a stagnum, and euripus [Dio 54,
29; Ovid Pont. 1, 8, 38]; two Agquaeduc-
tus,—Agua Julia and Agua Virgo,
begun in B.C. 33 [Frontin. de aguaed. 83;
Dio 54, 11; Plin. V. ZZ. 31, 42]; and
when curator agwarwm in B.C. 33, he
is also said to have caused to be con-
structed 7oo basins or pools and 500
fountains [Plin. V. Z. 36, 121].

[Lanciani, in Ramsay's Antiquities,
p. 62, maintains that the present Pan-
theon is not that of Agrippa, but a
reconstruction of Hadrian. See how-
ever Middleton's Rome, 2, p. 137.]

30. spatium...divisit. The date of
this measure (B.C. 7) is proved by an
entry in the Zas/; [Henzen, 6545] re-
cording the completion of a list of 107
vici-magistri Imp. Caes. Nerv. Trai.
August. 111 Sex. Jul. Frontin. 11 Coss.,
i.e. A.D. 100. The list of fourteen
regiones into which Rome, both Mp
and without the Servian walls,
divided is given by Preller, A&
der Stadt Kom, by Nardini, Roma An-
tica, by Prof. Middleton, Remains of
Ancient Rome, vol. 1, pp. 380—4, by
Ramsay, Ant. p. 13, ed. 1894. The
vegiones contained a varying number
of smaller divisions or parishes (vici)
amounting in all to 265, each of which
had its aedicula Larium or compitalis,
chapel of the Lares worshipped at
the central compitum, see Plin. NV. 47.
3, 66 regiones xiv, compita Larium
ccixv. The worship of the genius Au-
gustt seems afterwards to have been
united with that of the Lares, see
C. J. L. 6, 454 LARIBVS * AVG « VICI»
MAG « F* Q* MVNATIVS * SELNP « M *
MVNATIVS * IRENAEUS * M * VLPIVS «
AGATHONICVS * T * VIBIVS * HERMES.
Cp. Ov. Fast. 5, 145 mille Lares Geni-
wmque ducis, qui tradidit tllos, urbs
habet: et vici numina trina colunt. See
Mommsen res g. p. 82. For the em-
ployment of the zeus as an adminis-
trative unit, see cc. 40, 43; Z3/er. 76;
Claud. 18. The division into regiones
was of course ancient [Dionys. Hal. 4,
14], but the number (14 instead of 4)
and the space included were new, the

excubias nocturnas vigilesque commentus est ;

illas annui magistratus sortito tuerentur, hos magistri
tricts: pre- e plebe cuiusque viciniae lecti.

Adversus incendia
ad

latter extending perhaps to about the
line of the subsequent Aurelian walls.

ut illas...lecti. The management of
the regiones was assigned by lot to the
praetors, aediles, and tribunes [tribunes
in C. Z. L. 6, 449, 450, 452; praetors
i^. 451, 453], see Dio 55, 8 TO» dyopa-
vópoy kal Ty 07 wy TOV TE OTpaTT-
cv vaca» rv wor, Sexarécoapa uépn
veun0eiaa», KANpy TpoaraxOérrwv. Un-
der them were curatores and denuntia-
tores. See Wilmanns 1715 REG * I *
CVR * CVRTIVS * 2* L * IVCVNDVS * P*
HELVIDIVS * P* L * HERMES. These
were generally freedmen, as in this case.
Cp. Rushforth 45.

. Fourvicorum mapistri were
elected annually by the inhabitants of
the vicus, and at the celebration of the
religious rites on the 1st of May [Ov.
F. 5, 129], and the rst of August, when
they entered upon their office [C. 7. Z.
6, 446; Wilmanns 1716 DIANAE * AVG-
VST * SACRVM * Q * AVILIVS * ADAEVS «
MAGISTER * VICI * QVI * K * AVGVSTIS *
PRIMVS* MINISTERIVM*INIT. Cp. #0.
1717), wore the /oga practexta, and were
escorted by Lictors. Dio 55, 8 oi dé dy
crevwrol émipednr ay TU GV éx ToU dnuou,
ods xal orevwrdpxous ,KüXoüpev* xal
c Qut kal Tp éo097. T] Apxukü kal paB-
Sovxous 300 év abrois Tots xwplas wy ay
&px wet, nuépacs Tw xpno Gat €660n. They
too were generally freedmen, see C. /. Z.
6, 448, 975, Rushf. 45.

adversus incendia...commentus, see

on c. 28. The aediles were specially
charged with this duty, see Dio 54, 3.
But as they proved inadequate, seven
corps of nocturni vigiles were organised
in A.D. 6 under a praefectus to manage
the business. Dio 5 5, 26 éreibg.. To Ad
Tns TÓAews pl diepOdpy aydpas Te é£eXev-
Óépovs érraxgp wpds Tas éxikovplas abris
kareMé£aro xal üpxovra lwéa adrois
mwpocérage. See also supr. c. 25; Dig. t,
I5, 3, 8 4; Mayor on /uv. 3, 199
These vigiles were distinct from the
cohortes urbanae which were in the city
to the number of 6000 men [Dio 55,
24 ol r7s wodews ppoupol é£akurxDuol re
Üvres kal rerpaxy vevepnuéva. Cp. Tac.
Ann. 4, 5].

30] DIVUS AUGUSTUS. 67:

coercendas inundationes alveum Tiberis laxavit ac fre and
repurgavit, completum olim ruderibus et aedificiorum flood.
prolationibus coartatum. Quo autem facilius undique urbs
adiretur, desumpta sibi Flaminia via 'Arimino tenus munienda,

sreliquas triumphalibus viris ex manubiali pecunià

sternendas distribuit.

alveum Tiberis laxavit. For /axare
‘to enlarge’ see Cic. Alt. 4, 15 swf

forum laxaremus et usque ad atrium

Libertatis explicaremus. This was appa-
rently the /erminatio of the Tiber bank
made in B.C. 8, see C. 7. L. 1235 f.
Rushf. pp. 26—29, Wilmanns 846 c*
MARCIVS L « Fe Le N *CENSORINVS *C*
ASINIVS * C* F* GALLVS* COS* EX * S* C*
TERMIN * Re Re (reco rigore) PROXIM *
CIPPVS * PED * XLII * CVRATORES « RIPA-
RVM * QVI * FVERVNT * EX * Se C * RE-
STITVERVNT. That is, the first board
of curatores [A.D. 15, see on c. 37] re-
stored the work of the consuls Censo-
rinus and Asinius (B.C. 8). This had
been the duty of the Censors, see
C. Z. L. 1, 609 P*SERVILIVS* C « F*
ISAVRICVS « M. VALERIVS « MS F* NV*
Ne MESSAL * CENS « EX * S* C * TERMIN.
(B.C. $5—54). For the M eund of
inundations see on c. 28. The /ermi-
natio alluded to in the last inscription
was in consequence of one, see Dio 39,
61. Two specially severe floods are
recorded in B.C. 27 [Dio 53, 20] and
B.C. 23 [77. 33].

ruderibus, 'rubbish' from building
operations or ruins caused by fire, as in
that of Nero's time, see Mero 38. The
Emperor promised a gratuitous ruderum
egestio, which were to be used for filling
up ‘marshes, Tac. 4s». 15, 43. See
Dig. 39, a4. For the damage to
buildings caused by the inundations, see
Otho 1.

prolationibus, ‘extensions,’ cp. Livy
31, 5 fintum prolatio. Such encroach-
ments on the river may be among those
referred to by Horace, Odes 3, 1, 33-

desumpta sibi Flaminia. This ar-
rangement was made in B.C. 27; M. A.
c. 20 Consul septimum viam Flami-
niam (ab urbe) Ariminum feci et pontes
omnes praeter Mulvium et Minucium:
Dio 53, 22 év perv yap TQ wpoetpnudry
Ere ras 0000s Tas Ew Tot Telxovs Óvo'ro-
pevrous bm’ dyedelas ópQv odcas ras uàv
&AXas dAXous Til trav BovAevrüw ém-
oxevacat rots olkelo.s ré\eor mpocérate,
rhs 66 Prauwlas avdros éwecdrwep éx-

The Viae.

orparedcew Ot’ adris Euedrev, érepe-
A05. The via Flaminia, the most im-
portant of the three great roads to the
North [tres ergo viae: a supero mari
Flaminia, ab infero Aurelia, media
Cassia, Cic. 12 PA. S 22], ended at
Ariminum where it was joined by the
via Aemilia leading westward through
the valley of the Po. The inscription
on the triumphal marble arch still stand-
ing at Ariminum confirms the fact and
the date, C. 7. L. 11, 365. The via
Flaminia was first made fit for military
use by Gaius Flaminius, in his censor-
ship B.C. 222 [Livy Ef. 20]. Augustus,
though taking the via Flaminia under
his special care, repaired or supplied
money for repairing other roads also,
Middleton, Remains of Ancient Rome,
2, P- 357-

reliquas...distribuit. Of these v7
triumphales we know from inscriptions
of C. Calvisius Sabinus who triumphed
from Spain in B.c. 28and repaired the via
Latina [C. Z. L. 1, p. 478; 895 ; Momm-
sen »es g. p. 87]. The importance of the
curatio viarum extra urbem is shown by
the rank of the men appointed curatores,
who were almost always of the ordo
senatoris [Wilmanns 2, p. 79]. Iulius
Caesar made almost his first bid for
popularity as curator viae Appiae [Plut.
Caes. 5], and Cicero in 65 regards the
repair of the via Flaminia as rendering
a man a formidable rival for the consul-
ship [A4Z. 1, 1, 2].

ex manubiali pecunia. This does
not seem to occur elsewhere. The
usual expression is ex manubits, for
manubiae are not spoils, but money
obtained from sale of spoils. Aul. Gell.
I3, 25, 26 nam praeda dicitur corpora
ipsa rerum quae capta sunt, manubiae
vero appellatae sunt pecunia a quaestore
ex venditione praedae redacta. Of the
three parts into which this money
was divided one went to the treasury,
one to the soldiers, one to the general.
This last was frequently spent wholly
or in part upon public works. See
Livy 1o, 46; Cicero i» Verr. 2, 3 8 186;

5—2

SUETONI

[30—

Aedes sacras vetustate conlapsas aut incendio absumptas
refecit easque et ceteras opulentissimis donis ador-

Restor-
ations.

navit, ut qui in cellam Capitolini Iovis sedecim milia

pondo auri gemmasque ac margaritas quingenties

31 sestertii una donatione contulerit.

2, 1,8 54; Plin. V. 7.758 97; Suet.
Jul. 26 forum de manubiis inchoavit,
Tió. 20 dedicavit et. Concordiae aedem,
stem Pollucis et Castoris...de manubiis;
M. A. 21 Jn privato solo Martis Ultoris
templum forumque Augustum ex mani-
biis feci.

Aedes sacras. "This general restora-
tion took place for the most part in B.c.
28. See M. A. 20 duo et octoginta templa
deorum in urbe consul sext. ex decreto
senatus refeci, nullo braetermisso quod eo
tempore refici debebat. Descendants of
the original founders were charged with
the restoration of others, Dio 53, 3 rovs
bev yap bw’ lBuerQv TwOv yeyevnuévous
Tos T€ watoly a)bTQv kal rois éyydvoas ef

“ye Twes weptjoay émioxevdoa ékéNevoerv
TOUS 5¢ Nowods a’rds dvexrjnocaro. To
this Horace, Odes 3, 6 (written about
B.C. 27), specially refers De/icta maiorum
immeritus lues, | Romane, donec templa
refeceris | aedesque labentes deorum, et |
foeda nigro simulacra fumo. Livy (4,
20) tells us of the examination of the
spolia opima in the temple of Iupiter
Feretrius by the Emperor, Zemplorum
omnium conditorem aut restitutorem.
See also Ovid, Fast. 2, 59—66.

For the distinction between aedes
and templum cf. Gell. 14, 7. Aedes is
the building or cella, while femplum is
the sacred enclosure round it, though
loosely used sometimes for the building,
and must have been consecrated by an
augur. See Mommsen, res g. p. 78;
and Middleton, Remains of Ancient
Rome, vol. 2, p. 248, who quotes an
inscription from Budi. Com. Arch. 1887
P- 223 AEDEM * IPSIVS * MARMORATAM*
A * SOLO * SVA * PECVNIA * FECIT « ET*
TEMPLVM * MARMORIS * STRAVIT «
IDEMQ * DEDICAVIT. Also C. /. L. 6,
10234 AEDES * DIVI » TITI * IN * TEM-
PLO « DEORVM.

ceteras...contulerit. This gift of
jewels to Iupiter Capitolinus (valued at
50,000,000 sesterces) was half the entire

amount of such gifts made by Augustus. '

See M. A. 21 doma ex manibits in
Capitolio et in aede divi Juli et in aede
Apollinis et in aede Vestae et in templo
Martisconsecravt, quae mihi constiterunt

Postquam vero pontifica-

HS circiter milljens ; and therefore the
statement of the amount of gold given
(64.000,000 sesterces) is shown by
Mommsen to be exaggerated. The
jewels apparently came from the spoils
of Cleopatra [cf. c. 41, Dio 51, 22].
For various other objects dedicated by
Augustus, see Pliny V. ZZ. 35, 27—8,
93—4 (pictures); 2, 94; 7, 183; 36, 38
(statues); 36, 196 (elephanti obsiani).
$1. pontificatum...sustinuerat. Le-
pidus [who had obtained the office in
the confusion following Caesar’s assassi-
nation, Livy Zp. 117; Vell. 2, 63] died
in B.C. 13; but Augustus was not elected
till 6 March B.c. 12 [M.A. 10 P. Sul-
puto C. Valgio consulibus. | C. lf. L. 1,
P. 387; cp. Zaóula Maffeiana, and Ov.
F.3, 415]. It seems to have been usual
for some such interval to elapse before
a new election: thus Iulius was not
elected till the beginning of B.c.
62 [Plut. Caes. 7; Dio 37, 37], and
Tiberius’ election was also in the
March following the death of Augus-
tus in the preceding August [C. /. Z. 1,
p. 388]. The pontiffs were appointed
for life, and the Pont. Max., as exercising
some of the kingly functions, was irre-
movable. App. &. czv. 5, 131 Tod Shou
ray peylorny lepwoivnvy és abróv éx
Aenldou ueradépovros, jv Éva Éxew vevó-
pucras péxpe Gavdrou, oix éüéxero. The
pretext for the breach of the rule in-
volved in the offer to Augustus was the
irregularity in Lepidus’ accession to the
office. Livy l. c. says im confusione
rerum ac tumultu... Sntercipit. Vell. l.c.
in locum Caesaris furto creatus. Dio
[44, 53] says that Antony in fear of
Lepidus...dpxiepéa abrüv drodecxOjvac
wapecxevacev...dxws yap 03) pgdlws ard
wowjon És re rovs lepéas abO.s dxd Tod
Snuov Thy alpeow rol dpxiepéws éwavh-
yaye... Augustus however was anxious
to break no constitutional rule that he
could safely keep, and no doubt he was
able in Lepidus’ state of powerlessness
to exercise the functions without the
name. He takes credit however for his
abstention [see M. A. 10...2% vivi conle-
gae locum populo id sacerdotium deferente
"ihi...rec«savi] The office gave zm-

e Ee a ee I i. A eT ON ne ea MEE

31.] DIVUS AUGUSTUS. 69

tum maximum, quem numquam vivo Lepido auferre sustinu-

erat, mortuo demum suscepit, quidquid fatidicorum

Pontifex

librorum Graeci Latinique generis nullis vel parum Maximus

idoneis auctoribus vulgo ferebatur, supra duo milia
s contracta undique cremavit ac solos retinuit Sibyllinos, hos

B.C. I2.

quoque dilectu habito; condiditque duobus forulis

auratis sub Palatini Apollinis basi. Annum a Divo

Sibylline
Verses.

Iulio ordinatum, sed postea neglegentia conturbatum
atque confusum, rursus ad pristinam rationem redegit; in

:o Cuius ordinatione Sextilem mensem e suo cognomine

Calendar.

nuncupavit, magis quam Septembrem quo erat natus,
quod hoc sibi et primus consulatus et insignes victoriae

perium et auspicium, and, though Au-
gustus had these from other sources, it
also gave him control on the appoint-
ment of vestals and the flamen dialis,
disciplinary powers over the priests, the
power of fixing /udt conceptivi and the
calendar generally. Allsubsequent Em-
erors took the office up to Gratian
A. D. 382).
quidquid fatidicorum ... ferebatur.
‘whatever prophetic writings were cur-
rent,’ cp. Jud. 20 ut vulgo tox ferrentur
hi versus. Cicero Brut. 8 27 Periclem
cuius scripla quaedam feruntur. The
burning of the fbr Sibylüimi on the
6th July B.c. 83 [Appian Z. civ. 1, 86;
Tac. Z7. 3, 72; Pliny W. Z4. 13, 88;
Plutarch .$2/4. 27; Dio fr. 106] had been
followed by a commission to collect
others from various towns in Italy and
Greece [Dionys. H. 4, 62; Tac. Ann.
6, 18]. Some of them were getting il-
legible from age, and Augustus ordered
them to be recopied [Dio 54, 17]. The
circulation of unauthentic verses how-
ever does not seem to have been wholly
suspended by this revision, for in A.D. 32
we hear of another book being known
at Rome [Tac. 425.1. c.]. The official
copy continued to be consulted till late
in the 3rd century, see Vopisc. Aurel.
18; and, after attempts to revive its
authority by lulian, was finally burnt
by Stilicho about A.D. 400. They were
under the charge of the Xv viri, who
consulted them by order of the Senate,
and were bound to keep their contents
otherwise secret [Val. Max. 1, 1; Zo-
naras 7, 11; Lactant. Zs»5£. 1, 6, 13].
For forulos see Iuv. 3, 219 Aic /ióros
dabit et forulos mediamque Minervam.

annum...redegit. According to Dio
[55, 6] the change of Sextilis to Augus-
tus was made in B.C. 8. The error in
the calculation of the Julian calendar,
according to Macrobius [Saé. 1, 14],
arose from the Sacerdotes having added
the intercalary day one year in advance
of the true leap-year, i.e. when three
years instead of four had passed; the
Julian calculation being that the Solar
year was 365 d. 6h. Asthis came in the
year B.C. 45 the error by B.C. 8 would
amount to three days, i.e. there would
have been twelve years with the extra
day instead of 9. Augustus therefore
ordained that there should be no addi-
tional day for the next 12 years. Ac-
cordingly a SCtum was passed to this
effect [Censor. de d. zat. 22] as well as
a plebiscitum on the motion of the
tribune Sex. Pacuvius [Macr. l.c., Bruns,
Fontes, p. 175).

Sextilem...optigissent. Dio 55, 6 dr.
kal Ümaros év alr TO T prov ameüébekro
kal uáxas wodAds kal uevyáAas éveriknes.
The victories alluded to cannot include
those in the civil war, either at Mutina,
Philippi, Perusia, or Actium, for they
were all in other months [see notes
pp- 9, 36]. But Augustus entered Alex-
andria in August [p. 39], and Drusus con-
quered the Breuni about the same time
in the year [Hor. Od. 4, 14, 34 quo die
Portus Alexandrea supplex Et vacuam
patefecit. aulam, Fortuna lustro pros-
pera tertio Belli secundos reddidit exatus
..] The victory over Sextus Pompeius
may also have been at the end of August,
see note p. 36. It is noteworthy that
though the name of July, in spite of the
protests of the Optimate party [see Cic.

70 SUETONI [31

optigissent. Sacerdotum et numerum et dignitatem sed et
commoda auxit, praecipue Vestalium virginum.
Vestals, Cumque in demortuae locum aliam capi oporteret,
ambirentque multi ne filias in sortem darent, adiura-

The

vit, si cuiusquam neptium suarum competeret aetas, oblaturum s

se fuisse eam. Nonnulla etiam ex antiquis caerimonis paulatim

Att, 16, 1 and 4], and the name of
August without any protest at all, pre-
vailed, similar attempts by other Em-
| gin to name months in their own
onour failed [Suet. Mero 55; Dom.
13; Dio 57, 4; Ael. Commod. 8, 8].
sacerdotum...auxit. It was part of
Augustus' planof political reconstruction
to revive and give importance to the
various sacred colleges. One method
of doing this was by becoming a mem-
ber of them himself. Accordingly we
learn from the M.A. 7, that he was
pontifex, augur, quindecimuir s.f., sep-
temvir epulonum, frater arvalis, sodalis
Titius, fetialis. And he was not only
an honorary member, he attempted to
keep alive their ancient ceremonies.
His voting among the Arval brethren is
recorded in the Acta [Henzen pp. xxix,
xxx], and as a fetial he proclaimed war
against Cleopatra [Dio 5o, 4]. It was
these colleges too, with that of the 7777;
sodales, which Augustus seems to have
specially revived both by entering them
himself and causing members of his
family to do so: hence we find Nero
Caesar, son of Germanicus, called famen
Augustalis, sodalis Augustalis, sodalis
Titius, frater arvalis, fetialis, quaestor
[Mommsen 7*s g. p. 34; C. /. L. 6, 913].
commoda, 'allowances. This must
be held to include both ‘endowments’
and special exemptions. The priests
were exempt from military service, im-
posts, and public services (wea).
Dionys. 4, 62, 715; 5, 1; Livy 4, 54;
Gell. ro, 15; Plut. Mum. 14; Cic.
Acad. fr. 2, 38; Brut. 8 117. But the
claim of the augures and sacerdotes to
such exemption was once at least dis-
puted [Livy 33, 42]. The cost of sacri-
fices, banquets etc., was provided for
by certain charges on some of the ager
publicus [Cic. Phil. 13, 15; Oros. 5,
18; Festus 245], and the collegia had
probably other landed estates. Fresh
grants were made from time to time.
Thus Aurelian decrevit etiam emolumenta
sartis tectis et ministris (Vopisc. 35).
Augustus is said to have given lands at

Lanuvium to the Vestals [Frontin. de
coloniis 106}, and his special favour to
them is alluded to by Ovid 7. 6, 455
nunc bene lucetis sacrae sub Caesare
flammae. Besides such grants to the
College, individual Vestals were richly
dowered [Tac. Ann. 4, 16].
cumque...fuisse eam. The number
of the Vestals was always six, though
at some period before the final closing
of the College by Gratian it had been
raised to seven [Symmachus Z. 10, 61;
Ambros. Ef. 17]. The conditions were
that the girl should be between six and
ten, the daughter of parents living (fa-
trima et matrima), who were not freed-
men nor engaged in any mechanical
trade, and that she should be bound to
chastity and the service of the goddess
for thirty years, after which she might
retire and marry. In case of a vacancy
the Pontifex Maximus named twenty
girls one of whom was chosen by lot,
though as a rule this was rendered un-
necessary by the voluntary offer of some
parent [Gell. r, 12, 10). But about
this time there seems to have been a
falling off of such volunteers, so that
Augustus relaxed the rule as to the
daughters of freedmen, Dio 55, 22 éwe:d7
re ov padiws ol wdvu ciyeveis ras Ovya-
Tépas els ri» ris Eorlas leparelay éveól-
Socay, évouoerj0n xal é£ dwedevOdpww
yeyerunpévas lepüa0a4, —and, as we have
seen, a large dowry from the treasury
was offered to induce parents to present
their girls [Tac. Am. 4, 16; 11, 86].
competeret, ‘were eligible,’ ‘were
within the legal limit,’ generally fol-
lowed by the abl. of the thing constitu-
ting the competence [Tac. ZZ. 3, 40]
or ad with the accus. of that for which
one is competent [Livy 22, 5]. This
absolute use is late. Of Augustus’
grand-daughters at the time of the
measure mentioned by Dio (A.D. 4)
there were only Iulia and Agrippina, both
of whom were born before B.C. 15 and
so would be too old. His great-grand-
in Ed by Agrippina was not yet
orn.

eee ew US

31] DIVUS AUGUSTUS. 71

abolita restituit, ut Salutis augurium, Diale flaminium, sacrum
Lupercale, ludos saeculares et compitalicios. Lupercalibus

Salutis augurium. The new con-
suls on coming into office offered a
prayer to Salus for the health and pros-
perity of the people, but before doing
so the auspices had to be taken to
ascertain whether such a prayer might
be offered; and the whole ceremony
was called Augurium Salutis, Dio 37,
24 Wore Td olor pa Td THS Übyielas did,
wdvu WoNNod rotjoa (in B.C. 63 after
Pompey's victories). ToÜro dé payrelas
Tis Tpéwos éorl, wmicrw Twa Exwv el
éwirpéwes ogiow 6 Oeds vyielay alrfjoat,
ws ox Sovov dv ode alrnow avbtijs plv
ocvyxwpnOivas yevéoOar. One condition
was that there should be peace; and
Augustus took great pleasure in renew-
ing the ceremony in B.C. 29 in con-
nexion with the closing-of the temple
of Ianus, Dio 51, 20 rds re swíAas Tod
"lavod ws kal márruv olor To» wodénwy
weraupévuw Exrecay kal 7d olumoua
To Tis tyelas éwolnoay. See Mar-
quardt 13, p. 77, note (7). The name
of the Emperor was joined in the
solemn votorum nuncupatio along with
that of the Salus Publica, which took
place usually on 3 January, see
Wilmanns 2876. For the worship of
Salus, begun in B.C. 180, see Livy 40,
37; Wilmanns 13, 64 a, 102.

Diale flaminium. According to
Festus (s.v. maximae dignationis) there
were thirteen flamens: attached to the
worship of different gods; but there
were flamines maiores (Dialis, Martis,
Quirini). The /famenm dialis occupied
& position of great dignity, had a seat
in the Senate, the sella curulis, and
was preceded by a lictom but he was
subject to the most minute and tire-
some rules as to duties and residence.
Every day was /estws to him, he might
not sleep a night out of Rome, or mount
a horse, or take an oath. The last was
held to exclude him also from all magis-
tracies, though this was at times got
over by his colleague taking it for him
[Livy 31, 50; 39, 39, 45] It was no
wonder therefore that it was found
difficult to get men of high rank to
serve [Livy 27, 8], and when L. Cor-
nelius Merula died in B.c. 87 the office
remained vacant for 75 years, till Au-
gustus secured an appointment in B.C.
11 [Tac. Ann. 3, 58; Dio Cass. 54, 36].

For the position of the famen dtalzs
and rules affecting him and his wife

(flaminica), see generally Aul. Gell. 10,
15; Plut. Q. A. 14, 50; Romulus 47;
Tac. Ann. 4, 16; Festus s. vv. Flaminica
and egao; Servius ad Vergil. Aen. 4, 262;
Wilmanns 539.

sacrum Lupercale. The restoration
of the Lupercal is mentioned among the
works of Augustus in the M. A. c. 4.
The site of the sacred cave is uncer-
tain. The festival celebrated on the 15
February was probably connected with
beating the bounds of the ancient Pala-
tine city. The circumstance of its cele-
bration in B.C. 44, when Antony offered
Iulius a crown [Cic. 2 ZAz. 88 86—7],
seems to have led the Senate to with-
draw from the college of Luperci an
endowment granted them by Caesar
[Cic. 13 PAZ. § 31 vectigalia Juliana
Lupercis ademistis), and apparently to
put a stop to the festival. It continued
to be celebrated thenceforth till A.D. 494,
when Pope Gelasius substituted for it
the feast of the Purification of the
Virgin.

ludos saeculares, M. A.c. 22 Procon-
legio xv virorum magister conlegii collega
M. Agrippa Iudos Saeculares C. FurnioC.
Silano Cos. feci, i.e. B.C. 17, A. U. C. 737-
These games were the special function
of the xv viri (who had also charge of the
Sibylline books), see Tac. Asm. 11, 11.
On what calculation Augustus selected
the year for them is uncertain, though
it appears to have rested on some pas-
sage of the Sibylline books [Hor. C. .S.
5] Dio 54, 18 says they were the 5th
held since the foundation of the city.
The preceding celebrations are said
[Censorinus 17, 8] to have been in 449,
348, 249, 149 [though Livy P. 49
only notices the two last]. The fifth
should therefore have been in B.C. 49 or
48. The Civil War prevented that,
and Augustus and his colleagues may
have arrived at the year 17, by deduct-
ing 33 years as the number accumulated
in advance by thelast three saecuda being
reckoned as roo years, whereas the
right length of the saeculum was said to
be rro years [Hor. Carm. Saec. 21
certus undenos deciens per annos. orbis
ut cantus referatque ludos...| as being
the maximum length of a man's life.
The Emperor Claudius in A.D. 47 how-
ever neglected this calculation, taking
the 8ooth year of the city according to
the Varronian epoch. But Domitian

SUETONI [31—

vetuit currere inberbes, item saecularibus ludis iuvenes utrius-
que sexus prohibuit ullum nocturnum spectaculum frequentare
nisi cum aliquo maiore natu propinquorum. Compitales
Lares ornari bis anno instituit, vernis floribus et aestivis.
Proximum a dis immortalibus honorem memoriae ducum
praestitit, qui imperium Populi Romani ex minimo
maximum reddidissent. Itaque et opera cuiusque
manentibus titulis restituit et statuas omnium trium-
phali effigie in utraque fori sui porticu dedicavit, professus
edicto commentum id se, ut ad illorum velut exemplar et ipse,
dum vtveret, et insequentium aetatium principes exigerentur a
civibus. Pompei quoque statuam contra theatri eius regiam

Inscrip-
tions.

in A.D. 88 seems to have gone back
to it [Suet. Dom. 4]. See also C. 7. Z.
I, p- 442, Marquardt 12, p. 89 sqq.

compitalicios. The Cor:iitalia, which
dated from the regal period, were pro-
perly Judi conceptivi, but were so gene-
rally fixed on or about the 3rd and 4th of
January, soon after the Saturnalia, that
they became equivalent to Judi stati
[Mommsen, C. /. Z. 1, p. 382]. They
were under the charge of the officers of
the vici as magistri collegiorum compita-
lictorum [Livy 34, 7; C. Z. LZ. 6, 1234).
But these colleges having been abolished
by a Senatus Consultum in B.C. 64 as
dangerous, restored by Clodius in B.c.
58, and again abolished by Caesar
[Ascon. 22 Pis. p. 6; Suet. Zu. 42], the
celebrations seem to have fallen into
desuetude. The restoration of Augus-
tus was connected with the reorganiza-
tion of the vici mentioned in c. 31. It
is alluded to by Vergil Aen. 8, 717
ludisque viae plausuque fremebant. ‘The
celebrations of the Compitalia in the
country [Cato A. A. 5 and 57] were
perhaps not interrupted, see Cic. ad
Att. 7, 7, 8 3.

compitales...aestivis, that is, pro- .

bably on the rst May and rst of August,
—the latter being the day on which the
new vorum magistrz entered on their
office. Ovid F. 5, 129 praestitibus Maiae
Laribus videre Kalendae aram constitui
147 Quoferor? Augustus mensis nihi
carminis huius ius habet. But it is no-
- where precisely stated that these were
the two days, see Marquardt 12, p. 248;
Mommsen in C. Z. Z. 1, p. 393.

statuas...triumphali effigie, *statues
with triumphal ornaments.’ The series
of statues in niches in the colonnades

round the forum Augusti began with
Aeneas and came down to the time of
Augustus. Ovid JM. 5, 563 Ainc videt
Aenean oneratum pondere caro Et tot
Zuleae nobilitatis avos. See also the list
in Vergil Aen. v1. Gellius 9, 11mentions
Valerius Corvinus among them. See
Iuv. 1, 129 deinde forum iurisque peri-
tus Apollo atque triumphales. Dio says
they were of bronze (xaAxois), 55, 107,
but Lampridius of marble [44/ex. Sev.
28, 6 exemplo Augusti qui summorum
virorum statuas in foro suo e marmore
collocavit additis gestis) There were
not it seems equestrian statues, i.e. in
chariots, as was the fashion in other
places [Iuv. 8, 3; 7, 125; Plin. W. Z7.
unde et nostri currus nati in us qui
triumphavissent. Serum hoc, et in hes
non nisi a divo Augusto seiuges. The
car set up in the middle of the forum
seems to have been meant as a trium-
phal emblem for all alike. M. A. c.
35. Forthe inscriptions see Vell. Pat.
2,39 Divus Augustus praeter Hispanias

aliasque gentes, quarum titulis forum’

eius praenitet etc. For extant speci-
mens see C. /. ZL. 1, pp. 381—292.

Pompei...statuam. This was the
statue in the Curia Pompei, at the foot
of which Iulius Caesar fell It was
saved from the fire by which the Curia
was destroyed after the murder. Suet.
Caes. 88; App. &. ctv. 2, 147. It has
been supposed to be the same marble
statue which was found in r553, and is
now in the Palazzo Spada. But this is
not proved, and the more general
opinion is that the statue in the Curia
was of bronze.

regiam sc. forticum, cp. c. 76. The
porticus Pompetana was outside the

32.]

DIVUS AUGUSTUS. 73

marmoreo lano superposuit, translatam e curia, in qua C.

Caesar fuerat occisus.

Pleraque pessimi exempli in perniciem publicam aut ex 32
consuetudine licentiaque bellorum civilium durave-

uppres-

5 rant aut per pacem etiam extiterant; nam et grassa- ion of
torum plurimi palam se ferebant succincti ferro, quasi pi E
tuendi sui causa, et rapti per agros viatores sine
discrimine liberi servique ergastulis possessorum supprime-
bantur, et plurimae factiones titulo collegi novi ad nullius
x0 non facinoris societatem coibant. Igitur grassaturas
dispositis per opportuna loca stationibus inhibuit, illegal

ergastula recognovit, collegia praeter antiqua et

associa-
tions.

legitima dissolvit. Tabulas veterum aerari debitorum,

theatre. It was a large court, sur-
rounded by a cloister supported by rows
of columns. It was also called the
Hecatostylon, and is so named on the
marble Plan. The court was adorned
with rows of sycamore trees, fountains,
and statues... Pompe: dona nemusque du-
plex, Mart. 2, 14, 10. f modo Pompeia
lentus spatiare sub umbra, Ov. A. A.
I, 67; cp. Cic. de Fat. c. 4.

marmoreo Iano, ‘a marble arch’ or
rather double arch with four ways...
Janus quadrifrons.

82. grassatorum, ‘foot-pads,’ are
thus defined in the Dug. 48, 19, 28, 8 15
grassatores qui praedae causa id faciunt
proximi latronibus habentur. Cp. c.
43-

*snocinetl ferro. This was additional
aggravation, Dig. l.c. ef st cum ferro
aggredi instituerunt, capite puntuntur.

ergastulis...supprimebantur, ‘ were
kept shut up in the slave prisons.’ The
ergastula were primarily prisons for re-
fractory slaves, who worked in the fields
in chains and were shut up during the
night in separate cells, often under-
ground, Livy 2, 23; 7,4; Columella1,
6 § 3. The abuse here mentioned, of
confining free men in these places, caused
Tiberius later on to hold a visitation of
ergastula throughout Italy, 775. 8 guo-
rum domini in invidiam venerant quasi
exceptos supprimerent non solum viatores
sed et quos sacramenti metus ad etus
modi latebras compulisset. Cp. Colum.
1, 8 and 16 wt ergastuli mancipia re-
cognoscant, ut explorent...num villicus
aut alligaverit quemquam domino ne-
sciente aut revinxerit. But the scandal

went on till Hadrian abolished them
altogether, Spartian. ZZadr. 18 ergastula
servorum et. liberorum tulit. For the
enormous number of these plantations
of slaves (often criminal or treated as:
criminal) throughout Italy, see Lucan
7, 402 ; Tacit. Ann. 4, 27; Iuv. 8, 180;
14, 24; Seneca de Zr. 3, 32; Pliny
Hf. N. 18, 88 21 and 36; Plutarch 776,
Gr.8; Appian Z. civ. 1, 7; Florus 2,
7,3- Mommsen (A. Z. 3, p. 79, E. T.
lesser ed.] regards the system of slave
plantations as having been brought by
the Carthaginians into Sicily; and, con-
necting the word ergastulum with épyá-
fopat, considers that its mongrel forma-
tion shows that it originated somewhere
where Greek influence was felt but
Greek civilisation was imperfect.

supprimere conveys the notion of
‘putting out of the way,’ causing to dis-
appear, Dig. 48, 8, 3, 84 qui naufragum
Suppresserit.

per opportuna loca. Cp. 715. 37
in primis tuendae pacis a grassaturis et
latrociniis seditionumque licentia curam
habui. Stationes militum solito fre-
quentiores disposuit, Thus Iuvenal [3,
307] speaks of the Pomptine marshes
and the Gallinaria pinus being so
guarded. Cp. zd. 10, 22. Augustus
had begun these precautions as early as
B.C. 36, see App. B. civ. 5, 132.

collegia...dissolvit. Dio 54, 2 Tow
re cucoitiwy Ta ép wayTeNws karéAvoe
rà 0€ rpds Td cwppovécrepoy cuvécredey
(B.C. 22). The law by which this was
done (lex Julia de collegiis) was not
otherwise mentioned in any extant docu-
ment until the discovery of an inscrip-

SUETONI

[32

vel praecipuam calumniandi materiam, exussit; loca in urbe
publica iuris ambigui possessoribus adiudicavit ;

The State
debtors.

diuturnorum reorum et ex quorum sordibus nihil

aliud quam voluptas inimicis quaereretur nomina
abolevit, condicione proposita, ut si quem quis repetere vellet,

tion by Mommsen in 1847. C. Z7. L. 6,
2193, Wilmanns 1344 DIS* MANIBVS*
COLLEGIO* SYMPHONIACORVM * QVI *SA-
CRIS * PVBLICIS * PRAESTV * SVNT * QVI-
BVS e SENATVS * C*C* Ce (coire convocari
cogi) PERMISIT * F* LEGE * IVLIA *« EX «
AVCTORITATE * D * AVG * LVDORVM «
CAVSA. The collegia were very nume-
rous, embracing almost every branch of
industry or art, but those which were
considered dangerous were the collegia
opificum and the collegia sodalicia, organ-
ised for pete purposes at elections.
The difhculty no doubt was to dis-
tinguish between the innocent and the
mischievous. The SCtum of B.c. 64
attempted to distinguish between those
that were lawful and those that were not,
Ascon. ad Cic. zs Pison. p. 6 L. uito C.
Marcio Coss. SCto collegia sublata sunt
quae adversus rem publicam videbantur
esse. But Clodius in B.C. 58 apparently
overrode this SCtum by a lex, and new
collegia immediately came into existence
[Cic. pro Sest. 8 55) Iulius again at-
tempted the same distinction [Z/z7. 42],
cincta collegia, praeter antiquitus consti-
tuta distraxit: and the lex Julia of
Augustus seems to have effected the
object by requiring every collegium to
have a license from the Senate or the
Emperor, —thus the clause often appear-
ing in Roman inscriptions ex s.c. coire
licet [see e.g. Wilmanns, 1737], but the
rule does not seem to have applied to
other towns in Italy or the provinces.
The ‘ancient colleges’ may be those
mentioned by Plutarch as having been
established by Numa [Mum. 17). There
isa considerable literature on the subject,
Mommsen de Collegits (1843), Dr Cohn
sum romischen Vereinsrecht (1873), Dr
H. Manéder praefectusfabrum (1887), W.
Liebermanzur Geschichte und Organisa-
tion des romischen Vereinswesens (1890),
with Mr E. G. Hardy’s review [C/ass.
Review, vol. 5, p. 420]. Marquardt
12, 167; Bruns, Fontes, pp. 315—325.
legitima does not seem to refer to any
law naming certain colleges, but to their
object, those whose objects were con-
stitutional : this would exclude political
clubs, and perhaps associations con-

nected with foreign religions. '
tabulas...debitoram. Dio 53, 2 [13,
l. 28] kal ras é^ryóas ras pds To Ónpóctov
mpó THs rpds TY Axrly pdxns yevouevas,
why raw TeplTà olkoBoufuara dwh\datey,
Tah TE Wadad cupBbraa Tuy TQ KOWQ TL
dpeiiévrwy Exavoev. The debts might

be from uae or confiscations, or even,

from state loans [see c. 42].

vel praecipuam...materiam, ‘far the
most frequent excuse for vexatious ac-
tions.’ fraecipuam is qualified by vel
as though a superlative adjective. Cf.
Jul. a1 culus vel praecipua opera... Bibu-
lum impugnaverat, For such calumniae
in favour of the treasury, see Mero 32;
Domit. 9. ;

iuris ambigui, i.e. when it could not
be clearly proved whether they were
public or private property, the presump-
tion was allowed to go in favour of the
actual holder. There were regular com-
missioners, holding office for two years,
to decide such questions (‘escheators’),
called curatores locorum publicorum, see
Wilmanns854 T * QVINCTIVS *...C * CAL-
PETANVS* CVRATORES * LOCOR *
PVBLICOR « IVDICAND^ EX * S*C* CAVSA®
COGNITA * EX * PRIVATO «IN * PVBLIC *
RESTITVER. Cp. zd. 1131.

sordibus, 'misery, with a general
reference, however, to the custom of a
reus being sordidatus. Cp. Vit. 8 reis
sordes, damnatis supplicia dempsit. Cic.
ad Att. 1, 16, 2 satius esse illum in in-
Jamia relinqui ac sordibus quam infirmo
iudicio committat.

nomina abolevit, had their names re-
moved from the public saéudae of accused
persons. The /aóulae publicae in such
revenue cases hung up in the treasury,
Domit. 9 reos, qui ante quinquennium
proximum apud aerarium. pependissent
universos discrimine liberavit, nec repett
nist intra annum eaque conditione per-
sisi, ut accusatort qui causam non
teneret exilium poena esset.

repetere ... subiret. See passage
quoted above. For the technical mean-
ing of repetere, of a renewal of a charge,
see also Dom. 8 Corneltant...absolutam
olim, dein longo intervallo repetitam
atque convictam defodt imperavit. The

32.]

par periculum poenae subiret.

DIVUS AUGUSTUS. 75

Ne quod autem maleficium

negotiumve inpunitate vel morà elaberetur, triginta amplius
dies, qui honoraris ludis occupabantur, actui rerum accom-

modavit.

Ad tris iudicum decurias quartam addidit
s ex inferiore censu, quae ducenariorum vocaretur iu-

The
iudicia.

dicaretque de levioribus summis. Iudices a vicensimo
[quinto] aetatis anno adlegit, id est quinquennio maturius quam

right however was usually confined to
those cases where the accuser had died
or for some reason had been prevented
from proceeding; and moreover the
new accusation must be within 3o days.
Dig. 48, 2, 3; 8 4.

par...poenae. The calumniator
risked incurring the same punishment
as the accused would incur if cast in his
suit. Cod. 9, 46, 10 quisquis crimen
intendit non impunitam fere noverit
licentiam mentiendi : cum calumniantis
ad vindictam poscat similitudo supplicii;
just as in an action for property the
adsertor risked a fine of a third of its
value if convicted of calumnia, Gaius
Instit. 4, 175.

maleficium negotiumve, ‘action for
damages or on a disputed claim.’ This
answers to the two great divisions of
actiones of lustinian [/nst. 4, 6), those
in personam and zn vem. The former
would include (among other things)
"maleficium, where some wrong or fraud
was alleged and a remedy sought ; the
latter would coincide with wegottum, all
questions between two or more litigants
who were at issue as to some right or
liability. For negotium in the sense of
lawsuit cp. Cal. 40 st quis composuisse
vel donasse negotium convinceretur.

elaberetur, ‘should be allowed to fall
through, ' ‘should escape the hands of
the law.’ Cp. 735. 33 et si quem reorum
elabi gratia rumor esset, subitus aderat.

triginta...accommodavit, that is he
allowed actions to be brought on thirty
additional days, which had before been
feriae. In the Dig. 48, 2, 3, 8 4 it
is laid down uique triginta dies utiles
observandi sunt. Now days on which
ludi were held were not u£Zes. Au-
gustus did not interfere with the regular
feriae, on which Zudi stati or conceptivi
were held: but the days closed to law
business had a constant tendency to in-
crease, and he here withdraws from
them 30 days taken up by /uat hono-
fari, ie. games given as an extra
indulgence by magistrates to the people,

Marquardt 12, p. 349.

actui rerum, ‘for the prosecution of
legal business,’ * term-time,’ Pliny £5. 9,
25, 3 nunc me rerum actus modice sed
tamen distringit. Claud. 155 Nero 17.

ad tris iudicum decurias. The judices
uptoB.c, 122 had all been Senators, from
B.C. 122 to 81 they were egustes. In that
year a law of Sulla reinstated the Sena-
tors. It was the reaction after the death
of Sulla that introduced the three decu-
riae. By the lex Aurelia ee 70) the
jury was to be composed of three decu-
riae, Senatores, equites and £ribuni aera-
rii. The lex Zulia of B.C. 46 did away
with the decuria of the trébuni aerarii
[Z. 41; Dio 43, 25]. Antony in B.c.
44 made a third decuria of those who
had served as centurions, or in the
cavalry or in the Zegio Adauda in any
rank [Cic. 1 P4. 820; 5,813; 13.83].
The /ex Aurelia had, it appears, not
barred centurions as long as they had a
certain census (raised perhaps by the
lex Pompeia in B.C. 55), but Antony's
law abolished this qualification. What
exactly Augustus did is somewhat ob-
scure. Mommsen [Staatsr. 3, p. 335;
no. 2] holds that he composed the three
decurtae of equites exclusively, adding a
4th decuria of men of a lower census.
But the point of view as to the zudicia
was changed. It was no longer an
object for one order or the other to
serve on them. The measure of Au-
gustus was a relief to the Senators, and
his reform seems to have been a level-
ling up, as by some means the majority
of those on the album iudicum had
come to be of a census lower than the
equestrian. Pliny A. ZZ. 30, 131, 8 30
divo Augusto ordinante decurtas maior
pars iudicum in ferreo annulo futt,
iique non equites sed iudices vocabantur.

ducenariorum, men whose census
reached HS 200,000 but was below the
equestrian (HS 400,000). See C/aud.
24 procuratores ducenarit.

a vicensimo [quinto] The Mss.
have £ricensimo. But the lex Servilia

solebant.

SUETONI

[32—

Ac plerisque iudicandi munus detractantibus, vix

concessit ut singulis decuriis per vices annua vacatio

Legal

vacation.

esset, et ut solitae agi Novembri ac Decembri mense

res omitterentur. Ipse ius dixit assidue et in noctem
nonnumquam, si parum corpore valeret, lectica pro tribunali

collocata vel etiam domi cubans.
non diligentia modo summa sed et lenitate, siquidem

As a
judge.

Dixit autem ius

manifesti parricidii reum, ne culleo insueretur, quod
nonnisi confessi adficiuntur hac poena, ita fertur interrogasse :
certe patrem tuum non occidisti? Et cum de falso testamento

(B.C. 104) fixed the lowest age at thirty,
and if Augustus anticipated that by 5
years he must have fixed it at twenty-
five (xxx and xxv may easily have been
confused).

munus detractantibus. The work
was now, as observed above, a burden
rather than a privilege. See passages
cited by Mayor on Zw. 7, 116. It was
to relieve this burden that Caligula
added a sth decuria [ut levior labor
iudicantibus foret ad quattuor. prioris
quintam decuriam addidit, Cal. 16].

solitae agi...Decembri. The months
of November and December were
already much occupied with /uzi and
other celebrations, December especially,
with the Saturnalia, was a general holi-
day. [See Iuv. 7, 98; infr. 71.] The
total suspension of dicia publica during
them therefore was perhaps no great
innovation.

83. ipse ius dixit. The criminal
jurisdiction of the Emperors was un-
limited, though they frequently named
a constlium of Senators and equites to
assist them. [See Tac. Ann. 3, 10;
I4, 62; Pliny Zp. 4, 22; 6, 22.] Some
of the early Emperors were remiss in this
duty, and accordingly Suetonius gene-
rally notices their habit in this respect,
see Claud. 14 [cp. Dio 60, 4]; Mero 14
—15; Dom. 8. This power (zs dicen-
di) was in strict accordance with pre-
cedent in the case of the dictators,
triumvirs, and other extraordinary
magistrates, see Mommsen Sfaatsr. 4,
p- 461. Willems, Drott publique, p. 458.

in noctem, ‘up to night-fall. The
Roman business day ended commonly
at noon or an hour later, Mart. 4, 8, 4
sexta quies lassis septima finis erit, and
law business began from 8 to 9 A.M....
exercet raucostertiacausidicos. After dark
the business of the courts could not pro-

perly be continued [Pliny E75. 4, 9, 89
actionem mean, ut proelia solet, nox dire-
mit), just as a meeting of the Senate by
ancient custom was suspended by night-
fall, the legality of a decree passed after
it being disputed, Gell. 14, 7, § 8 post
Àaec deinceps dicit (Varro) senatus con-
sultum ante exortum aut post occasum
solem factum ratum non fuisse.

domi. Thus Iulius heard the case of
Deiotarus at his own house.

lenitate, see infr. c. 51. Dio [55, 7]
attributes much in this way to the
influence of Maecenas.

parricidii. Whether the word is
derived from pater caedo or not, two
things are plain: (1) thatit once applied
to any murder, cp. Festus s. v. parrécid.
of a law of Numa, si gui hominem
liberum dolo sciens morti duit parici-
das esto; (2) that in later times it was
regarded as so derived and used for
* parricide.'

culleo, the punishment of the par-
ricide. See Mer. 45; Dio 61, 16;
Iustin. Just. 4, 18 $ 6 2oena parricidit
punsetur...insutus culeo cum cane et
gallo gallinaceo et vipera et sima et inter
eius ferales angustias comprehensus,
secundum quod regionis qualitas tulerit,
vel in vicinum mare, vel in amnem
proicietur, ut omni. elementorum. usu
vivus carere inciftat, ut ei caelum super-
stiti, terra mortuo auferatur. See also
passages collected by Mayor on Iuv. 8,
214. Cic. pro Ros. Am. § 70.

nonnisi confessi. This must have
been a provision of the /ex Pompeta
(B.C. 55), for the punishment existed
before, see Livy £2. 68 (B.C. 102) ; Val.
Max. 1, 1, 13; Oros. 1, 16, 23. The
alternative to confession was to stand a
trial and receive a perhaps lighter sen-
tence, cp. Capitolin. Anton. Pius 8. 10
usque adeo sub eo nullus percussus est

Lad

33.]

DIVUS AUGUSTUS. 77

ageretur omnesque signatores lege Cornelia tenerentur, non
tantum duas tabellas, damnatoriam et absolutoriam, simul
cognoscentibus dedit, sed tertiam quoque, qua ignosceretur
iis, quos fraude ad signandum vel errore inductos constitisset.
5s Appellationes quot annis urbanorum quidem litigatorum prae-
tori delegabat urbano, ac provincialium consularibus viris, quos
singulos cuiusque provinciae negotiis praeposuisset.

senator ut eliam. parricida confessus in
insula desería poneretur, quia vivere iili
naturae legibus non licebat.

signatores...tenerentur. The Lex
Cornelia de falsis or testamentaria of
Cornelius Sulla related to all kinds of
frauds connected with wills. The wit-
nesses to a forged will (of which seven
were required) were liable to the same
penalty as the actual forger,—the pre-
sumption being that all engaged were
acting in concert. Iustin. Jest. 4, 18, 7
stem lex Cornelia de falsis, quae etiam
testamentariavocatur, poenam irrogat ei,
qui testamentum vel aliud instrumentum
scripserit, signaverit, recitaverit, subie-
cerst, quive signum adulterinum fecerit,
sculpserit, expresserit. scieus dolo malo.
Dig. 48, 10,2. What Augustus seems to
have done is to give a generous inter-
pretation to the saving clause scéens dolo
malo, enabling a witness to prove that
he had not been aware of the nature of
the deed when he signed it. The pre-
sumption would still be against him till
he had proved this.

cognoscentibus, ‘the jury, but also
of magistrates hearing a case, Z1. 38;
Claud. 15 and 33; ero 15.

tertiam quoque. This is not the
tablet with N.L. on it, the custom of
giving a non liguet verdict having fallen
into desuetude [see Cicero pro Cluent.
§ 76]; it appears to have been a tablet
specially prepared for this occasion,
but how marked we do not know.

appellationes. Though the exact
juridical foundation of the appellate
Jurisdiction of Augustus is not clear,
it. grew naturally from his £rióunicia
potestas, as well as his proconsulare
imperium in the provinces. Among the
powers voted to Augustus in B.C. 30—
29 [Dio 51, 19] were that ÉxkAyróv re
[sc. lxv, cp. 52, 22] Quá few. kal Wiiddy
Twa avTod éÉév Tüci rots dtxacrnplos
@owep "AOnvads dépeo0am.. For some
time however there seems to have been
a variety of practice. Caligula [c. 16]
magistratibus liberam iurisdictionem et

illl

sine sui appellatione concessit. Nero
gave an appeal from the iudices to the
Senate [Aerz. 17 ut omnes appellationes
@ iudicibus ad senatum fierent]. But
this seems either only to refer to private
suits, Tac. Aum. 14, 28, or not to exclude
the appeal to the Emperor which still
existed side by side with it. Again by
a constitution of Hadrian there was no
appeal from the Senate to the Emperor.
But these arrangements appear to have
only applied to Rome or Italy, not to
the provinces, from which the appeals
to the Emperor continued to be made.
This ag2e//atio was a natural result of
the old provocatio ad populum, which
ceased to be practically used when
trials were before quaestiones as com-
mittees of the populus. The last record-
ed case was that of Rabirius in B.C.
63,—but the provocatio in that case
was not against the verdict of zudices,
but against the sentence of dwovirz
capitales on a charge of perduellio, an
antiquated procedure which had been
practically superseded by a guaestio de
matestate. Against an irresponsible
sentence of duoviri there was of course
still a right of provocatio [Z. 11].
Now that the comitia had lost all signi-
ficance, the appellatio to the Princeps
naturally took the place of the old
provocatro ad populum.

delegabat. In later times this be-
came a regular system. The Emperor
either judged an appeal himself or re-
ferred it to a tudex datus or tudex dele-
gatus, who as representing him gave a
decision which, like his own, might
without appeal if so stated in his com-
mission. Cod. Th. 11, 30, 16; Willems,
2d publique, pp. 459, 462; Dig. 49,
2,1, § 4.

consularibus viris... praeposuisset.
Officials called Zega£i iuridict, or simply
iuridici, are found in the provinces in
the next century [Marquardt 9, p. 576;
Mommsen .S£aa£s. 1, p. 262]: whether
they are to be connected with this
arrangement of Augustus is uncertain.

ce cm gg I TT oI I I ET TLE LILLIA, STE: a e

SUETONI

- aura LOL

[34—

Leges retractavit et quasdam ex integro sanxit, ut sump-

Legisla-
tion.

tuariam et de adulteriis et de pudicitia, de ambitu,
de maritandis ordinibus. Hanc cum aliquanto seve-

rius quam ceteras emendasset, prae tumultu recusan-
tium perferre non potuit, nisi adempta demum lenitave parte

poenarum et vacatione trienni data auctisque praemiis.

Sic

quoque abolitionem eius publico spectaculo pertinaciter postu-
lante equite, accitos Germanici liberos receptosque partim
ad se partim in patris gremium ostentavit, manu vultuque
significans ne gravarentur imitari iuvenis exemplum. Cumque

Iosephus Quirinus, who was Jegatus Au-
gusti in Syria [Rushforth 23], says that
he was rd Kaloapos dtxasodérns ToU EÜvovs
dweoradpévos, and the same title is given
in inscriptions to other men who were
legati of provinces, and is therefore
apparently only a somewhat inaccurate
version of the ordinary Jegatus [Wil-
manns 1159, cp. C. 7. G. 4238].

34. leges...sanxit, ‘he revised the
laws and in some cases enacted new.'
Augustus refers in general terms to his
legislation and restoration of old customs

before mentioned [c. 31] in the M. A.

c. 2 legibus novis latis complura exempla
maiorum exolescentia tam ex nostro usu
reduxi et ipse multarum rerum exempla
imitanda posteris tradidi. During his
rincipate the forms of the comitia for
egislation were generally maintained
[Dio 53, 21], though a SCtum of B.C. 19
gave him the right of making laws to be
called leges Augustae. Of those carried
by him we hear of de collegiis B.C. 22
[Dio 54, 2]; de equitibus B.C. 15 [Dio
54, 30]; de Senatu B.C. 9 [Dio 53, 3];
de ambitu B.C. 8 [Tac. Ann. 15, 20]; de
emancipatione A.D. 3 [Dio 55, 13]; de
Vestalibus A.D. 5 [Dio 55, 1:3]; de
vicesima hereditatum A.D. 6 [Dio 55,
25; 56, 28]. Also some which we can-
not date,—/eges sumptuariae (Gell. 2,
24, 14]; leges tudiciariae [Macrob. 1,
Io, 4]; de peculatu [Dig. 48, tit. 13].
The laws on marriage, and the relation
of the sexes generally, consisted of a
series of enactments to be regarded per-
haps as separate chapters of the same
law: (1) B.C. 18—17 de adulteriis coer-
cendis; (2) de pudicitia [Dig. 48, tit. 5;
Ulp. tit. 13—14; Hor. Od. 3, 24]; (3)
de maritandis ordinibus [Dio 54, 16;
55, 2; Hor. C. Sae. 20]; (4) an
amplification of the above passed in the
consulship of M. Papius Mutilus and

Q. Poppaeus Secundus (A.D. 9) and
hence called the /ex Papia Poppaea
[Dio 54, 16; 56, 1; Tac. Ann. 3, 25;
15, 19; Ulp. tit. 14].

prae tumultu...potuit. The hardships
of the law most felt were (1) the tax on
coelibes and their inability toinherit by
will, (2) the disabilities inflicted on orf,
who between certain ages could only take
half an heredttas or legatum, the remain-
der going to the treasury: it was in fact a
‘death duty’ of 50 p.c. on childless or
unmarried men and women. Attempts
were often made to modify it, cp. Tac.
Ann. 3,25 relatum deinde de moderanda
Papia Poppaea, quam senior Augustus
post Iulias rogationes incitandis coelibum
poenis et augendo aerario sanxerat. Dio
56,6. Plut. de Am. prol. 2 '"Peualwr
wOoÀXol yapoiot kal yerrwow, oUx iva
KAnpovdpous Exwow, AN’ ya kNgpovoj.cty
Obvwvras.

poena Fest. uxorium sependisse di-
cur qui quod uxorem non habuerit
aes populo dedit. This was a tax of
great antiquity, see Val. Max. 2, 9, 1,
who says that it was levied by the
Censors of B.C. 404. Augustus revived
and increased it.

vacatione trienni, ‘a three years’
freedom from the obligation to marry
after the death of a husband or wife.'
Ulp. tit. 14 feminis lex Julia a morte
viri anni trebuit vacationem, a divortio
sex mensium : lex autem Papia a morte
viri biennit, a repudio anni et sex men-
sium.

accitos Germanici...exemplum. As
Germanicus was born B.C. 15 he was
still zuvenzs [Gell. 10, 25] at the time of
the passing of the law (A.D. 9), but he
had already been Quaestor (A.D. 7) and
had served in Pannonia under his uncle
Tiberius, returning in A.D. 1o to an-
nounce the success of the expedition

35.]

DIVUS AUGUSTUS. 79

etiam inmaturitate sponsarum et matrimoniorum crebra
mutatione vim legis eludi sentiret, tempus sponsas habendi
coartavit, divortiis modum imposuit.

Senatorum affluentem numerum deformi et incondita turbà

(erant enim super mille, et quidam indignissimi et

Reforms

post necem Caesaris per gratiam et praemium adlecti, of the

quos orcinos vulgus vocabat) ad modum pristinum

Senate.

et splendorem redegit duabus lectionibus:. prima ipsorum

[Dio 55, 31]. The date of his marriage
with Agrippina (b. B.c. 12), daughter of
Agrippa and Iulia, is not known, but
she seems already to have had several of
the nine children which she eventually
bore to her husband [Ca7. 7].
inmaturitate sponsarum, i.e. by
contracting a nominal marriage or be-
trothal with a child, in order to evade the
law. Such betrothals were not other-
wise uncommon : Augustus himself was
married to a daughter of Fulvia, while
she wasquite a child, and never lived with
her; and he caused Tiberius to betroth
himself to Vipsania, daughter of Agrippa,
when she was only a year old, Nepos
Att.19. But as a mode of evading the law
Augustus attempted to suppress it by the
d pius that no sponsalia were to be
taken account of that were not followed
by marriage in two years...roür' forw
Üekérw wdavrws éyyvacba: roy yé te a’
alrfs dwodatcavra’ Swoexa yap Tais
kopats és THY TOD "y&ápov. wpay Ern xin,
xaddwep elxov, voultera, Dio 54, 16.
Other ways, however, were found of
accomplishing this evasion and obtaining
the rights reserved to the parent of three
children, so that rewards for information
were offered under the /ex Pa5ia Poppaca
[Tac. Ann. 3, 28; Suet. Mer. 10].
divortiis...imposuit, principally by

_ the regulation that the dos was to be for-

feited by the party in fault. This was no
new principle, see Cic. 705. 8 19 sz visi
culpa factum est divortium etsi mulier
nuntium remisit, (amen pro liberis ma-
nere nihil oportet. But Augustus seems
to have increased the stringency of the
regulation in regard to capricious di-
vorces where no distinct crime was
chargeable on either side. Moreover the
observance of certain forms of divorce
was enforced. Dig. 38, 11, 1, 8 1 Lex
Zulia de adulteriis, nisi certo modo divor-
Hum factum. sit, pro infecto sit. See
Marquardt 14, pp. 91—95.

85. Senatorum...numerum. The

normal number of the Senate up to the
time of Sulla was 300 [Livy ¢. 60],
though that number was not strictly
adhered to, being sometimes in excess
{1 Maccabees, 8, 15], and sometimes
somewhat short [App. Z. civ. 1, 35].
Sulla raised it to about 600, though this
number does not appear to have been ad-
hered to strictly [Willems Ze Sénat 1, p.
405]; and the actual attendance of 200
members was looked upon as fairly satis-
factory in Cicero's time [ad Q. /*. 2, 1,
1] Iulius Caesar largely recruited its
ranks, not it would seem from any re-
gard to its dignity, rather the reverse,
— putting men of all sorts into it, even
peregrini, (Suet. Caes. 41 senatum sup-
plevit. id. 80 pereprinis in senatum adlectis
libellus propositus est: *bonum factum ;
ne quis senatori novo curiam monstrare
velit." It was done by a /ex Cassia,
Tac. Ann. 11, 25. At his death the
members seem to have reached 9oo,
Dio 43, 47 rajr90eis él rà» -yepovalay,
pndey Quakplvuv pir’? et Tu orparusrys
pyr € Tis dweXevÜépov wais jv, éoé-
*poev, wore évaxoclous Td xepddacoy
avruw yevéc Oa.

orcinos, a name applied to men freed
in virtue of a will. Iust. Zns/. 2, 24, a
qui directo testamenti liber esse iubetur,
epsius testatoris fit libertus, qui etiam
orcinus appellatur.

duabus lectionibus. In the Monumen-
tum, c. 8, Augustus says Senatum TER
lege. The occasions were (1) In B.C. 29,
when, finding the number had risen to
rooo,heinduced so toresign,and expelled
140 others, acting with Agrippa [Dio 52,
42) (2) In B.c. 18, when he tried an
elaborate system of selection by nomi-
nating a certain number, who were to
name others, who again were to name
more, up to about 300; but the system
breaking down he made up the list him-
self to 600 [Dio 54, 13]. Suetonius,
however, seems to reverse the order of
these Jectiones. (3) In B.C. 11 [Dio 54,

80 SUETONI

[35

arbitratu, quo vir virum legit, secunda suo et Agrippae; quo
tempore existimatur lorica sub veste munitus ferroque cinctus
praesedisse, decem valentissimis senatorii ordinis amicis sellam
suam circumstantibus. Cordus Cremutius scribit, ne admissum

quidem tunc quemquam senatorum nisi solum et praetemptato s

sinu. Quosdam ad -excusandi se verecundiam compulit
servavitque etiam excusatis insigne vestis et spectandi in
orchestra epulandique publice ius. Quo autem lecti pro-
batique et religiosius et minore molestia senatoria munera
fungerentur, sanxit, ut prius quam consideret quisque'ture ac
mero supplicaret apud aram eius dei, in cuius templo coiretur,
et ne plus quam bis in mense legitimus senatus ageretur,
Kal. et Idibus, neve Septembri Octobrive mense ullos adesse

35] Dio also mentions a fourth, in
A.D. 3, but that was done through com-
missioners (res viri), see c. 37 [Dio 55,
13]. Mommsen, res g. p. 35, rejects the
third of them.

lorica sub veste, ‘under his tunic,’ as
in the case of Cicero, Plut. C. 14 Tod
52 Owpaxos éxirndes bxépawé tt Tapa-
Aócas ék Td» du» TOD xLTWPOS...Dio
[54, 12] refers to the wearing of the
lorica by Augustus, as owing to the dis-
turbed state of the times, in B.C. 19—
18 rà» Odpaxa dv bà Trj oTOAT) ToNÁkis
xal és abrd rà cuvédprov éccov elxev.

Cordus Cremutius [for similar inver-
sion of names see Sall. Jug. 27; Tac.
Agric. 2]. Cremutius Cordus offended
Sejanus by saying of the decree for
putting up his statue in the restored
theatre of Pompey, ¢unc vere theatrum
perire, Seneca ad Marciam (d. of Cre-
mutius) 22, 4. The pretext for his
prosecution was that in his history of
the civil war and the life and times of
Augustus (mepl rwv TQ Abyotory Tpax-
6évrwv) he had praised Brutus and
Cassius and spoken of them as *the last
of the Romans.’ He ended his life by
starvation. Dio 57, 24; Tac. Ann. 34
—35; Suet. 730. 61. According to
Suetonius and Tacitus this compliment
referred to Cassius alone, and Is attri-
buted by Plutarch to Antony [Plut.
Brut. 44). The Senate ordered his
works to be destroyed, but they were
nevertheless secretly circulated, and were
subsequently licensed again by Caligula
[Suet. Ca]. 16].

praetemptato sinu, lest a dagger
should be concealed under the folds of

the toga. Cp. Seneca de Clem. 1, 9, 1
(of Augustus’ plot against Antony) cum
hoc aetatis esset. quod tu nunc es...tam
pugiones in sinum amicorum abscon-
derat.

&d excusandi se verecundiam i.e. *to
resign.’ In the Zecio of B.C. 29 he induced
certain senators to resign, and for those
who did so he reserved certain honorary
Senatorial distinctions, Dio 52, 42 76 uev
wpurov revrhxovrTd Tov Érewev EOedovras
éxornvat ToU ouvedplov...... kal aórov jrl-
puce perv obóéva.

senatoria munera tur.
Roby 8 1223. The later writers imi-
tated the construction of the prae-
Ciceronians. Cp. Tac. Ann. 3, 2
magistratus Campani suprema erga me-
moriam Germanici munera fungebantur.

in cuius templo, Aul. Gell. 14, 7, 7
(Varro) confirmavit, nisi in loco
augurem constituto, quod templum ap-
pellaretur, senatus consultum factum
esset, tustum td non fuisse. Propterea
et in Curia Hostilia et in Pompeta et
postin Julia, cum profana ea loca fuis-
sent, templa esse per augures constituta,
ul $n ws senatus consulta more maiorum
iusta fieri possent.

Kal. et Idibus. Suetonius does not
mean that a meeting of the Senate could
only be held on these days, but that on
these days alone were meetings to be
positively required by law,—/egztizius
senatus [for this meaning of /egsifemus
cp. Cicero Verr. 2, 2, 128 mensis legiti-
mus (ad comitia habenda)). It was to
secure a minimum, not to limit the num-
ber of meetings. This had become
necessary because the tendency to shirk

35.]

DIVUS AUGUSTUS.

alios necesse esset quam sorte ductos, per quorum numerum

decreta confici possent ;

sibique instituit consilia sortiri

! j . e. ee
semenstria, cum quibus de negotiis ad frequentem senatum

referendis' ante tractaret.

Sententias de maiore negotio non

smore atque ordine sed prout libuisset perrogabat, ut perinde

public duties was growing, Dio 55, 3
Tas Tijs yepovolas tdpas év pyrais juépacs
ylyvecOa éxédeveey,—éweidh} yap ovdev
wpdbtepoy ákpiBüs wepl atray éréraxro
kal Tiwes dtd roÜTo wohAdkes borépfov 060
BovAàs kara ufjva kvplas ásébeizev, wore
és auras émára^ykes, obs ye kal 6 vópos
ékáAet, cupporay. [See also for the
slack attendance Cic. Q. Fr. 2, 123 3,
2; ad Att. 12, 40.] The regulation
was maintained with some slight varia-
tion as to the days in some of the
months to the 4th century, see Momm-
sen, C. Z7. LZ. 1, 371. Originally it
seems that the Senate often met daily
or on any day on which the chief
magistrate desired to consult it, with no
regard to the distinction of des fas/z and
nefasti. Gradually, however, certain
days became closed to it, —such as days
of public mourning or days devoted to
comitial business (though all dies comi-
tiales were not so excluded),—and these
days seem first to have been formally
defined by the /ex Papia (?B.C. 71)
and the lex Gabinia [c 67). See
Caes. B. civ. 1, 5; Aul. Gell. 14, 7;
Willems, Ze Sénat, 2, pp. 149—151.

Septembri Octobrive. The unwhole-
some autumn, when the deadly auster
prevailed, no doubt made it difficult to
secure the presenceof Senators. Horace,
Epist. 1, 7, 55 16, 6; Sat. 2, 6, 18;
Iuv. 4, 56; 6, 517; 14, 130. October
also, as the time of vintage, was incon-
venient.

per quorum...possent. The /ex /ulza
(B.C. 9) named the minimum number of
Senators necessary for passing senatus
consulta of various kinds. Dio 55, 3
Tóv te dpiÜnàv TÓ» és Th» kÜpwow Toy
Ooynáro» ávaykatov ka0' Ékacrov eldos
alra&y...dcevoxo0érnoe. The earliest in-
dication of such a minimum which we
have is in the SCtum de Bacchanalibus
(B.c. 186) where roo members are
named as necessary for a decree of dis-
pensation. In B.C. 172 the number
required for a SCéum on the games
vowed to Jupiter is mentioned as 150
[Livy 42, 38]. In B.c. 67 (or 7o) a
plebiscitum of Cornelius required the
presence of 200 senators for a SCtum

dispensing any one from the laws [As-
conius in Cic. Corn. p. 58] These
numbers represent roughly a third of
the whole. It seems also from many
passages in Cicero's letters that a defi-
nite number were required for a SCtum
for the designation of provinces [4*7.
5,25; 5, 4; fam. 8, 55; 8, 8; 8, 9], and
in other matters, though the number re-
quired in all cases is not known, a
member might at any time demand a
count (might say sera) See Cic.
fam. 7,13 8, 11; Alt. 5, 4. Festus,...
‘mumera senatum? ait quivis senator
consuli cum impedimento vult esse quo-
minus faciat senatus consultum...Si tot
"non sint quo numero licet perscribi sena-
tus consultum. 1f no such motion were
made it seems that the smallness of the
number did not hinder the passing of a
SCtum. [Willems, Je.Scnat, 2, p. 167 —9.]

consilia sortiri semenstria. This
‘privy council’ or ‘cabinet’ was no part
of the constitution, but was a measure of
convenience adopted only by Augustus
and Tiberius. It was first established
B.C. 27, consisting of the two consuls,
one praetor, aedile, tribune and quaestor
and 15 other senators, Dio 53, 21. In
A.D. 13, when the Emperor's age made
attendance in the Curia painful, a similar
council representing the Senate was em-
powered to meet at his house, consisting
of 20 Senators, with Tiberius, the consuls
ofthe year, the Emperor's sons or grand-
sons by nature or adoption, and such
others as he might himself select. Dio
55, 28.

sententias...perrogabat, *on busi-
ness of greater importance he passed
the question round, not according to
precedent and in order of seniority, but
as he pleased.’ The old order had been
(1) consulares, (2) praetorit, (3) aedilicit,
(4) (ribunicii, (5) quaestorzi. Of the
consulares those who had been dictators
or censors took precedence of all except
the princeps Senatus, and the consuls
designate (when there) came before all
other consulares [Cic. 5 PAZ. § 3s].
But in the last century several innova-
tions had crept in. In the first place
the precedence of the cezsorii seems

82 | SUETONI [35—

quisque animum intenderet ac si censendum magis quam

adsentiendum esset.

Auctor et aliarum rerum fuit, in quis: ne acta senatus

Adminis-

reforms.

publicarentur, ne magistratus deposito honore statim
trative — in provincias mitterentur, ut proconsulibus ad mulos s
et tabernacula quae publice locari solebant certa

pecunia constitueretur, ut cura aerari a quaestoribus urbanis
ad praetorios praetoresve transiret, ut centumviralem hastam
quam quaesturam functi consuerant cogere decemviri cogerent.

not to have been preserved, for Cicero is
asked for his vote before Catulus [ad
Att. 1, 13]; and the presiding magistrate
shewed his preference or dislike by call-
ing on the comsulares (provided always
that he began with them) in what order
he pleased, Gell. 14, 7, 9 novum morem
institutum refert (Varro) per ambitionem
gratiamque ut ts primus rogaretur, quem
ropare vellet, dum is tamen ex gradu con-
sulari esset. Thus Augustus in order to

ut a slight on Lepidus called on him

ast of the consulars [vordry ray bwarev-
xérwy Dio 54, 15], but not after the other
orders. See Willems, 7e Sénat, 2, p. 180
sqq. For perrogare, see Pliny EA. 6,
22 perrogari eo die sententiae mon po-
tuere.

adsentiendum, to assent, that is, to
his seniors.

86. ne acta...publicarentur, revers-
ing the measure of Iulius, see on c. 6,
P. 7o.

ne magistratus...mitterentur. This
was part of the arrangements made for
the provinces in B.C. 27, Dio 53, 14
kowy 06 Sh wüci atrois dm-wyÓpevoe
pyóéva wpó Tévre érüv peta 7d ey TH
wodec Aptac kAwypoüsÓn.. It was a
restoration of the rule laid down in
Pompey's lex de iure magistratuum [B.C.
52, Dio 40, 56], which had been either
repealed or ignored by Iulius.

ad mulos...constitueretur. Dio 53,
I5 Td pev yap sráXat épyodaBoivrés rives
wapa Tod Synuocloy várra odlor rà wpds
Thy dpxny dépovra wapetyov: éxl 66.01)
Tov Kalcapos wp@rov atvrol ékeivou. raxréy
Tt AauBárew Fotayro. Thus we hear
of Ventidius Bassus (afterwards consul
suffectus for B.C. 43) wictum sese aegre
quaesisse eutique sordide invenisse com-
garandis mulis ab vehiculis quae magis-
tratibus, qui sortiti provincias forent,
graebenda publice conduxisset, Aul. Gell.
I5, 4. This business however brought
Bassus into the notice of Caesar, and

must have been lucrative. The mules
and vehicles formed part of the procon-
sul's vasarium in the ornatio Provinciae,
see Suet. Caes. 18; Cic. de leg. agr. 2,
8 32; in Pis. § 86. -

ad praetorios praetoresve. The
management of the aerarium Saturni
was first transferred by Augustus to
praetorians with the title of Praefecti in
B.C. 28 [Dio 53, 2 8/o kar! Eros éx Tv
éorpariynxirwyv aipetaba éxéXevoev, Tac.
Ann. 13, 29 Augustus senatui permisit
deligere praefectos. In B.C. 23 two of
the praetors of the year were assigned
by lot to this office [Dio 53, 29; Tac.
4 c.] Claudius gave it back to the
quaestors [Suet. Claud. 24; Tac. Ann.
13, 28]; but Nero once more appointed
praetorian pracfect: [Tac. J.c.). Hence
in an inscription of about B.C. 15 we hear
of fraetor aerarii [Wilmanns 1124],
but in the reign of Domitian and on-
wards, of Praefectus aerarii Saturni
[Wilmanns 1150, 1152—3, 1162 etc. ].

quaestores urbani The two quaes-
tors who remained in Rome. As mana-
gers of the aerarium they would give

out contracts for buildings in Rome,

Wilmanns 60P - SERVILIO*L*ANTONIO*
COS « (B.C. 41) Ae D* III K * SEXT * LOCA-
VIT * Q * PEDIVS * Q * VRB * MVRVM*
IVNONI* LVCINAE.

centumviralem hagtam, ‘the cen-
tumviral court, Mart. 7, 63, 7 Aunc
miratur adhuc centum gravis hasta
virorum. Gaius, Znstit. 4, 16 festuca
autem utebatur quasi hastae loco, signo
quodam iustt domini, quod maxime sua
esse credebant, quae ex hostibus cepissent ;
unde in centumviralibus iudiciis hasta
praeponitur.

quaesturam functi for this con-
struction see on c. 35, p. 8o.

decemviri, sc. s//iibus iudicamdis,
Dio 54, 26 ol déxa, ol érl rv 0a «plor
TOV és ToUs ékaróv dydpas kMopovuévwv
arodevipevot. This arrangement was

CETT EM aum m me um RR "EAE. — ag NEN RN A; o DE ÉD

37-]

Quoque plures partem administrandae rei publicae caperent, 37

DIVUS AUGUSTUS. 83

nova officia excogitavit: curam operum publicorum, viarum,
aquarum, alvei Tiberis, frumenti populo dividundi, praefec-
turam urbis, triumviratum legendi senatus, et alterum recog-

made in B.C. 13. Later on the Praetor
summoned and presided over the court
[Pliny Z2. 5, 9], and their numbers were
increased to 180, who sat in three or
four divisions [75. 6, 33]. A list of the
chief cases coming before the centum-
viri is given by Cicero de Or. r, 8 173.

87. curam...alvei Tiberis. These
things had been formerly the business
of the Censors, Cic. de Leg. 3, 8 7 cen-
sores urbis templa vias aquas aerarium
vectzgalia tuento. The roads were first
restored by rich Senators, Augustus
himself undertaking the F/aminia [Dio
53, 22]. Regular curatores however
were afterwards appointed. The cera
is a res ab imperatore delegata [Frontin.
de agwis init.]. The new cwrae here
mentioned, established in virtue of
Augustus’ censorial powers, were:

(1) The curator operum publicorum.
Hefrst appears inexisting inscriptionsas
CVRATOR * AEDIVM * SACRARVM * MONV-
MENTORVM * QVE « PVBLICORVM «+
TVENDORVM [C. Z7. LZ. 9, 3306], and
afterwards under various modifications
curator aedium. sacrarum et operum
publitorum [Wilm. 1219a], operum
locorumque publicorum [id. 636], operum
publicorum [id. 1163, 1186].

(2) viarum [;Z. 1124 VIAR* CVR*
EXTRA * V * Re (about B.C. 11): 27. 1137
CVRATOR * VIAR * STERNENDAR « (about
A.D. 31)], see Dio 54, 8, 26.

(3) aquarum. The first measures
of restoration or extension of the water
supply of Rome were those of Agrippa,
who erected the Aqua Iulia in B.C. 33
and the Virgo in B.C. 19. But in B.c.
tr a Senatus Consultum was passed for
further restoration of rivi, specus, for-
nices...quos Augustus Caesar se refec-
turum impensa sua senatui follicitus
est, Front. de ag. 125. Cp. M. A. c. 4 rívos
aquarum compluribus locis vetustate la-
bentes refect. In this year the permanent
cura aguarum was established, which
often occurs in later inscriptions [see
Wilm. 1218, 1220, 1230oc].

(4) alvei Tiberis, see on c. 30. Au-
gustus carried out the “erminatio of B.C.
8 himself, which had been begun by

the consuls of that year [C. 7. Z. 6,.

1235 f; Rushf. pp. 26—239) The

regular appointment of cwrafores seems
however to date from A.D. I5 after a
great flood. Dio 57, 14 révre del Bov^ev-
Tas kAnpwrots, cp. Tac. Aun. 1, 76. The
office of curator alvei et riparum Tiberis
continued to be of great importance
and is frequently found among the
honours of consulars in inscriptions
[Wilm. 848, 1147], and mostly with the
addition of cloacarum urbis, as in the
inscription in honour of the younger
Pliny [Wilm. 1162, see also id. 850,
1165, 1172].

(s) frumenti dividundi. The office
of curator frumenti is found inan inscrip-
tion in honour of C. Memmius, son of the
consul for B.C. 34 [Wilm. 1113]. The
usual title in the succeeding period is
praefectus frumenti dandi ex s. c.
[Wilm. 1123, 1132, 1139 etc.]. Dio
54, I (B.C. 22) éxéAevoe S00 avdpas rav
Tpó wévre rov del érüv éorparyynxérwy
wpàós T3» Tol alrov dtavouhy Kar’ Eros
alpetoOa:, Augustusataseason of dearth
himself undertook the cuvatio annonae,
M. A. 5 (B.C. 22), which was a wider
office than that of merely distributing
corn ( frumentatio), which he also did
in B.C. 23. M. A. c. 15.

praefecturam urbis. Another in-
stance of the use of old names in the
new scheme of government. We hear
of a Praefectus urbis from regal times and
in the early republic, appointed to per-
form the urban duties of king or consul
in his absence, —holding elections [Livy
1, 60; but vid. Dionys. 4, 84], summon-
ing the Senate [Livy 3, 29; cp. Gell.
14, 7, 4], administering justice [Livy 3,
24). With the appointment of a prae-
tor, who stayed at Rome (B.C. 367)
this became unnecessary, yet it was
still kept up in the almost honorary
appointment of some pontifex or young
noble while the consuls were holding
the Feriae Latinae [see Nicol. Dam.
vit. Aug. pide Ner. 73 Dio 4t, 14;
49. 42]- e essential feature was that
the imperium of the Praefectus was
equal to that of the magistrate of whom
he was a deputy. Iulius appointed
several (Suet. Caes. 76 Praefecti pro
praetoribus, Momms. .Sfaafsr. 2, p. 351
sq.]. Augustus, in virtue of his consular

6—2

84 SUETONI

noscendi turmas equitum, quotiensque opus esset.
creari desitos longo intervallo creavit.

Censors

appointed praetorum auxit.
B.C. 22.

[37—

Censores
Numerum

Exegit etiam, ut quotiens consu-
latus sibi daretur, binos pro singulis collegas haberet,
nec optinuit, reclamantibus cunctis satis maiestatem eius s

imminui, quod honorem eum non solus sed cum altero gereret.

or other imperium availed himself of
the now antiquated custom at irregu-
lar intervals: (1) Maecenas, whether
formally holding the title or no, per-
formed the duties in B.C. 36—35 [Dio
51, 16; cp. 52, 21]. (2) M. Valerius
Messala Corvinus was appointed (in B.c.
25 according to Eusebius Chron.), but
only held it for 6 days [cp. Tac. Ann.
6, 11} (3) in B.c. 21 Agrippa for a
time performed the duties of the office
if he did not take the title [Dio 54, 6,
II]. (4) in B.c. 16 Statilius Taurus was
appointed (Maecenas being out of
favour, and Agrippa in Syria, Dio 54,

19). Butit was not apparently till the
reign of Tiberius that a permanent
arrangement was made,—L. Calpurnius

Piso holding the office from A.D. 17 to
A.D. 32 [Suet. 774. 42; Tac. Ann. 6,
10—11]. The office thus established
remained at any rate till the 4th century
[Wilm. 641; 1223].
triumviratum...equitum. (1) For
the special revisions of the Senate, see
C. 35. From B.C. g it: seems that the
list was annually revised and put up on
an album [Dio 55, 3], butin A.D. gata
lectio extraordinaria Augustus was as-
sisted by a board of three Senators
selected by lot from 10 whom he named.
Dio 55, 13 déxa BovAevràs obs udXora
ériua wpoBaXóuevos rpeis dx’ abr»
éferaoras drédetev obs 6 KAfpos elNero,
cp. id. 52, 7. See Mommsen, res g. p.

5.
3 (2) The equites, divided for politi-
cal purposes into 18 centuries, were for
ceremonial occasions organised in six
squadrons or ‘urmae, Tac. Ann. 2, 83;
Pliny, N. Z7. 15,8 19. The ¢riumviri
employed by Augustus in the recognitio
equttum [see below, c. 38, p. 86] are not
mentioned elsewhere, and Suetonius
seems to mean that they were not em-
loyed except on special occasions
quotiensque opus esset).

censores...creavit. From the dicta-
torship of Iulius there had been only
one appointment of Censors (B.C. 42)
and they had not acted [C. Z7. Z. 1, p.

466] Under Augustus the various
censorial functions, the Zectjo senatus,
the recognitio equitum, tudicatio et termi-
natio locorum publicorum, were exer-
cised either by himself, now as consul,
now as having consulare imperium,
or by the consuls. This might be de-
fended on constitutional grounds by the
fact that the censorial powers had origi-
nally belonged to the consulship; if no
Censors were appointed the old powers
of the consuls revived. Augustus re-

fused toaccepta life-censorship, and even.

allowed two Censors to be elected in B.c.

22, who however did not exercise their :

functions [Dio 53, 1 xa] rére 5h 6 A0-
*yova ros, kalrep éxelywy alpeOévrwy, roa

Tap els adrods dynxdytwy Érpa£e]. These |
were the last private citizens to hold |

even nominally the office; Claudius and
Vitellius both took the title and exer-

cised the office [Suet. Claud. 16; Tac. -

Ann. 11, 48; 12, 4] as also did Ves-
pasian and Titus [Suet. Vesp. 8; Tt.
6]; but Domitian adopted the title of
censor perpetuus, and from that time
the office, with its complete control
over the Senate, became part of the
imperial power [Dio 67, 4].

numerum praetorum. The regular
number of praetors up to the time of
Iulius had been eight ; he raised them to
ten, fourteen, and sixteen [Dio 42, 51;
43> 473 49, 51} Augustus apparently,
finding the normal number eight, raised
it to ten, but would not go beyond that.
Dio 53, 32 erparwyois déxa, ws ovdev
Er, rredvwy Seduevos, cp. Vell. 2, 89.
As the /egati of the provinces were pro
praetore by virtue of their appointment
a large number of 27uetorzi were no
longer needed. The two additional
praetors were appointed to preside over
the treasury. Seeonc.36. He how-
ever afterwards raised the number, or
allowed it to be raised for once, to
sixteen [Dio 56, 25; dig. 1, 2 § 32].

binos. This would in fact have been
to lower the consulship; for he would
have wielded the real power, his col-
leagues would have been ornamental.

Eee,

—

38.] DIVUS AUGUSTUS. 85

Nec parcior in bellic& virtute honorandá, super triginta

ducibus iustos triumphos et aliquanto pluribus trium-

Honorary
triumphs.

phalia ornamenta decernenda curavit. |
Liberis senatorum, quo celerius rei publicae assuescerent,
s protinus a virili toga latum clavum induere et curiae

interesse permisit, militiamque auspicantibus non

Sons of
Senators.

tribunatum modo legionum, sed et praefecturas
alarum dedit; ac ne qui expers castrorum esset, binos plerum-
que laticlavios praeposuit singulis alis.

38. 1ustos triumphos ... curavit.
This account is not consistent with
what Suetonius himself says of the
habits of Augustus as to military re-
wards [c. nbus with his statement
that the ornamenta triumphalia were
first granted to Tiberius for his German
victories B.C. 15—9 [Suet. 7275. 9]. Nor
again are anything like thirty triumphs
recorded in the Fasti, even if all are
counted after the death of Iulius. After
B.C. 30 in fact only seven triumphs are
there recorded: M. Licinius Crassus
ex Thraects et Getis (B.C. 28); M. Va-
lerius Messala Corvinus ex Gallia (B.C.
27); Sex. Appuleius ex Hispania (B.C.
26); L. Sempronius Atratinus ex A/ris
(B.C. 21); L. Cornelius Balbus ex Afris
(B.C. 19); and two of Tiberius ex Ger-
"anis (B.C. 7; A.D. 12). To these may
be added the triumph of C. Cassius de
Morinis [Dio 51, 21]. In fact Augustus
seems to have been very chary of this
honour, and interfered with triumphs
voted to Tiberius in B.C. 12 [Dio 54, 31]
and Drusus in B.C. ry [Dio 54, 35];
and Agrippa, who knew his master's
sentiments, persistently declined to ac-
cept a triumph or even the ornamenta
iriumphalia [Dio 54, 11, 24]. But
others were less n gin and this last
honour was somewhat easily bestowed
...rüp dé ddrAwv tives obx Sri rà abrà
abTQ Tpáccovres, adN’ ol pev Agoràs
cvAAaufárvorres ol 6¢ TÓNeis craciafol-
cas karaNAáocovres, kal éxwpéyovTo Tay
vexnrnpluy xal Exeuwov atrd. 6 yap
Abyovoros kal raüra ád$0ó0rvws riot rip
«ye por éxaplfero kal Snpocias rapais
wXelorous Ócovs ériua. The ornamenta
are enumerated in Livy 30, 15.

liberissenatorum. The tradition that
Senators brought their sons with them
into the curia is ridiculed by Polybius
3, 20; referring it seems to the story of
Papirius Praetextatus, said to have been
narrated by the elder Cato (Gell. 1, 23;

Macrob. 1, 6, 18]. It appears, how-
ever, that they accompanied their
parents, but remained at the open doors
as the plebeian tribunes had originally
done [Valer. Max. 2, 1, 9; Willems,
le Sénat, 2, p. 163].

It is to be observed in regard to this
privilege granted by Augustus to the sons
of Senators that, though they were not
senators, they now belonged (as far as the
3rd degree) to the ordo senatorius: dzg. 1,
9, 10 Jtberos senatorum accipere debemus
non lantum senatorum | filios, verum
omnes qui geniti ex ipsis exve liberis
eorum dicantur. Thus we hear hence-
forth of iuventus utriusque | ordinis
[Suet. 777. 35), of a man senatorii ordi-
nis qui nondum honorem capessisset
[Tac. Ann, 13, 25], whereas in the
mouth of Cicero hic ordo [2 Phil. § 2]
is only another expression for the
Senate, and ordo senatorius [ pro Flacc.
8 43] is the ‘rank of Senator.

& virili toga, see on c. 8.

latum clavum...alis. According to
this arrangement of Augustus there were
two courses open to a man wishing
to arrive at the Quaestorship and so
to Senatorial rank. (1) Civil, —by serv-
ing one of the offices included in the
vigintivirate, i.e. 22v: capitales, xvirt
stlitibus iudicandis, ittvire monetales,
ivviri viis in urbe purgandis [Dio 54,
26; Tac. Ann. 11, 29; Ovid, 7. 4, 10,
29—36] (2) Military, —in which the
steps were (1) pracfectus or (tribunus
cohortis, (2) praefectus alae or tribunus
legionis (Suet. Claud. 25]. But a mem-
ber of the senatorius ordo began where
the eques left off, i.e. as £rzbunus legzo-
nis laticlavius. This was what Sueto-
nius means by militiam auspicantibus,
‘serving in the army for the first time,’
with a view to obtaining office and
admission to the Senate: cp. Seneca Zp.
47 8 10 Variana clade multos splendidis-
sime natos, senatorium per militiam

: Dionys. 6, 13);

SUETONI

[38—

Equitum turmas frequenter recognovit, post longam inter-

The
Equites.

capedinem reducto more travectionis.
detrahi quemquam in travehendo ab accusatore passus

Sed neque

est, quod fieri solebat, et senio vel aliqua corporis
labe insignibus permisit, praemisso in ordine equo, ad respon-
dendum quotiens citarentur pedibus venire; mox reddendi
equi gratiam fecit eis, qui maiores annorum quinque et triginta
retinere eum nollent; impetratisque a senatu decem adiu-

auspicantes gradum, fortuna depressit ;
Dio 67, 11 veavloxos’IobAcos KaXobaorpos
KextAcapxyxws és Boudelas éAwlda, Some
confusion however is caused by these
laticlavii being spoken of loosely as
equites until they had attained the
Senate, which was not their official
designation, see Dio 55, 2 bwd rà»
lrwéwy TO» re és Th» brwába dxpBas
redouvruy kal trav ék ToU BovAeurexod
yévous Svrwy. [For the /aticlaviit tri-
bunt, see Suet. Dom. 10; Wilmanns
1176, 1181, 1186 etc.,—from which it
appears that the /aficlaves usually served
the civil as well as the military office
before attaining the Quaestorship, as
according to Dio (54, 26] was obligatory
on equites from B.C. 13. The opposite
of Jaticlavius was angusticlavius, Suet.
Oth. 10.]

equitum...travectionis. There were
two ceremonies connected with the
equites in ancient times: (1) the /ra-
vectto, held annually on the Ides of July
[Livy 9, 46; Valer. Max. 2, 2, 9;
(2) The recognitio
equitum, held periodically by the Cen-
sors [Livy 38, 28; 39, 44]. The latter
had fallen into neglect with the decay
of the Censorship, and Augustus in
reviving it combined it with the ¢ravectzo,
establishing an annual probatio equitum
[e&éraots Dio $5, 31]. This applied,
not to all who possessed the cessus
equester, but to those of that order who
had the equus publicus, —granted now
and henceforth by the Emperor in virtue
of his censorial powers. See Ovid, 77.
2, 89 (cp. 241).
At memini vitamque meam moresque

probabas

zllo, quem dederas, praetereuntis equo.

But though the Emperors retained this
right [Dio 53, 17), their exercise of it
was fitful and intermittent, see Suet.
Ttb.41; Claud. 16; Calig. 16; Lamprid.
Alex. Sev. 15. These equites equo
publico, still divided into 18 centuriae for
political duties, were for ceremonial

purposes organised in six ‘urmae, com-
manded by sevivi (Tac. Ann. 2, 83;
Wilmanns 1220, 1619 etc.].

&b accusatore, as in the old cen-
sorial reviews.

et senio...permisit. In the republi-
can reviews each knight passed the
censor leading his horse by the bridle
[Plut. Pomp. 22; Valer. Max. 4, 1, 10];
but in these imperial reviews the knights
apparently rode past, and it was there-
fore a special act of grace to allow one
incapable of riding from age or corpu-
lence to approach on foot, whilst send-
ing his horse on by some attendant.
Such a man had formerly been allowed
to give up his horse, which, though

roperly a relief and not an ignominsia
Aul. Gell. 6, 22], was yet at times
treated as such, as for example by Cato
[Festus s.v. stata].

mox reddendi...nollent ‘later on to
those who, being over 35 years of
age, did not wish to retain their horse,
he granted a dispensation from form-
ally surrendering it,' ie. he allowed
them to remain eguztes, without appear-
ing at the ceremonial procession, and
without apparently being liable to be
elected into the Senate if they had the
requisite senatorial census. The mea-
sure seems to be that referred to by
Dio 54, 26 trav brép wévre kal rpiákov-
ta Eryn vyeyovórwv ovx éxroNvmpacyuóvnoe,
rovs 0€ évrós re THs HAcklas Tavrns ovras
kal 7d tlunua Exovras Bovdetoau Karn-
vá-yxace, xwpls 7) et Tis avdwnpos Wy (in
the year B.C. 13), cp. 27. c. 30. It was diff-
cult to get enough men willing to serve in
the Senate, and eguztes rather than do
so would abjure their equestrian rank
(equam reddere). Accordingly Augustus
granted an exemption after 35, but
compelled those under that age to be
ready to serve as senators (if properly
qualified), and, as it seems, to appear in
the yearly procession as a sign of their
eligibility. It is apparently this dis-
pensation of which Ovid availed himself

A —

40.]

toribus, unum quemque equitum rationem vitae reddere coegit 39

DIVUS AUGUSTUS.

atque ex inprobatis alios poeni, alios ignominia notavit, plures

admonitione, sed varia.

Lenissimum genus admonitionis fuit

traditio coram pugillarium, quos taciti et ibidem statim lege-
srent; notavitque aliquos, quod pecunias levioribus usuris
mutuati' graviore foenore collocassent. Ac comitiis

tribuniciis si deessent candidati senatores, ex equitibus

Tribuni.

R. creavit, ita ut potestate transacta, in utro vellent ordine
manerent. Cum autem plerique equitum attrito bellis civilibus
10 patrimonio spectare ludos e quattuordecim non auderent metu
poenae theatralis, pronuntiavit non teneri ea, quibus ipsis
parentibusve equester census umquam fuisset.

to avoid the Senate [77. 4, 10, 35 curia
restabat ; clavi mensura coacta est;
maius erat nostris viribus illud onus].
But Claudius [c. 24] senatoriam dig-
nitatem recusantibus equestrem. quoque
ademit. For facere gratiam see on ch.
17. Mommsen[.SZaazsr. vi? p. 88note(1)]
points out that it must mean ‘exempt’
and not 'permit, and that therefore
nollent must be changed to madlent, or
retinere be taken to refer only to the
retaining of the horse in the procession,
not to the equestrian rank.

89. rationem vitae reddere. The
investigation by these senatorial xvz7
preceded the procession. The public
stigma of rejection at the review was
thus avoided except in special cases.
See Cal. 16 palam adempto equo quibus
aut probri aliquid aut ignominiae in-
esstt, corum qui minore culpa tenerentur
nominibus modo tn recitatione praeter-
itis. For such an enquiry see Macr. .Sa/.
à 425.

sed varia, ‘and that too of different
degrees of severity.’ For sed -— «al
rara (nearly) see c. 74.

pugillares (or adj. pugillares cerae),
small waxed tablets or memorandum
books, used especially for noting down
first thoughts or ideas. Suet. er. 52;
Plin. £y. 1, 6, 1. Made of wood
[Mart. ro, 4, 3], of ivory [77. 5], of parch-
ment [47. 7]. They might perhaps be
given without exciting particular remark.

quod pecunias...collocassent. This
mode of making profit (though at the
root of the modern system of banking)
seems to have been regarded as speci-
ally discreditable. Cf. Vesp. 16 mego-
tationes quoque. wel privato pudendas
propalam exercuit, coemendo quaedam,

tantum ut pluris postea distraheret. For
collocare of investing money cp. 775.
48 cum sanxisset ut foeneratores duas
partes patrimonii in solo collocarent.
Tac. Ann. 6, 23.

40. si deessent...senatores. See on
ch. ro, p. 20. ita ut...manerent, ‘with
the privilege of remaining either senator
or eques at the expiration of their office.’
If a man was not already a Senator,
the Tribuneship made him a life-
member. But for various reasons men
avoided such membership. Dio 54, 26
obx Saov ovx árremotoÜvro ToÜ Boudeu-
TiKoU adiiwparos, aAAd kal wpockareue-
yueévoe non Ewuvuvro. The perpetual ¢7t-
bunicia potestas of the Emperor rendered
the tribunate no longer an object of
desire, and it was necessary to force the
ex-quaestors to draw lots as to who
should undertake the duty, Dio /.c. éyy-
gloOn Wa, éwmerdh pndels Exc padiws rà

* Snuapxlay Fret, kAjpy Ties ék TOY rera-
jueukéruwr...xabiorwyrat; then to allow
those of senatorial fortune who took it
not to remain in the Senate [zd@. 54, 30],
and finally to allow all egs£es to hold
it without previous office [:7. 56, 27].

e quattuordecim. The Zex Aoscia
theatralis [B.C. 68, Livy ep. 99; Hor.
Ef. 1, 1, 62; Iuv. 3, 155] had a special
clause referring to those egsstes who
had become bankrupt [Cic. 2 ZZ.
844) The /ex Zulia theatra£is | Plin.
N.H. 33, § 32], while defining apparently
more strictly the qualification admitting
to the seats, abolished the clause as to
bankrupts. Domitian, finding the law
evaded, made still more stringent regu-
lations on the subject. See Suet. Dom.
8; Martial 5, 8, 14, 24; 8, 5.

ipsis parentibusve. Under Tiberius

SUETONI

[40

Ps “™ Le e b
Populi recensum vicatim egit, ac ne plebs frumentationum

Census,
frumen-
Ite, sed desideranti

ambitus.

in A.D. 21 the sus azu/i£ (the distinctive
mark of the ordo equester) was con-
fined to one gut zmpenuus ipse, patre,
avo paterno HScccc census fuisset et lege
Julia theatrali in XIV ordinibus se-
disset, Pliny /.c., a tightening up of
the regulation in the opposite direction
to the measure of Augustus.

teneri ea, sc. poenc, cp. Cic. Q. F. 2,
3, 5 ut ca foena quae est de vi tene-
rentur.

populi recensum...egit, 'hedrew upa
revised list of the people by vici," or per-
haps ‘street by street.’ This was for the
purpose of making out a list of the citi-
zens actually residing in Rome entitled
to share inthe frumentatio, and must not
be confounded with the census of all citi-
zens (see c. 27). Cp. Suet. Zu. 41 re-
censum popult nec more nec loco solito, sed
vicatim per dominos insularum egit at-
que ex viginti trecentisque milibus accipt-
entium frumentum e fublico ad centum
quinquaginta retraxit. Yet, if we may
trust his epitomator, Livy seems to have
confused this review of Iulius with a regu-
lar census (ef. 115], though the number
given (150,000) is manifestly absurd as
referring to all céves at that time. The
word 2ofulus in this connexion has its old
meaning of the ‘ people of Rome’ strictly
speaking, cp. p. 94. The 4x Julia munt-
ctbalis imposed a penalty on the giving
of corn to any whose names were on
the property-returns lists. See Bruns,
fontes, p. 102.

tesseras. The tickets or tallies en-
titling the holders to their portion of
the corn. Pers. 5. 73 Jberlate opus est
non hac qua, ut quisque. Velina Publs-
cis emerust, scabiosum tesserula far pos-
stdet. The tally was apparently some-
times transferred to another for a price
[Iuv. 7, 174], which was possible be-
cause the tessera bore no name of
recipient, but only a number, see speci-
men in Orelli 3360 Ant. dug. Lib. 1
(on one side), Zrz. NM. LXI (on the
other), z.e. Antonini Aug. liberalitas 11,
Frumentum numero LXI.

causa frequentius ab negotiis avocaretur, ter in
annum quaternum mensum tesseras dare destinavit ;
consuetudinem veterem concessit
rursus, ut sui cuiusque mensis acciperet.
pristinum ius reduxit ac multiplici poena coercito
ambitu, Fabianis et Scaptiensibus tribulibus suis die

Comitiorum quoque

comitiorum...pristinum ius. The
restoration of the regular forms of the

comitia refers to innovations introduced -

by Iulius, who nominated the consuls
and half the other magistrates himself,
Zul. 41, though the form of election
seems to have been gone through, the
dictator issuing recommendatory notices
... Caesar dictator ili tribui. Commendo
vobis illum et illum, ut vestro suffragio
suam dignitatem teneant. But though
Augustus professed to leave the comitia
free, and really did so in some cases,
his nominations were still all-powerful.
Dio 53, 21 & re ófjuos és rds adpxatpectas
kal TO WAROos ad cvveAéyero * ov pévroe
kal émpárreró te Ó ui) kai ékelyq Tjpeakev.
TOUS "yoÜv &p£ovras rovs uà» abrós ékXe-yó-
pevos TpoeBáAXero, robs 06 él TQ Shuw
TQ T€ Óp[AQ xarà TO ápxatov worovpevos
émejueNeiro ómws pyr’ dvererjdevon pyr’ éx
mwapaxenevoews 7) kal Óckao 00 doOeuvo-
wvrat. One of the first acts of Tiberius
was to put an end to the farce and
transfer the elections to the Senate.
Tac. Amn. 1, 15 tum primum e campo
comitia ad patres translata sunt ; nam
ad eam diem, etsi potissima | arbitrio
principis, quaedam tamen studiis tri-
buum febant. Caligula made a vain
attempt to restore them [Ca/. 16].
coercito ambitu. Penalties for bri-
bery were already enforced by numerous
laws. The /ex Julia (B.C. 18) seems to
have really been less severe, for it only
excluded the guilty party from office for
five years. Dio 54, 16 6 0 Avyouoros
Gra re évopobérnce kal rous Óckácavrás
Twas Éérl rais dpxais és wévre Éry abrüv
elp£ev. Augustus avoided prosecutions
for bribery, but in B.C. 8 made a regula-
tion whereby candidates for office de-
posited a sum of money, to be forfeited
in case they were found guilty of amzdz-
tus. Dio 55, 5.
tribulibus. In spite of all laws a
certain payment to the members of a
man's own tribe seems to have been a
matter of course. See Zw 19. For
other favours to tribesmen more or less

AA —É— — "aaa PR

40. | DIVUS AUGUSTUS. 89

comitiorum, ne quid a quoquam candidato desiderarent, singula
milia nummum a se dividebat.
Magni praeterea existimans sincerum atque ab omni

colluvione peregrini ac servilis sanguinis incorruptum E
estric-

s servare populum, et civitatem Romanam parcissime tions on

Tiberio manu-

dedit et manumittendi modum terminavit. ant
mission.

pro cliente Graeco petenti rescripsit, non aliter se

daturum, quam si praesens sibi, persuasisset, quam iustas
petendi causas haberet; et Liviae pro quodam tributario
Gallo roganti civitatem negavit, immunitatem optulit affir-
mans, facilius se passurum fisco detrahi aliquid, quam civitatis
Romanae vulgari honorem. Servos non contentus multis
difficultatibus a libertate et multo pluribus a libertate iusta

within the law, see Horace Zp. 1,
I3, 15; Cicero fro Planc. § 47; pro
Mur. § 73.

Fabianis et Scaptiensibus. Augustus .

belonged to the Fabian tribe as an

adopted member of the gens Julia. The

tribus Fabia was one of the 17 most
ancient rural tribes, and named, as all the
earliest were, from some man or hero,
not from a locality [Hor. EP. 1, 6, 52;
C.J. L. 3, 4029, 4511). The /ribus
Scaftta (to which Augustus had apparent-
ly belonged as an Octavius) was added in
B.C. 332, and named from a Latin town
of uncertain site [Livy 8, 17; Pliny
N. H. 3 868; Dionys. Hal. 5, 4].

nummum, c. 46 fin. a se=de suo,
Jul. c. 195 Cic. Att. 5, 21, 11 homines
non modo non recusare sed ettam. hoc
dicere, se a me solvere ; quod enim prae-
tori dare consuessent, quoniam ego non
acceperam, se a me quodam modo dare.
So a me dedi Plaut. 77. 1, 2, 145; but
de suo offerebat c. 45; de vostro vivite
Plaut. Zruc. 5,61; de mea pecunia id.
Men. 2, 2, 17; de suo datur Sen. Ben.
7 4) I-

ab...incorruptum. For a, indicating
that from which a thing is preserved or
protected, cp. Cic. fam. 13, 50 Curium
ab omni incommodo detrimento molestia
sincerum integrumque conservare. The
foreign elements in Rome are frequently
commented on; cp. Luc. 7, 404 zllo-
que frequentem | cive suo Romam, sed
mundi faece repletam. Luv. 3, 61—3.
Augustus in restricting the extension of
the cévétas was reversing the policy of
his uncle, who granted it to the whole

legion Alauda [Suet. Z7z/. 24], to all

medical men and professors of fine arts
[0. 42], as well as to many individual
Gauls [¢5. 76]. Antony appears to have
carried on the policy still more liberally
[Cic. 2 Phe. § 92), nor did Augustus
himself refuse the extension of the cizi-
fas in certain cases [ch. 47]. He how-
ever became alarmed at the mixed state
of the population, and left it among the
p charges to his successor to
e sparing in such grants, Dio 56, 33,
unr’ ab és ri» wodtrelay cuxvods éo"ypá-
gwot, va word Td didpopov adbrois mpos
Tous UrnKdous 7.
fisco. Suetonius here uses the word
to mean the Emperor's treasury as op-
posed to the aerarium, though it seems
probable that the word was not used in
that sense as early as the time of Augus-
tus. The distinction however was begun
in practice, and into the fiscus went the
tributum from imperial provinces, and
it accordingly suffered by a provincial
becoming a czvis, and thereby escap-
ing the ¢ributum. The two treasuries
were both practically under the control
of the Emperor (though the aerartum
was nominally under the Senate), and
Dio professes that he is unable to
distinguish clearly between them, see
55, 16 Ady uev yap rà Snudbota dd rv
éxelvou dwexéxptro, Epyw 06 kal Taira
wpós Thy yvupnv abrod dvyNloxero, cp.
i0. 22. See p. 31.
servos...adipisceretur. The regula-
tions of Augustus as to manumission
were contained in the /ex Aelia Sentia,
A.D. 4; and the ex Fuyía Caninia

A-Br8- By the first, among other things,

if the manumittor was under 20 or the

2B -C

90 SUETONI

[40—

removisse, cum et de numero et de conditione ac differentia
eorum qui manumitterentut curiose cavisset, hoc quoque
adiecit, ne vinctus umquam tortusve quis ullo libertatis genere

civitatem adipisceretur.

Etiam habitum vestitumque pristinum reducere

Roman
dress.

studuit, ac visa quondam pro contione pullatorum

* turba, indignabundus et clamitans: Ex Romanos,
rerum dominos, gentemque togatam! negotium aedilibus dedit,
ne quem posthac paterentur in foro circove nisi positis

lacernis togatum consistere.

Liberalitatem omnibus ordinibus per occasiones frequenter

manumitted under 30, or if the slave
had been punished for a crime, full
rights (/ébertas iusta) could not be ob-
tained. By the second a testator was
prevented from manumitting by will
more than a fixed proportion of hisslaves.
See Dio 55, 13; Gaius Just. 1; 6,
18; 7,27. vinctus tortusve. Such men
occupied the position of the Peregris de-
diticii, —' pessima libertas corum...nec
wlla lege aut senatus consulto illis ad
Romanam civitatem) datur! Iust. Inst.
I, 5, 3- The difference between any li-
bertas and a iusta libertas generally
arose from the mode of manumission.
The regular method was that fer vzn-
dictam before the praetor; less formal
were infer amicos, per mensam, per
epistolam, and in these cases the position
of the emancipated was dubious, and
his patronus had at least a lien on his
earnings.

pullatorum, i.e. wearing the /acersa
(or 2aZium) which was dark, infr. c. 443
cp. Mart. 4, 2, 1:

spectabat modo solus inter omnes

nigris munus Horatius lacernis,

cum plebs et minor ordo maximusque

sancto cum duce candidus sederet:

toto ntx cecidit repente coelo,

albis spectat. Horatius lacernts.
The knights, as a mark of respect to
Claudius in the theatre, /acernas de-
ponunt, Suet. Claud. 6. To wear the
toga in a law court marked the czvis
from the feregrinus, id. Claud. 15;
Pliny E£?. 4, 11. And to appear in
public places without the /oga had long
been thought indecorous for a man of
rank. Thus it was objected to Africanus
in Sicily, cum pallio crepidisque in
gymnasio inanbulare [Livy 29, 19];
and to Antony by Cicero that he went

through the coloniae of Gallia Cisalpina
cum Gallicis et lacernis [2 Phil. § 76].
Augustus looked on the habit of shirk-
ing the toga as a sign of the decadence
of Roman feeling and dignity. But the
tendency was too strong for him. We
constantly hear of its disuse,—Iuv. 1,
119; 3, 172; II, 204; Martial 1, 49,
31; 12, 18, 17; and Hadrian had to
renew the same order, Spart. Hadr. 22
senatores et equites semper in Publico
togatos esse iussit, nist st cena reverte-
rentur.

MMC ea Verg. Aen. 1,
286.

in foro circove...consistere, ‘to stand
about in forum or circus.’ The pro-
hibition apparently did not apply to
those who passed through either one or
the other elsewhere. But they were not
to appear there for business or to lounge
about with the /acersa. Cp. Hor. S. 1,
6, 113 fallacem circum vespertinumque
pererro Saepe forum. For consistere
cp. Sen. de vit. beat. 214 zsta quae spec-
tantur, ad quae consistiftur. Roth for-
merly read cércave, but restored circove
(which has good Ms. authority) from Ly-
dus de mag. A. 1, 12 lddvra ydp dyer
tov Adyouorov év iwmodpouly Trias TV
‘Pwpalwy éri rd BapBapexdy éoradpévous
ayavaxrioa, K.T.À.

41. liberalitatem...exhibuit. The

author of the appendix to the Monu- .

mentum reckons the benefactions of
Augustus as in round numbers HS
2,400,000,000, about equivalent to twenty
millions sterling. In cc. 15—17 of the
Monumentum Augustus gives the de-
tails, but as he also states only the mini-
mum number of recipients in some cases,
we only get a rough total afterall. They
were:

e meu, E

wo s

41.] DIVUS AUGUSTUS. OI

exhibuit Nam et invecta urbi Alexandrino triumpho regia
gaza tantam copiam nummariae rei effecit, ut foenore

deminuto plurimum agrorum pretiis accesserit, et

His bene-
factions.

postea quotiens ex damnatorum bonis pecunia super-

ad certum tempus indulsit.

s flueret, usum eius gratuitum iis qui cavere in duplum possent
Senatorum censum ampliavit ac

pro octingentorum milium summa duodecies HS taxavit,

(1) Distributed to a£ /east 250,000 citi-
zens:
(a) B.C. 43, ex testamento
patris, 300 HS apiece ... 75,000,000
(4) B.C. 29, ex manibiis,
400 HS apiece ......... 100,000,000
(c) B.C, 24, comgiarium,
400 HS apiece ......... 100,000,000
(d) B.C. 12, congiarium,
400 HS apiece ......... 100,000,000
(2) B.C. 5 to 320,000 citi-
zens, 240 HS apiece ... 76,000,000
(3) B.C. 2 to 200,000 citi-
zens, 240 HS apiece ... 48,000,000
(4) B.C. 29 to military colo-
nies, ex »aribiis ......... 120,000,000
(5) B.C. 30 and 15 to Ital-
ians for lands for soldiers 600,000,000
(6) B.C. 30 and 15 to Pro-
vincials for lands for

soldiers ..................... 260,000,000
(7) allowances to disbanded
soldiers, B.C. 7—23 ...... 400,000,000
(8) four subventions to the
acrartum publicum ...... 1 50,000,000
(9) to the aerarium mtli-
COPE Seis iicsnctstoons TA euh 170,000,000
2,199,000,000

The first four items give a minimum.
Besides this he provided in B.c. 23 for
the 12 monthly distributions of corn
(/rumentationes); and after B.C. 18 he
at different times gave relief to numbers
of provincials (sometimes 100,000, some-
times more), by distributing /esserae,
entitling them to corn or exemption
from tribute in times of distress, the value
of which éesserae he made good to the
treasury : M.A. 17 (this passage of the
Monumentum is defective, especially in
the Latin). For instance in B.C. 12
the province of Asia was visited by
serious earthquakes, and Dio [54, 30]
says that he paid the whole year's tri-
bute into the treasury, which is reckoned
at 96,000,000 HS (4000 talents).

gaza, the royal treasure of the Ptole-
mies in gold, silver and jewels. The

immediate effect of this enormous influx
of gold is described by Dio [51, 21]...
wavra à Te avros Ge rww ardduxe
kal à Gddoe erwperrov ovx éodwpater...
TogoUro yap Td TAfj0os TOv Xpnuarwy dd
xdons Óójolws Tis wodews exwpnoer Wore
Ta pev kTHhpara ewmiTepnOnvac, rà 06
Savelopara ávyammrós éwl Spaxpy
mpórepovy byTa Tore Évl TQ TpLTO-
poplo abTífs yevéoOar. Money was
so plentiful that prices went up and
interest sank from 12 to 4 p.c.

in duplum. The usual terms on
which a gratuitous State loan was made,
see Tac. Aun. 6, 23 donec tulit opem
Caesar...facta mutuandi copia sine u-
suris per triennium, st debitis populo in
duplum praediis cavisset. The usus or
usufructus of money, like that of pro-
perty, is opposed to ownership.

senatorum censum...taxavit. Wil-
lems [4 Sé#at 1, 189—192] has satis-
factorily shown that there was hitherto
no /egal Senatorial census, although in
the later period of the Republic, a certain
amount of property was looked upon as
necessary for a Senator (Cic. ad fam. 13,
5 § 2]. Augustus first made a certain
census legally necessary for eligibility to
office, and therefore to the Senate. Sue-
tonius here puts the minimum at 800,000
sesterces, i.e. double the ordinary eques-
trian census, and says that he afterwards
raised it to 1,200,000, or the census of
three knights. This is perhaps partly
confirmed by Iuv. 14, 326 sume duos
equites, fac tertia "quadringenta. . But
Dio says that the first arrangement was
an equestrian census, 400,000, after-
wards raised to 1,000,000. See 54, 17
Tás Te apxas awact Tos déxa pupddwy
ovolay Exovor kal dpxew ex trav vójuuv
duvapévors éra^yyéNNew émérpeyer. Too-
oürov yap To BoudeuTixdy Tlu-ua rhv
wpurny eva Éra£ev, Erecra kal és wévre
kal elxoot pupradas mpoyyarye, cp. id. 26.
(The money in Dio is reckoned in de-
narit,and must be multiplied by 4 to
state it in sestertiz.) Mommsen [.S/aatsr.

02 SUETONI [41—

supplevitque non habentibus. Congiaria populo frequenter
dedit, sed diversae fere summae: modo quadringenos, modo
trecenos, nonnumquam ducenos quinquagenosque nummos ;
ac ne minores quidem pueros praeteriit, quamvis nonnisi ab
undecimo aetatis anno accipere consuessent. Frumentum
quoque in annonae difficultatibus saepe levissimo, interdum
nullo pretio viritim admensus est tesserasque nummarias

42 duplicavit. Sed ut salubrem magis quam ambitiosum prin-

cipem scires, querentem de inopia et caritate vini populum
severissima coercuit voce, satis provisum a genero suo Agrippa
perductis pluribus aquis, ne homines sitirent. Eidem populo
promissum quidem congiarium reposcenti, bonae se fidei esse
respondit; non promissum autem flagitanti turpitudinem et
impudentiam edicto exprobravit affirmavitque, «o» daturum

2, p. 148] prefers the statement of Dio,
(1) because of another passage [54, 30]
in which he says that tribunes were
elected from equites with senatorial
census [ék rà» lrrdwy trav un ÉAarTov
wévre kal elxooe pupiadas KexTnpév wy], (2)
because of the frequent instances of im-
perial donations of 1,000,000 HS to en-
able a man to be a Senator, see Tac. Ann.
I, 75; Mart. 1, 103 ; (3) because of the
custom of fixing the dowers of ladies of
high rank at the same sum, with a view
of securing the husband the Senatorial
census, Tac. dun. 2, 37; Iuv. 6, 137;
IO, 335; Mart. 2, 65; Seneca Consol.
12, 6. Still we must note that as a
minimum only had to be made up, and
as these persons were not likely to have
nothing of their own, this last argument
is not decisive.

duodecies HS. The reading sestertio
is probably a wrong representation of
the symbol HS. It often occurs in
classical texts to suit the construction,
as Nep. Att. 14 in centies sestertio. It
is more probable that we ought to write
sestertitim in all cases, the whole expres-
sion standing as an indeclinable sub-
stantive. See Ramsay &.A. p. 472.

supplevit. See Suet. Vero 10; Vesp.
17; Spart. Hadr. 7 Senatoribus gut
non vilio suo decoxerant, patrimonium
pro liberorum modo Senatoriae posses-
stonts explevit.

congiaria...nummos. See note above
on Ziberalttatem.

nummos, sc. sestertios: when nummus
stands for any other coin it has some

qualifying adjective, Ramsay A.4. p.
468.

minores pueros. This was meant as
a means of providing for and encourag-
ing large families, but was not a special
provision for boys and girls like the
benefactions of Trajan and Hadrian
[Plin. paneg. 26; Spart. Hadr. 7].

frumentum. See note above. Be-
sides his benefaction of corn in B.C. 23
there mentioned, we have other indica-
tions of the care bestowed on this matter.
See Dio 53, 2 (B.C. 28) r9 wAHOe rerpa-
wrdovv TOv otrov Évewuw. Vell. Pat. 2,
94. (B.C. 23) 72. Claudius Nero quaestor
maximam difficultatem annonae ac rei
Srumentariae inopiam Ostiae atque in
urbe mandatts vitrici moderatus est. In
B.C. 22 the people begged him to under-
take the curatio annonae on the same
terms as Pompey, xal ó roüro uév dvay-
kalws éd¢faro kal ékéAevoe S00 Avdpas Tay
xpd wévre wou del érwv dorparnynkérwr
mpós T?» Tov alrov dtavouhy Kar’ Eros
alpetoOa:, Dio 54, I.

tesseras...duplicavit. Dio 55, 26
(A. D. 6) éwrddwxe yap kal mpoixa 6 A.Uvyov-
OTS Tots avroOorovuérvous Trocoüroy Érepov
ócov del EXduBavov. The /esserae num-
mariae appear to have been given when
corn was sold cheap, when it was dis-
tributed gratis Zesserae frumentariae were
given.

42. Agrippa...aquis.
pp. 65—6.

congiarium (comgius, the 8th of an
amphora) was properly applied to dona-
tions of wine or oil, but came to mean

See ¢. 29, fin.

Oe MITT A RT ee, Oe ee ge ee - wa m em
1

42.]

se quamvis dare destinaret.

DIVUS AUGUSTUS.

Nec minore gravitate atque
constantia, cum proposito congiario multos manumis-

Colourable

sos insertosque civium numero comperisset, negavit manu-

accepturos quibus promissum non esset, ceterisque
s minus quam promiserat dedit, ut destinata summa sufficeret.

missions.

Magna vero quondam sterilitate ac difficili remedio, cum
venalicias et lanistarum familias peregrinosque omnes, exceptis
medicis et praeceptoribus, partimque servitiorum urbe expu-
lisset; ut tandem annona convaluit, Z»fetum se cepisse scribit

1o frumentationes publicas in perpetuum. abolendi, quod earum

fiducia cultura agrorum cessaret: neque tamen perseverasse,
quia certum haberet post se per ambitionem quandoque restitui.
Atque ita posthac rem temperavit, ut non minorem aratorum
ac negotiantium quam populi rationem deduceret.

any public donative whether in kind
or money.
multos manumissos. This transac-
tion, fraudulent because the recipients
bargained to carry the presents to
their emancipators, is enumerated a-
mong the abuses of emancipation by
Dionys. H. 41, 24 ol 5’ (ri éAevOeplay
dépovra) tva tov Snpooia diddépevoy airov
AauBávovres karà piva kal et ris EAN
wapa rav Tryovuépov ^ylyvovro rois drópots
Tuy ToMTOy diXavOpwría pépwor rots 5e-
Swxdbor Thy éXevÜeplav. Cp. Pers. 5, 73.
quibus promissum non esset, because
when the promise was made they were
not citizens and therefore had no claim.
Cp. Plin. Paneg. 25 datum est his qui
post edictum lamen in locum erasorum
subditi fuerant ; aequatique sunt ceteris
slli ettam quibus non erat promissum.
..expulisset, in A.D. 6 Acuds
lexvpós (jv), de0' om’ abrod rov’s re
povopaXxoüyTas kal rà avdparoda Ta via
Umép wevrnkovTa kal émrakooíovs oradlous
éfwoOnvar ék Te THs Üeposelas xal ràv
Aébyoverov xal rods dddous TÓ TÀetov
dmroméupacda...Dio 55, 26.
lanistarum Cic. pro Sulla
§ 54; Suet. Zu/ius 26 Tirones neque in
ludo neque per lanistas sed in domibus
per equites Romanos...erudtebat. For
Samiltas see C. I. L. 4, 1189 A* SVETTI «
CERTI * AEDILIS * FAMILIA * GLADIA-
TORIA * PVGNAB * POMPEIS * PR* K «
IVNIAS ¢ VENATIO * ET * VELA * ERVNT.
medicis et praeceptoribus. These
were generally Greeks, but were natu-
rally regarded as occupying a special
position, and Iulius indeed had given

them the czvz/as; Suet. Zz/. 42. But
that measure must have only applied to
the existing professors, as they are now
reckoned among Zeregrinz, whom it was
always possible to expel from Rome
though they were generally excepted,
Plin. V. 7. 29, 8 16; App. Z. civ. 1,23;
Cic. de off. 3, 8 47; Plut. C. Gracch. 12.
servitiorum — servorum, Zu. 47.
quod earum fiducia...cessaret. The
mischief of these interferences in the
corn market had been long understood,
see Cic. pro Sest. § 103 frumentariam
legem C. Gracchus ferebat. Inucunda
res plebt Romanae: victus enim suppe-
ditabatur sine labore. | Repugnabant
boni, quod et ab industria plebem ad
desidiam avocari putabant et aerarium
exhauriri videbatur. App. B. civ. 2,
120 76 Te otrnpéotov, rots wévnot xopn-
vyotpevov év pbvy Popp, Tov apydv xal
aTwxetovTa kal Taxvepyov Tíjs IraNlas
Lewy és ri» ‘Puyny éwdyerar. Livy [6,
12] alludes to the desertion of districts
in Italy in his day, loca quae nunc, vix
seminario exiguo militum relicto, ser-
vitia Romana ab solitudine vindicant.
certum haberet...restitul, ‘because
he felt certain about its being restored,’
or ‘he held its restoration certain.’ For
the present infinitive used as the object
of a verb of saying or thinking, even
when the action is in the future, cp.
Plautus 441. 108 dividere argenti num-
mos dixit im viros, ‘he spoke about
dividing, *he said he was going to
divide. Roby Z. G. 1346.
atque ita...deduceret, ‘and accord-
ingly he thenceforth so arranged the

94 SUETONI [43

Spectaculorum et assiduitate et varietate et magnificentia
omnes antecessit. Fectsse se ludos ait suo nomine

Spectacles
and games.

quater, pro aliis magistratibus, qui aut abesseht aut

non sufficerent, ter et vicies. Fecitque nonnumquam
vicatim ac pluribus scaenis per omnium linguarum histriones

business as to take account of the
interests of farmers and merchants no
less than those of the city populace.’
rationem ducere alicuius is fairly com-
mon in Cicero, see pro Kosc. Am. 128;
pro Sest. 235; Verr. 1, 126 etc. It
probably in the first instance belongs to
calculation or accounts, Verr. 1, 129
qui non tam caeli quam caelati argenti
rationem duceret. But deducere seems
to mean (1) ‘to sum up,’ ‘to arrive at a
total,’ Manil. 3, 354 sic erit ad summam
ratio deducta priorem ; (2) ‘to bring
into the account,’ Iustin. sst#t. 4, 6, § 23
im qua actione carum etiam rerum,
quae fugiendo servis abstulit, aestimatio
deducetur.
aratorum, ‘farmers,’ or, in a more
restricted sense, the cultivators of public
lands for a 10th of the produce [decuma)].
There were none such in Italy now, and
aratores in its technical sense seems to
have been confined to the holders of
ublic lands in Sicily, or those who
armed the tithes from it. [Marquardt,
I0, p. 238. Cic. Verr. 2, 88 32, 63,
147 etc.] .
populi, of the urban populace, cp. c.
40, p. 88.
48. feciase...ait, in the M. A. c. 22
from which these words are quoted.
The first games were in B.C. 44 (Sept.
24) in celebration of the victories of
Iulius, which the Dictator had intended
«to celebrate himself on the completion
: ef the temple of Venus Genetrix.
Appian Z. ctv. 3, 28; Dio 45, 6; Cic.
fati. 11, 27, 28; C. 7. L. 1, p. 397.
Another occasion was that of the /ud
martiales in B.C. 2, see M. A. l. c.
The other two are not recorded. Ovid
alludes to his exhibitions as splendid,
Tr. 2, 509 inspice ludorum sumptus,
Auguste, tuorum. The exhibiting
magistrate is said ludos facere, see Cic.
Brut. $ 78 hoc practore ludos Apollini
faciente.
quiabessent. Ifthe praetor, or other
magistrate to whom it fell to exhibit the
ames, was for any reason away from
ome, they were still hc d in his name:
see the case of M. Brutus, Cic. 2 PA.

8 31.

fecitque...histriones, cp. 47. 39
ludos etiam regionatim urbe tota et qui-
dem per omnium linguarum. histriones.
The substitution of vicatim for s¢gzo-
satin follows the new arrangement of
vici mentioned in c. 30, cp. c. 40. For
histrio see Livy 7, 2 Vernaculis
artificibus, quia hister Tusco verbo ludio
vocatur, nomen histriontbus inditum.
pluribus scaenis, ‘in several theatres,’
that is, in which tragedies, comedies or
satiric dramas were exhibited. Vitruv.
5,8. The question of the meaning of
omnium linguarum is difficult. If we
are to believe Strabo [5, 3, 6] rw»
"Ooxwy ékAeNovrórwv 14) diddexros péver
wapa Tos ‘Pwyalos, wore kal sovjuara
oxnvoPareicba kará Twa dywva wdrpioy
Kal pupodoyetcGat, we might interpret it
to mean Greek, Latin and Oscan, com-
paring Cicero [ fam. 7, 1] who, congra-
tulating a friend on his absence from
Rome during the games, says—#son
enim te puto Graecos aut Oscos ludos
desiderasse, praesertim cum Oscos vel in
Senatu vestro spectare fossis. And though
it is generally held to be untrue that
Atellanae or Mimi were produced in
Rome in Oscan [Tac. Ann. 4, 14], still
these passages make it probable that
either Oscan or rustic Latin Castica
may have occasionally been introduced
as well as Greek [Nero 39]. The evaf-
fii at Pompei show that the dialect
survived in central Italy. See however
Mommsen A. Z. 3, p. 455 note.

After Aéstriones something is lost,
referring to gladiatorial exhibitions.
M. A. c. 22 ter gladiatorium dedi meo
nomine et quinguiens filiorum meorum
aut nepotum nomine; quibus muneribus
depugnaverunt circiter decem millia. And
later on in recording his vesafiones he
says that they were 2» circo aut in foro
aut in amphitheatris, omitting the
Septa, in which they at this time took
place. Dio 55, 10 Morres é£zkorra kal
Scaxborn dv Ty lrwodpbuyw éopayncar,
dwhopaxla re év rois céxros, cp. Suet.
Claud. 21. Accordingly Perizonius
proposed to read [mexnera] non in foro
etc. Roth would insert cércenszbus
gladiatoribusque muneribus. frequentis-

—— ee oe

s Caesarum nemus est.

43] DIVUS AUGUSTUS. - 95

* * * non in foro modo, nec in amphitheatro, sed et in circo
et in Septis, et aliquando nihil praeter venationem edidit ;
athletas quoque, extructis in campo Martio sedilibus ligneis ;
item navale proelium, circa Tiberim cavato solo, in quo nunc

Quibus diebus custodes in urbe dis-

posuit, ne raritate remanentium grassatoribus obnoxia esset.
In circo aurigas cursoresque et confectores ferarum, et non-

numquam ex nobilissima iuventute, produxit.
lusum edidit frequentissime maiorum minorumque
xo puerorum, prisci decorique moris existimans, clarae
In hoc ludicro Nonium Aspre-

stirpis indolem sic notescere.

sime editis interiecit Merumque bestiarum
Africanarum venationes, and this is
approved by Mommsen, 7s g. p. 94.

amphitheatro, of Statilius Taurus,
see c. 29. Dio 51, 23 Oéarpóv re xuv7-
yeruóv.

venationem. We have the records
of several of these wild-beast slaughters.
(1) In B.c. 12, at the dedication of the
theatre of Marcellus, 600 African beasts
were killed, and a tiger for the first time
exhibited [Dio 54, 36; Plin. MW. 77. 17,
65]. (2) In B.c. 2 there were killed
260 lions and 36 crocodiles [Dio 55, 10].
(3) In A.D. 11, in games presided over
by Germanicus, 200 lions perished [Dio
56, 37). (4) Pliny [W. 7. 8, 64] says that
on one occasion Augustus exhibited 410
wild animals from Africa, but does not
mention the year. For what Cicero
thought of such butcheries, see ad fas.
51

athletas. For the athletic contests
in the /wdi Circenses, see Festus s. v.
Quinquertium. But though such exer-
cises were constantly practised on the
Campus Martius [Hor. Od. 1, 8; Ovid
Tr. 3, 12, 19—244] the shows of athletes
in the Campus, with specially erected
wooden seats, were probably rarer, and
as the name indicates, were Greek rather
than Roman, 7:4. 39. In B.c. 188 M.
Fulvius gave games to celebrate his
JEtolian victory: mw artifices. ex
Graecia venerant honoris eius causa.
Athletarum quoque certamen tum primo
Romanis spectaculo fuit, et venatio data
leonum et pantherarum, Livy 39, aa.

navale proelium. M.A. 23 navalis
prodi spectaculum populo dedi trans
Tiberim,. in quo loco nunc nemus est
Caesarum, cavato in — longitudinem
mille et octingentos fedes; in latitudi-
nem mille et ducentos, Iulius [c. 39] had

Sed et Troiae

7*oia.

a naval battle with Tyrian and gypt-
ian ships. In the spectacle of Augustus
(B.C. 2) the combat of the Athenians
and Persians was represented. .Dio 5 5,
10 xal vavuaxía é»v TQ xdópq év Q kal vir
Er. onpetaé Twa Belxvurar ILepo d» kal ' A05-
valer émovuj09. Cp. Claud. 21; Ner.
12, 27 ; 711.7 ; Domit. 5; Mart. de Spect.
38. The pond was called naumachtia
as well as the show. Some traces of it
have been recently discovered.

The nemus Caesarum was in the
transtiberine region, Tac. 4a. 12, 56
ut quondam. Augustus structo trans Ti-
berim stagno. It is called by Dio [66,
25] 7d ddoos rod l'atov roi Te Aovxlov.
The place seems before to have been
called Caudeta (caudex). The term
nemus Caesarum was subsequent to
the death of Lucius (A.D. 2) and
Gaius (A.D. 4), therefore in the Monu-
mentum he says i guo loco nunc nemus
est Caesarum, words which Suetonius
has copied.

raritate remanentium. On the vast
numbers attending the games, see Mayor ;
on Iuv. 11, 197; Suet. 7. 39 fin. E

ex nobilissima iuventute. Dio 48,

33 & re TQ mp. Tovrov Ére (B.C. 41)

Mnpla Te dv rq TOv ' AmoAXovelor bxao-
Ópouía dvdpes és Th» lxwdéa redobvres

xaréBadoy. For similar conduct on the
part of Iulius and Caligula, see Suet.
Zul. 39; Cat. 27.

Troiae lusum. The game of 77vja
has been described by Vergil [Aez. 5,
574 Sq.]] One occasion on which it
was held was at the dedication of the
theatrum Marcelli (B.C. 13), Dio 54, 26.
See also Claud. 2r. Of the two di-
visions of minor. and maiores, see Zu.
39; Tib. 6.

Nontum Asprenatem. c. 56. The Noxis
Asprenates axe often mentioned as a

SUETONI

[43—

natem lapsu debilitatum aureo torque donavit passusque est

ipsum posterosque Torquati ferre cognomen.

Mox finem

fecit talia edendi, Asinio Pollione oratore graviter invidioseque
in curia questo Aesernini nepotis sui casum, qui et ipse crus

fregerat.

Ad scenicas quoque et gladiatorias operas et equitibus
Romanis aliquando usus est, verum prius quam

Other ex-
hibitions.

senatus consulto interdiceretur.

Postea nihil sane

praeterquam adulescentulum L. Icium honeste natum
exhibuit, tantum ut ostenderet; quod erat bipedali minor,

librarum septemdecim ac vocis immensae.

Quodam autem

muneris die Parthorum obsides, tunc primum missos, per
mediam arenam ad spectaculum induxit superque se sub-

sellio secundo collocavit.

Solebat etiam citra spectaculorum

dies, si quando quid invisitatum dignumque cognitu ad-
vectum esset, id extra ordinem quolibet loco publicare: ut
rhinocerotem apud Septa, tigrim in scaena, anguem quin-
quaginta cubitorum pro comitio.

consular family under the early empire.
See Dio 56, 22; Velleius Pat. 2, 120;
Tac. Ann. 1, 53.

torque, generally a military reward,
see c. 25. But it was also given in
games. See Capitolin. Maximin. 2
and 3.

Asinio Pollione. See c. 29.

ad scenicas...interdiceretur. (1) at
the games celebrated by Marcellus as
aedile, B.C. 23 dpxnorny twa lrvéa, yu-
vaixd Te émiparh és Thy dpxjorpay éca-
yayetv. Dio 53, 31. (2) A.D. IL, Tots
lrmeüow, 8 kal Oavpacecev dy Tis, jovo-
paxeiv émerpámm. Jd. 56,25. He goes
on to explain that these eqgsz¢es preferred
the risk of the arena to the certainty of
a punishment which they had incurred.
(3) The SCtum seems to have been
made at his own suggestion in B.C. 22,
Dio 54, 2 émeió7 re kal lames kal yuvai-
«es évupayets ev Ti dpxnotpa kal rére ye
dwedeliavyro, dwnybpevoey obx Src Tots
Naracl TOv. BovAevrQv, Seep wot kal piv
éxexwduro, dÀAAà xal rots éyydvots, rots
be dy ry bwrwdds S7pXov Sri é£erafouévos,
pundevy Ere rowotro Spay. Vitellius re-
peated the prohibition, Tac. ZZ. 2, 62.

librarum septemdecim. For in-
stances of such marvels, see Athenae.
12, 552 b. For the fashion of keeping
dwarfs and other monstrosities, c. 81;

716.61; Domit. 4; Mart. 14, 212; and
Mayor on Iuv. 8, 32; Marq. 14, p. 177.

Parthorum obsides. In B.c. 30
Phraates sent his son as a hostage to
Rome, vió» ré rwa rod Ppadrov év evep-
yeolas uépe. wap’ abroU AaBuy &s re r3)»
"Pour dvfrya-ye kal év dunpela émoujoaro,
Dio 51, 18. Strabo 16, 1, 28 says that
there were four sons so sent.

ad spectaculum (=f sfectarentur),
‘for a show,’ ‘by way of affording a
show.’ Cp. ad ludibrium regem eum
consalutart iussit, Livy 36, 14. Roby
L. G. 8 1828.

citra...dies, ‘though not during the
days fixed for a spectacle.’ For cztra
see c. 24. Roby § 1875.

publicare, ‘to throw open to the
public,’ c. 2 P. 63.

tigrim. In B.C. 20 xai ol ’Ivdol mpo-
kypukevgdj.evou Tpórepov dua» Tóre
éoreloayto, dipa wéuwayres GAXNa re kal
tlypes, prov Tore rots ‘Pwpators, voja-
fw 8 bre kal rots “EXAnow, óoclcas.
That the tiger was first seen there by
Romans or Greeks is probably true of
the Indian tiger. The tiger so often
mentioned in the poets [e.g. Vergil Ec.
5, 29; G. 2, 151 etc.] was some variety
of panther, which had before been
brought to Rome for venationes, see
Livy 39, 22; Cic. fam. 8, 3; 8, 4. This

44-]

DIVUS AUGUSTUS.

Accidit votivis Circensibus, ut correptus valitudine lectica
cubans tensas deduceret; rursus commissione ludorum, qui-
bus theatrum Marcelli dedicabat, evenit ut laxatis sellae

curulis compagibus caderet supinus.

Nepotum quoque

ssuorum munere cum consternatum ruinae metu populum
retinere et confirmare nullo modo posset, transiit e loco suo
atque in ea parte consedit, quae suspecta maxime erat.

Spectandi confusissimum ac solutissimum morem correxit 44

ordinavitque, motus iniuria senatoris, quem Puteolis
ro per celeberrimos ludos consessu frequenti nemo re- tions as

ceperat.

egula-

Facto igitur decreto patrum ut, quotiens f9 the

Theatres.

quid spectaculi usquam publice ederetur, primus

subselliorum ordo vacaret senatoribus, Romae legatos li-
berarum sociarumque gentium vetuit in orchestra sedere,
scum quosdam etiam libertini generis mitti deprendisset.

is Perens true also of the ‘tiger’ said
to have been sent to Athens by Seleucus
[Athenae. 13, 590 a. ], though his envoy,
the historian Megasthenes, had seen a
head of the Bengal tiger, Strabo' r5, 1,
37 (circa B.C. 288) xal rl-ypes 3° év rois
IIpaeclos civ 6 Meyacdévns peylorous
vylyverGar acxeddy SE re Kal dirdaclous
Aeórruv k.T.À.

tensas deduceret, ‘he was conduct-
ing the sacred cars, i.e. in the pro-
cession of the gods into the circus, with
whichthe/udi circenses were opened. See
ful.76. Among the honours decreed to
Iulius were tensam et ferculum circensi
pompa. Dio 43, 45 xal dpua Sdov év
Tots lrmodpoulos wera TOv OÜclur dryad-
parav wéuwerOa Eyvwoav. Vesp. §
nunciabatur...Neronem diebus ultimis
montium per quietem, ut tensam ovis
O. M. e sacrario in domum Vespasiani
et inde in circum deduceret. Cp. Cic.
ad Att. 13, 44; Dionys. Hal. 7, 72.

commissione ludorum, ‘at the opening
of the games,’ Cic. At. 15, 26 ab ipsa
commissione ad me...omnia reliquorum
in dies singulos persequare. The word
comtniltere properly applies to gladiators
or other combatants, see infr. c. 45;
Zul. 40; de Gramm. 17; but also to the
formal opening of any games, see Claud.
2

quibus theatrum Marcell. See on
C. 29, p. 64.

nepotum. Germanicus son of the
elder Drusus, and Drusus son of Ti-
berius, M. A. 22 fer munus gladiato-

rum dedi meo nomine et quinquiens fili-
orum meorum aut nepotum nomine.

44. Puteolis (/ozsuo/i) being near
Baiae, and the villas of so many nobles
andofthe Emperor, wasnaturally a place
in which games attracted more attention
than in other country towns. Thus
Nero gave an exhibition of gladiators
there, Dio 63, 3.

primus...senatoribus. There seems
to have been a doubt whether the /ex
Roscia was applicable outside Rome.
Dio 53, 25 Kal wpoedpla rots BovAevrais
év xdoy Tj apxy aj/roU és wávro TÀ
Oéarpa €860n (B.C. 26). This regula-
tion applied to exhibitions away from
Rome. But the privilege enjoyed by
Senators in the theatre since B.C. 194
had not extended to the circus even
at Rome. This was regulated first
in A.D. 5. Dio 55, 23 xal TQ avTw
TOÓTQ ÉTei...Tàs lrmodpoulas Xwpls uev
ol BovAevral xwpls dé ol lwmeis awd ToO
AouroÜ X$8ovs eldov, Ó xal viv "yly-
verat. In the circus however the
regulation of Augustus seems to have
been neglected and required renewing.
See Suet. Claud. 21 circo...exculto,
propria senatoribus constituit loca, pro-
miscue spectare solitis. Nero 11 circen-
sibus loca equitt secreta a ceteris tribuit.

legatos...gentium. As, for instance,
the envoys of Marseilles [Iustin. 43, 5,
Io]. To Hyrcanus, his children, and
envoys was accorded pera trav ovykAn-
TOv Oewpeiy [Ios. Antig. 14, 17]. The
practice was afterwards renewed as a

SUETONI

[44—

Militem secrevit a populo. Maritis e plebe proprios ordines
dssignavit, praetextatis cuneum suum, et proximum paeda-
gogis, sanxitque ne quis pullatorum media cavea sederet.
Feminis ne gladiatores quidem, quos promiscue spectari
sollemne olim erat, nisi ex superiore loco spectare concessit.
Solis virginibus Vestalibus locum in theatro, separatim et

contra praetoris tribunal, dedit.

Athletarum vero spectaculo

muliebre secus omnes adeo summovit, ut pontificalibus ludis

special mark of honour, see Tac. 24».
13, 545 Suet. Claud. 25; Dio 68, 15.

militem secrevit. In A.D. 32 Iunius
Gallio proposed farther that praetorians
who had served their time should be
admitted to the X/V ordines, but was
rebuked by Tiberius, who said that he
repperisse Prorsus quod divus Augustus
non providertt. Tac. Ann. 6, 9.

maritis, married men.’ This privi-
lege (apparently from the lex Julia de
marit. ordin.) is referred to in Mart. 5,
41, 8: it applied to theatre and circus
alike, Dio 54, 30. e plebe: Suetonius
uses 9Jebs of citizens below the equestrian
census, cp. Hor. Ef. 1, r, 58 guad-
ringentis sex septem milia desunt, Plebs
eris.

praetextatis. For the practexta of
boyhood see Cic. 2 PAZ. 44; Iuv. 1,
78; 2, 140; II, 155; Suet. Cal. 24;
Sen. de brev. vit. 68 1 pupillus adhuc
et praetextatus. The Paedagogi accom-
panied their charges to all public places,
such as lecture rooms [Hor. .S. 1, 6, 81],
but especially to the theatres, as among
the Greeks, "Theophr. Char. 9. In later
times it was thought best for srae-
textati not to go at all. Iulian's paeda-
E would not take him [24?sofog.
351 B]. |

pullatorum, see c. 40. It would
include all Jeregrint, who were forbidden
to wear the foga. media cavea. The
whole auditorium is called the cavea,
divided by praecinctiones into blocks.
The lowest (nearest the stage) called
ima or prima cavea, the next higher
media cavea, the next summa or ultima
cavea. Cic. de Sen. 8 48 ut Turpione
Ambivio magis delectatur qui in. prima
cavea, delectatur (amen qui in ultima.
Suet. C/aud. 21, Claudius descends from
the shrine of Venus at the top into the
orchestra fer mediam caveam.

ne gladiatores quidem. In the case
of the theatre and other shows in the
amphitheatre and circus the women's

places had been in the high seats, cp.
Ov. am. 2, 73 sive ego marmore respext
summa theatri, eligis e multis unde do-
lere velis. Prop. 5, 8, 77 colla cave
inflectas ad summum obliqua theatri.
But at gladiatorial shows the women
and men sat together, Plutarch Su.
c. 35. It was this exception that
Augustus abolished. For the reason
of separating men and women see Ovid
A. A. 1, 89; Tr. 2, 81 sq.: R. A. 751.
Cp. Iuv. tr, 202; 6, 81, 352—
356.
Vestalibus, see on c. 31. sedes ves-
talium Tac. Ann. 4,16. They had a
special place assigned them also at
gladiatorial shows, Cic. pro Mur. 8 73.
contra praetoris tribunal. The praetor
as editor ludorum occupied a seat of
honour on the left of the sceza, and it
was still called by that name though
some other magistrate was edifor, Suet.
Ner. 12. The other magistrates who
were not eds/ores had also their fixed
places [Dio 44, 43; 53; 27; Tac. Ann.
16, 12], Marq. 13, p. 312.

athletarum ...summovit. Because
the athletes were practically naked,
Gymnasium, thermae, stadium est hac
parte: recede. Exuimur; nudos parce
videre viros, Mart. 3, 68. Nero how-
ever invited the Vestals, guia Olympiae
quoque Cereris sacerdotibus spectare con-
cedttur [Nero 12]. Livia said of zudz
oder dvdpidvrwy tais cwjporoócats ol
roolro dsapépovew, Dio 58, 2.

muliebre secus omnes, ‘all of femi-
nine sex.’ The accus. of reference,
which seems the almost constant con-
struction of this word. The nom. is rare,
Tac. Ann. 4, 62; Roby § 1104. Roth
however reads ose. Old editors mu/t-
ebrem sexum omnem.

pontificalibus Iudis. Casaubon sup-
in that these were games: given on

is becoming Pontifex Maximus (B.C.
I2). There is no other trace of them,
or of such games being given elsewhere,

rt ey — —

45.]

DIVUS AUGUSTUS.

pugilum par postulatum distulerit in insequentis diei matu-
tinum tempus, edixeritque, muleres ante horam quintam

venire in theatrum, non placere.

Ipse circenses ex amicorum 45

fere libertorumque cenaculis spectabat, interdum "
sex pulvinari, et quidem cum coniuge ac liberis personal

sedens. Spectaculo plurimas horas, aliquando totos *ttend-
ance

dies aberat, petita venia commendatisque qui suam

vicem praesidendo fungerentur.

Verum quotiens adesset,

nihil praeterea agebat, seu vitandi rumoris causa, quo patrem -
Caesarem vulgo reprehensum commemorabat, quod inter
spectandum epistolis libellisque legendis aut rescribendis
vacaret, seu studio spectandi ac voluptate, qua teneri se
neque dissimulavit umquam et saepe ingenue professus est.
Itaque corollaria et praemia in alienis quoque muneribus ac
ludis et crebra et grandia de suo offerebat, nullique Graeco
certamini interfuit, quo non pro merito quemque certantium

except Plin. e$. 7, 24, 6 proximis sacer-
dotalibus ludis.

matutinum...ante horam quintam.
The venationes took place early in the
morning. See Ovid Ae. 11, 25 struc-
fogue utrimque theatro Ceu matutina
cervus periturus arena Praeda canum
est. Hence the school in which Jdestsaris
were trained was called /udus matutinus.
Wilmanns 1273, 1741, 2611. There
was a break for the prandium in all
games etc. about this hour, C/awu4.
34. bestiariis meridianisque adeo delecta-
batur, ut et prima luce ad spectaculum
descenderet, et meridie dismisso ad pran-
dium populo, persederct. Marq. 13, p.
288—9 note.

45. cenaculis, ‘from the upper part
of the house' [so-called according to
Varro Z. Z. 5, 162 from the habit of
having the dining-room upstairs]. Cp.
Dio 57, 11 of Tiberius, xal rots ye rüv
trrwy dydvas é£ olklas kal abrós ry ax-
eNevÜépur Twos odds éópa. Though
some have explained cenacula to mean
‘boxes’ in the circus.

pulvinari. The imperial box in the
circus erected by Augustus. The exact
position of it is uncertain, but it was in
full view of the spectators, Claud. 4.

venia: because the absence of the
Emperor was unpopular, Tac. i.

-I, 76.

suam vicem...fungerentur, see note
c. 35, p. 80. Claudius [C/aud. 7] prae-

sedi nonnunquam spectaculis in Gai
vicem. It may be said that vicem with
gen. forms an adverbial expression which
was constructively treated as an inde-
clinable noun. Cp. Ter. Zautont. 749
Menedemi vicem miseret me.

libellis, ‘ petitions,’ c. 535 714. 81 /:oe/-
lum insidiarum indicem,ab obvioguodam
porrectum, libellis ceteris, quos sinistra
manu tenebat quasi mox lecturus, com-
miscust. rescribendis, ‘in answering.’
These ‘rescripts’ in after times, when
dealing with questions of jurisprudence,
came gradually to form part of a body
of law or constitutiones principum.

vacaret. See onc. 4, p. 16.

corollaria [corollarism formed from
diminutive corolla] like the Greek c7é-
$aros meant a prize or additional pre-
sent of money. Cic. Verr. 3 8 118 uf
esset. unde Apronio ad ills fructus
arationum hoc corollarium numorum
adderetur, ib. 8 184 de scenicorum corol-
larits.

de suo. See onc. 40, p. 89.

Graeco mes on the
Greek model, including athletics, chariot
racing, and musical contests. They were
not as popular as the Roman games,
apparently. Cic. Az. 16, § sed tamen
rumoris nescio quid adflaverat com-
missione Graecorum frequentiam. non
Suisse, quod quidem me minime fefellit.
Seis enim quid ego de Graeds [udis
existimem.

/—42

100

SUETONI

[45—

honorarit. Spectavit autem studiosissime pugiles et maxime
Latinos, non legitimos atque ordinarios modo, quos etiam
committere cum Graecis solebat, sed et catervarios oppida-
nos, inter angustias vicorum pugnantis temere ac sine arte.
Universum denique genus operas aliquas publico spectaculo

Care and
discipline
of the
players.

praebentium etiam cura sua dignatus est: athletis
et conservavit privilegia et ampliavit; gladiatores
sine missione edi prohibuit; coercitionem in histrio-

nes magistratibus, omni tempore et loco lege vetere

permissam, ademit praeterquam ludis et scena.

Nec tamen

eo minus aut xysticorum certationes aut gladiatorum pugnas

honorarit, ‘bestowed a present upon.’
Vellei. 2, 129 Zopulum congiariss hones
ravit. Macrob. Saf. 2, 3, 10 Laberius
in fine ludorum anulo aureo. honoratus
a Caesare.

legitimos atque ordinarios, 'recog-
nised and classed as such,’ of whom,
apparently, a regular list was kept,
marking them off as professionals. This
was so in Greece, see Polyb. 6, 47, 8
deep yap obbé TrOv rexurav [) TOY
dOXsTÀYv ToUs ye ud) veveumuévovs 1) TETW-
packnkóras *apleuey. els rods dOAnTiKOds
d'yovas, o}rw x.T.X. Thus we hear of
an album of professional musicians,
Nero 21.

catervarios, ordinary and inferior,
men selected at hazard and untrained.
Cp. gregatim, ‘in an inferior manner,’
Cal. 30.

operas...praebentium. Such as the
designatores [Plaut. Poen. prol. 19] who
showed people to their places. See
Wilmanns 986, Mart. 5, 8, 14; 5, 23,
27. Other persons employed in theatres
and circus are enumerated in Dig. 3, 2,4
thymelict, xystici, agitatores, qui aquam
equis spargunt, ceteraque eorum mint-
síeria qui certaminibus sacris deservi-
unt.

privilegia, sc. civilinm munerum
vacationem, Codex 19, 53 and also free-
dom from the zxfamza, which attached
to actors and gladiators. Marq. 13, p.
349.
sine missione, i.e. without the right
of appealing to the editor (or, as be-
came the custom, to the people), to be
allowed to leave the arena alive if con-
quered. Domitian limited the number
of such permissions; Mart. .S2ectac. 29,
3 Missio saepe viris magno clamore
petita est; sed Caesar legi. paruit. ipse

suae; id. 12, 29, 7 nuper cum Myrino
peteretur missto laeso.
coercitionem...scena. But Tacitus
does not confine the immunity from
flogging to the outside of the theatre.
Ann. 1, 77 divus Augustus immunes
verberum histriones quondam respona-
erat. Marquardt [13, p. 318] prefers the
statement of Suetonius. omni tempore
et loco. Cp. Plaut. Czstell. epil 4
ui deliquit vapulahit; id. Amph. prol.
$i s. Lucian Pésc. 33 ol á0Ao0éra.
pacrveyoüv eló0acw qv ris brokperis
"AOnvay...dwodeduxws wy kaXOs Ümokpl-
vorro unde xar! dtlay TO» Oedy. id.
Apol. 5 rois rpayikots Uroxprais elká-
govow ol É£w...ILàXos 7) Apurróónuos...
ylyvoyra...kal paoriyovpevol rwes a-
Tav ws dv TQ Oedrpy ok.
ludis, ‘at the games,’ abl. of time.
So gladiatoribus, Cic. Att. 2, 19, 33
Iudis et gladiatoribus ib. 1, 16.
xysticorum. The xystus was a porti-
cus, in which athletes practised during
winter. Galb. 15 sé quid aut xystici
donatum olim | vendidissent ; Tertull.
Spect. 30 tunc xystici contemplandi non
in gymnasio sed in igne taculats, id. 20
atrocitas arenae vanitas xysti ; Vitruv.
5, II Avcrós Graec? appellatione est
porticus ampla latitudine in qua athletae
per hiberna tempora exercebantur. For
xystt in private houses and gardens see
. C. 72.
pugnas ... exegit. Gladiators who
showed timidity or seemed to avoid
fighting were urged on by blows and hot
irons. See Quint. Declam. 9,6 fremebant
ubiqueomniaadparatumortis, hic ferrum
acuebat, ille incendebat ignibus laminas,
huic virgae, inde flagella adferebantur 5
Sen. £5. 7, 5 occide, verbera, ure! quare
lam timide incurrit in ferrum? quare

46.]

DIVUS AUGUSTUS.

IOI

severissime semper exegit. Nam histrionum licentiam adeo
compescuit, ut Stephanionem togatarium, cui in puerilem
habitum circumtonsam matronam ministrasse compererat,
per trina theatra virgis caesum relegaverit, Hylan panto-
smimum, querente praetore, in atrio domus suae nemine
excluso flagellis verberarit, et Pyladen urbe atque Italia
summoverit, quod spectatorem, a quo exsibilabatur, demon-
strasset digito conspicuumque fecisset.

Ad hunc modum urbe urbanisque rebus administratis, 46

:» Italiam duodetriginta coloniarum numero, deduc-

tarum ab se, frequentavit operibusque ac vectigali-

' Colonies
in Italy.

bus publicis plurifariam instruxit, etiam iure ac

farum audacter occidit? quare parum k-
benter moritur? Magis agitur in volnera.

histrionum licentiam. ' Cp. 7327. 37;
Ner. 16; Dom. 7.

togatarium, ‘an actor in a /aóu/a
fogata.! See Nero 11; Pliny N. 4. 7
$49; Iuv. 1, 3. The word does not
appear to be elsewhere used, and some
editors have proposed /oga£arum.

in puerilem habitum circumton.
sam, ‘with the hair cut short to look
likea boy. Plutarch, de inst. mulierum,
tells a story of Aristodemus, tyrant of
Cumae, 67: rods £y Appevas watdas joes
kéuars kal xpucodopeiv, ras Ó& Ondelas
twdyxafe wepitpdxara Kxelpec@ar.
The offence of this actor was of produc-
ing (ministrasse, Tibull. 2, 2, 22) a ma-
trona,—a Roman married /ady.

per trina theatra. The theatres of
Pompey, Balbus, and Marcellus. Ovid
A.A. 3, 394 wistle conspicuis terna
theatra loczs. See c. 29.

Hylan pantomimum. According to
Suidas (s.v. dpxnots) Augustus first in-
troduced this form of dramatic repre-
sentation, which consisted in some
dramatic scene presented by one actor
with the help of dances and gestures.
See Lucian Salt. 8 67 oük dmewórws de
«al ol ‘Iradkt@ra: Tov dpxnorihy TavTóÓ-
papov kaXoUcw dard ToU Spwpévou sxeddv.
The first pantomims were Pylades and
Bathyllus [Dio 54, 17]. Hylas was the
pupil of Pylades, and Macrobius records
that when he bad to represent the words
Tov "Ayapépvova he stretched
himself to look his part, but Pylades
exclaimed c) 4Laxpóv ot péyay motels
[-Sa£. 2, 7, 13]; Marq. 13, p. 330.

exsibilabatur. Cp. Cic. Parad. 3 §
26 Aistrio si paullum se movit extra

numerum. aut si versus pronunctatur
syllaba una brevior aut longior exsibil-
atur et exploditur. Pylades was after-
wards recalled, Dio 54, 17 IlvAáóg»
Twa dpxnorhy dda ordow éfeMgAauévov
karfyayev. He was a Cilician, see
Suidas.

digito, ‘the middle finger,’ zx/famis
digitus, Pers. 2, 33; medtumaque ostende-
ret unguem luv. 10, 53; Mart. 2, 28;
6,70. It implied a charge of obscenity,
see Ca/. 56. Other ways of expressing
contempt were to bend the fingers in
shape of a stork’s bill, or to hold them
up to look like long ears. Pers. 1, 58
O lane, a tergo quem nulla ciconia
insit, nec manus auriculas imitari mo-
bilis albas.

46. duodetriginta coloniarum. M.A.
28 ltalia autem [xxvitI] colonias, quae
vivo me celeberrimae et frequentissimae

fuerunt, meis auspiciis deductas habet.

For a list of these coloniae, see Momm-
sen res g. p. 123. What was now meant
by ‘colonies’ was different from what
the word had meant in former times. It
was now practically the settlement of so
many veterans, and often where a colony
had already been settled, the illegality
involved in this being got over by re-
garding the new settlers as a supple-
mentum [Cic. 2 Phil. 88 100—102].
Thus, of the twenty-nine Julian colonies
in Mommsen’s list, thirteen were old
colonies—Ariminum, Beneventum, Bo-
nonia, Capua, Castrum Novum, Dertona,
Minturnae, Parma, Pisae, Pisaurum, Sora,
Suessa, Sutrium. Since B.C.89 there was
no question of political status involved,
as all had the czzvi¢as, but there was still,
it appears, some difference of internal
government between a colonia and other

102

SUETONI

[46—

dignatione urbi quodam modo pro parte aliqua adaequavit,
excogitato genere suffragiorum, quae de magistratibus urbicis
decuriones colonici in sua quisque colonia ferrent et sub die

comitiorum obsignata Romam mitterent.

Ac necubi aut

honestorum deficeret copia aut multitudinis suboles, equestrem
militiam petentis etiam ex commendatione publica cuiusque
oppidi ordinabat; at iis, qui e plebe regiones sibi revisenti
filios filiasve approbarent, singula nummorum milia pro sin-

gulis dividebat.

Provincias validiores et quas annuis magistratuum im-

munici~ia, and the rank of a colonia
was desired, though loss of lands to
existing colon: involved often led to
riots. Observe that Italia now includes
Gallia Cisalpina and Istria. Of the
new colonies only one seems to have
the distinctly military object of coer-
cing natives, Augusta Practoria (Aosta),
but some others were in places of
military importance in regard to the
roads or the coast, such as Atesta
(Este), Brixia (Brescia), Iulia Augusta
Taurinorum (79:25). But his selection
of places for the most part must have
depended principally on the facilities they
presented for getting lands for the new
colons either by confiscation or purchase.

pro parte aliqua, ‘to some degree,’
because he could not put all the colon:
on equal terms with the urban voters,
seeing that the journey to Rome practi-
cally made their suffrage inoperative,
and it was only the decuriones (colonial
senators) who had the privilege of thus
having their votes taken at home and
forwarded to Rome. For tus signandi
in voting, see an instance in the Concil-
ium.at Narbo C. /. Z. x11 6038 /. 15,
Rushf. p. 44.

urbicis, sc. Roman. decuriones,
Pompon. de verb. sign. 1, 239...9u0d in
initio colonis, cum deducerentur, decima
pars eorum. qui deducerentur consilii
publici gratia conscribi solita sit.

equestrem militiam. The eguestris
militia included service as ¢ribunus co-
hortis, tribunus legionis, praefectus alae.
An order which Claudius varied, Suet.
Claud. 15, equestres militias ita ordina-
vit ut post cohortem. alam, post alam
tribunatum daret, When a man had
served these (/rzbus militis perfunctus)
he was eligible for the quaestorship or
other office (a siis) The officer
wore the gold ring of an egues. . Wil-

manns 1226. 1633-4. Marg. 11, 63-4,
78. For petentis cp. Galba 14 summae
uestris gradus candidatus. Wilmanns
1602 Tiber. Claudio Claudiano eg. Rom.
mil, pett. petentis... ordinabat * hepro-
moted those who sought the rank of offi-
cers.’ For ordinabat see C. Z7. L. v 7866
leg. 111 Ztalicae ordinatus ex eg. Kom.

e plebe. See on c. 44. approbarent,
‘established their worthiness to his
satisfaction.'

nummorum ‘sesterces.’ See c. 40.

47. provincias...permisit. For the
principle of this division see Dio 53, 12
Abyw pev Srws 1) nv yepovola ddews Ta
kd\Nora Tis ápxfs xapw&ra:, abros 06
rovs re wévous xal rovs kwdtvous Exy xal
erparuoras tpépy. Cp. Strab. 17, 3;
25 éavrQ péày bon oTrpariwrixfs ppoupas
Exet xpelap...Tq) Shuw 06 riy. ddAnv bon
elpnuixh kal xwpls Srdwy &pxco0at paola.
The first division in B.C. 27 was modi-
fied more than once. Augustus first
took Hispania Tarraconensis and Lusi-
tania, all the Gauls (including Germa-
nia) Coele-Syria, Phoenicia, Cilicia,
Cyprus (Egypt was on a special footing,
see c. I8, p. 42). But in B.C. 24 Cyprus
and Narbonensis weregiven to the Senate
ws 0e» TÀy ÜrAw» Ócopévas [Dio 54,
14]; in B.c. 21 Dalmatia was trans-
ferred to the Emperor ws drwy rwv
del kal 5) dauri kal &à Ti» rv IIa»-
vovlwy yeroviay Seonévy [Dio 54, 34]:
in B.C. 6 disturbances in Sardinia cau
that province to be put under military
government for three years [Dio 54, 28].
All provinces subsequently added were
imperial [Dio 53, 12 fin.]. During the
reign of Augustus this occurred in the
case of the provinces of Galatia and
Lycaonia in B.C. 25 [Dio 53, 36; Marq.
9, p. 276 sq.], and Moesia [Dio 55,
29; Ov. Zr. 2, 197). annuis...im-
peris. In the senatorial provinces

47.]

DIVUS AUGUSTUS.

103

periis regi nec facile nec tutum erat, ipse suscepit, ceteras

proconsulibus sortito permisit ;

et tamen nonnullas Division

commutavit interdum atque ex utroque genere pleras- of the

que saepius adiit. Urbium quasdam, foederatas sed

Provinces.

sad exitium licentia praecipites, libertate privavit,
alias aut aere alieno laborantis levavit, aut terrae Siedoratai:
motu subversas denuo condidit, aut merita erga
populum Romanum adlegantes Latinitate vel civitate do-

navit, Nec est,

ut opinor, provincia,

Civitates

excepta Pécsona]

dumtaxat Africa et Sardinia, quam non adierit. visits.

consulares and praetorii drew lots for
their year of office, as in the republic,
the law of B.C. 52, enacting a five
years’ interval between the consulship
or praetorship and the provincial gov-
ernment, being maintained: but even
in these the Emperor intervened in case
of maladministration, loaplOnous -yap
rots EOvect xal oUs a» éOeMjo y KAnpodc bas
xedevet [Dio 53, 14]. In the Imperial
provinces the /eguéi pro pracore held
office during pleasure [Sra ré riva. kal
éwére 70eXev ExreddAev Dio /.c.]. Amo
the Senatorial provinces Africa an
Asia were to have consulares as govern-
ors, the rest practoriz, but in the pro-
vinces themselves both alike have fro-
consulare imperium and are therefore
often called proconsuls.

foederatas. A comparatively small
number of States 4a the provinces which,
though debarred from making foreign
alliances or wars, enjoyed internal au-
tonomy, could coin money and receive
exiles. The terms on which they held
this freedom varied according to the
particular foedus, one copy of which
was kept at Rome, the others in the
State concerned. Marq. 7, 100-104.

libertate privavit. Instances re-
corded are Cyzicus, Tyre, and Sidon.
Dio 54, 7 roós re Kugicnvods Sr 'Po-
palouvs Twas év oTáge. pacriywoayres
améxreway édouAkWoaro’ kal ToÜro rovs
Tuplous rovs re Zidwrlous dua Tas ordces
éxolnoev, év Ty Zvplg -yerduevos (B.C. 20).
The decree concerning Cyzicus was re-
voked in B.C. 15 [Dio 54, 33], and there-
fore Strabo [12, 8, 11] speaks of it as
free; but Tiberius inflicted the same
punishment on it in A. D. 25 obtecta pub-
lice Cysicenis incuria caerimoniarum
divi Augusti, additis violentiae crimi-
nióus adversum. cives Romanos, et amt-
sere libertatem quam bello Mithridatico

meruerant. Cp. Suet. 714. 57. It there-
fore seems that they had not forgiven
the memory of Augustus. The freedom
of Tyre and Sidon had been reserved
by Antony, when he handed over Phoe-
nicia to Cleopatra [Ios. Amt. 15, 4, 1].

Latinitate. The imperfect citizenship
thus designated derived its name and
much of its nature from the old status
of the Latin cities, Since the civil war
[B.C. 90] it had ceased to apply to any
cities in Italy south of the Po, and since
B.C. 49 to those north of the Po; but
it still existed in colonies and certain
states in the provinces; and the Em-
peror had the power of indefinitely
extending it; Vespasian, for instance,
gave Latimitas to all Spain. Pliny,
N.H. 3 8 30. Later on there was a
distinction laid down between masus
and minus Latium: in virtue of the
former all decuriones and office-holders
in their states obtained full civifas, in
the latter only magistrates [Gaius r,
95—6].

excepta...Africa. If we may believe
Nicolaus Dam. 11—12, Augustus visited
Africa with his uncle Lulius in B.c. 45.
After the defeat of Sextus (B.C. 36) Lepi-
dus, who had come from Africa to Sicily
nominally to help Augustus but had
raised an opposition to him, was de-
prived of his province, and Augustus
might have thought it necessary to go
there. He, however, contented him-
self with appointing a new governor,
with a division of his troops [App. Z.
chU. 5, 129].

Sardinia. Corsica and Sardinia were
long held by Sextus Pompeius, but his
ships and forces there were betrayed to
Augustus by his freedman Menodorus in
B.C. 38. App. Z. civ. 5, 78—80. For
the storms after the defeat of Sextus, see
Dio 49, 34 eret 8 re Zé£ros dwoddAa

104

SUETONI

[47—

In has fugato Sex. Pompeio traicere ex Sicilia apparantem
continuae et immodicae tempestates inhibuerunt, nec mox

occasio aut causa traiciendi fuit.
Regnorum quibus belli iure potitus est, praeter pauca,
aut isdem quibus ademerat reddidit, aut alienigenis s

Client

kings. contribuit.

Reges socios etiam inter semet ipsos

necessitudinibus mutuis iunxit, promptissimus affini-

tatis cuiusque atque amicitiae conciliator et fautor; nec aliter

universos quam membra partisque imperii curae habuit, rec-

torem quoque solitus apponere aetate parvis aut mente lapsis,

donec adolescerent aut resipiscerent; ac plurimorum liberos
et educavit simul cum suis et instituit.

Ex militaribus copiis legiones et auxilia provinciatim

kal rà év ry AtBiy xaracrdcews édeiro
HAGE pev és ZuxeMar» ws kal ékeice wrev-
cobmevos, éyxpovloas 66 évraiéa bro rod
Xetpwvos ovKére émepauó09.

48. regnorum. M.A. c. 27 Armeniam
matorem interfecto rege aus Artaxe,
cum possem facere provinciam, malus
"malorum nostrum exemplo regnum id
Tigran: regis Artavasdis filio, nepoti au-
tem Tigranis regis, per TY. Neronem tra-
dere, qui tum mihi privignus erat. Et
eandem gentem postea desciscentem et
rebellantem domitam per Gaium filium
meum regi Artobarsani regis Medorum
Artabasi fiio regendam tradidi et post
eius mortem filio eius Artavasdi. Quo
interfecto Tigrane, qui erat ex regio
genere. Armeniorum. oriundus, in id
regnum mist. Other instances are
Herod in Iudaea [Ios. B. Sud. 15, 10];
Iuba in Mauretania [Dio 53, 36]. Au-
gustus in the Monumentum c. 33 says
also that he made Vonones king of the
Parthians, and Ariobarzanes king of the
Medes, on the request or with the con-
sent of the chief men of those nations.
contribuit. A word technically used of
bringing a people into political con-
nexion with another or under a ruler,
Amóbracta ... tum contribuerat se Ae-
tolis, Livy 38, 3; Uxtorum gentem...
peer ioa Satrapiae contribust Curt.
5» 3: 10.

necessitudinibus...affünitatis. Ex-
amples are again found in the dealings
of Augustus and Livia with the Herods
[Ios. Ant. 16,7, 8; 175, 1, 2—9]. He
was said even to have offered his own
daughter Iulia to Cotiso king of the
Getae, see c. 66.

universos. It is difficult to see the

point of the antithesis, or what substan-
tive is to be understood with ussversos.
Perhaps it is safest to understand soczos
or per: Augustus ‘took as much
thought for the general interests of
the empire as for individual members
of it.’ But the words which follow do
not seem to illustrate his remark very
aptly.

rectorem...resipiscerent. On the
analogy of the tute/a of Roman law in
the case of minors and insane or imbe-
cile persons, see Cicero de Sen. § 22;
Hor. Sat. 2, 3, 218 ad sanos abeat tutela
propinquos. id. Ep. 1, 1, 102 curatoris
egere a praetore dati. lust. /s5sf. 1, 23
furiosi et prodigi, licet maiores XXV
annis sint, tamen in curatione agna-
torum sint ex lege XII fabularum.

liberos...educavit. So Iuba was
tpagels év 'IraMg, Dio 51, 15; and so
Agrippa, son of Aristobulus was brought
up at Rome with Drusus, son of Ti-
berius [Ios. Amt. 18, 6, 1]. Compare
a similar policy of Agricola in Britain,
Tac. Agr. 21.

49. auxilia Under the republic
auxilia meant all non-citizen troops
levied in provinces or furnished by kings
or allied nations. In the military
system as reformed by Augustus it
meant all bodies of troops in the pro-
vinces other than the legions, however
composed. Marq. 11, 183. Of what such
auxtiza consisted will be seen in Vell.
2, 113 contractis in una castra X legi-
onibus, LXX amplius cohortibus, XIV
alis, et pluribus decem | veteranorum
milibus, ad hoc magno voluntariorum

* mumero, frequentique equite regio...

provinciatim. At the time of the

49.]

DIVUS AUGUSTUS.

105

distribuit, classem Miseni et alteram Ravennae ad tutelam
Superi et Inferi maris conlocavit, ceterum numerum Legions in

Provinces

partim in urbis partim in sui custodiam adlegit, 2144.

battle of Actium there were at least
50 legions enrolled, all of which passed
under the power of Augustus, who,
making it a chief point in his policy to
reduce the strength and expense of the
army, partly by disbanding and partly
by draughting off veterans to colonies,
brought down the number to 18 or 23.
[For the question between these two
numbers, see Mommsen res g. pp. 67—
69; Marq. 11, 159—163; E. G. Hardy,
Journal of Philology 23, 45 p. 29 and
the authorities there quoted.] t-
ever the original number may have been
it seems that after the Pannonian rising
and the fall of Varus, the number was
33 or 25 [Dio 55, 23 rpla dé dh rére xal
elxoos orparémeda, 7) ws ye Erepor Aé-youar
wévre kal elxoot, qoM rwà érpépero], and
Tacitus [4st^. 4, 5] tells us of their
distribution in A.D. 23, which seems
not to have been changed since the
death of Augustus:—the Gauls and
Germany 8; Spain 3; Africa 2; Egypt 2;
Syria 4; Pannonia 2; Moesia 2; Dal-
matia 2. Thus they were all in frontier
provinces, the rest being Provinciae
tnermes, in which the governor had only
a detachment as body guard and for
lice, or depended on local militia
Marq. 11, 372 sq.]. The telling off of
certain legions for permanent service in
particular provinces proved afterwards
a fertile source of disruption.
classem...Ravennae. The war fleet
of Rome had never been continuously
maintained in efficiency since the Punic
and Macedonian wars. Pompey, in B.C.
67, causeda large fleet of 500 vessels to be
built for the war with tbe pirates, which
he maintained also during the civil war.
After the death of Caesar, the com-
mand of the fleet was transferred to Sext.
Pompeius [p. 31], and with it he main-
tained himself till B.c. 36. To combat
him Augustus commissioned gun a to
build a fleet in B.C. 37 [p.32]. The AT of
Sextus Pompeius put Augustus in pos-
session of a large number of vessels,
which he employed at Actium, where
bis victory added still more. He then
organized the fleet on the same principle
as the army, i.e. by fixing on two or
more places as permanent stations,—
Ravenna, Misenum, Forum Iulii (7»4*
jus), Tac. d ntt. 4, 5 Misenum afud et Ra-

Fleet.

vennam proximum Galliae litus rostratae
naves praesidebant, quas Actiaca victoria
captas in oppidum Forumiuliense miserat
valido cum remige. The station at
Forum Iulii seems not to have been
maintained long after the time of Au-
gustus [Strab. 4, 1, 9]; but those at
Ravenna and Misenum existed up to
the 5th century; the fleets are called
in inscriptions cassis practoria Misen-
ensis... Kavennas [C. 7. L. 10, 317—350].
Ravenna, like the modern Venice, was
built amidst tidal lagunes, three miles
from the sea. Augustus not only con-
structed a port (C/assis) connected by
a causeway with the old city, but also a
canal (fossa Augusta) from the Po to
this port [Pliny N. 77. 3 8 ao]. By
the middle of the 6th century this har-
bour was already silted up [Iordan. Get.
29], and the lagunes of the ancient city
have long shared the same fate. Sue-
tonius joins the fleet with his mention
of the army, for those serving on board
were reckoned as soldiers and shared in
the privileges of soldiers: see the aiplo-
mata granting civitas to those remiges
who had served their time in the fleet
[C. 7. L. 3, p- 844 sq. ; Wilmanns 2862
—3]. The importance of the naval
stations of Misenum and Ravenna will
be seen by reference to Tacitus Ann.
I4, 62; 15, 515 Hist. 2, 9, 100; 3, 6,
40, 50, 56, 60; Pliny Zp. 6, 16 and 20;
Plut. Ant. 33; Dio 48, 36; Vell. 2, 77;
Mommsen Znscrip. Regn. Neapol. pp.
145—154.
ceterum numerum: that is, all men
under arms other than those in the
legions, auxiliaries or fleet.
in urbis...adlegit. Tac.
Ann. 4, 5 quamquam insideret urbem
proprius miles, tres wrbanae, novem
praetoriae cohortes. The number of
cohortes urbanae was however subse-
quently raised to four [Tac. Z7. 2, 93;
C. J. L. 3,853 (a diploma of Ves-
pasian) iem militum qui im cohorti-
bus novem practoriis et quatuor urbanis
militaverunt]. As to the strength of
the cohortes also there is variation of
testimony, Tacitus /. c. says that each
had a thoüsand men, Dio 55, 24 says
1500,—ol rfjs óNews ópovpal é£axw xÜDuol
re ÓrvTes Kal rerpaxy veveunpéva. See
for a new discussion on the question

106 SUETONI

[49—

dimissa Calagurritanorum manu, quam usque ad devictum
Antonium item Germanorum, quam usque ad cladem Varia-
nam inter armigeros circa se habuerat Neque tamen
The umquam plures quam tres cohortes in urbe esse

urban

cohorts. — et aestiva circa finitima oppida dimittere assuerat.

Quidquid autem ubique militum esset, ad certam stipendiorum
praemiorumque formulam adstrinxit, definitis pro gradu
cuiusque et temporibus militiae et commodis missionum, ne
aut aetate aut inopia post missionem sollicitari ad res novas
Aerarium possent. Utque perpetuo ac sine difficultate sumptus

militare.

ad tuendos eos prosequendosque suppeteret, aerarium

militare cum vectigalibus novis constituit.

Mommsen in Hermes 14, 25—35, 160;
16, 643—647; Ephem. Epig. 5, 118
—120.

partim in sui. The ten cohortes praeto-
"iae ([Diol.c. of re cwuaropddaxes uópuot
óvres kal Sexaxy Tera'ypévoi] were an
extension of the cohors praetoria of
republican times attending each com-
mander-in-chief [Polyb. 6, 40]. As
Augustus was commander-in-chief of
the whole Roman army, and had his
principal residence at Rome, the prae-
torian guard naturally had its head-
quarters there also. But it was not
until the administration of Sejanus that
they were all stationed in a permanent
camp near the porta Viminales [ 716. 37;
Dio 57, 19; Tac. Ann. 4, 2].

Calagurritanorum. Calagurris Nas-
sica or Iulia (Ca/aAorra) in Hispania
Tarraconensis was a municipium enjoy-
ing the Roman civitas [Plin. NM. 77. 3
$4] Germanorum. These appear to
have been Batavians, Dio 55, 24 £évo«
re Umrets éml\exrot, ols TO TOv Baraobwr
awd ris Baraovas rfjs £y TQ Pjvq vijcou
Óvoua, OT. Sh xpdriro iwmreday elal,
xetrat. The Batavian body-guard was
also employed by Nero, Wilmanns 1518
NOBILIS * MILES * IMPERA * NERONIS «
AVG * CORP « CVST * DEC * RABVTI =
NAT * BATAVS * MILIT * AN « II * VIX *
AN* XX*H*S* E. A body-guard of
foreigners had been employed before,
as the Ityreans by Antony, Cic. 2 PA.
88 rg and 112. —

Varianam, see on c. 23.

pluresquam tres...sine castris. This
refers to the praetorian cohorts, for the
urban cohorts had already barracks in

Rome near the forum Suarium. The
three praetorian cohorts thus billeted in
Rome in turn performed the duties of
guard at the imperial palace, Tac. Ann.

. 1, 73 2, 34. After the praetorian camp

was formed one cohort at a time mounted
guard at the palace, Tac. Ann. 12, 69;
Hist. 1, 24, and wore the toga, id. ZZzs/.
I, 38 "ec una cohors togata defendit
nunc Galbam sed detinet. Mart. 6, 76
Llle sacri lateris custos Martisque togati.

ad certam...adstrinxit, ‘he confined
strictly to a fixed scale of service-time
and allowances.’ Dio 54, 25 (B.C. 13)
kal dvérage ra Eryn doa ol moXira« orpa-
Tevcowro kal Ta xpnuara boa wavodue-
vo. THs arparelas, dvri rns xwpas yy del
wore jTow, AyYowro. He goes on to
say that the time of service fixed was
I2 years for praetorians and 16 for
others. But either this was again altered
or this number of years’ service did not
entitle a man to his retiring allowance,
for it is stated in 55, 23 (A.D. 6) to be
16 for praetorians and 20 for the legio-
naries, cp. Tac. Aan. 1, 17 and 78;
M. A. c. 17. Mommsen thinks the
change accounted for by the costly wars
in Pannonia and Germany B.C. 12—8.
There was a farther variation in other
branches of the service. The cohortes
urbanae served 20, the auxilia 25, the
classici 26 years. Marq. r1, p. 282.

commodis missionum. See c. 24
note, p. 53.

aerarium militare. M. A. c. 17 J.
Lepido et L. Auruntio cos. (A.D. 6) in
aerarium militare, quod ex consilio meo
constitutum est, ex quo praemia darentur
militibus, gud vicena aut plura emeru-

passus est easque sine castris, reliquas in hiberna s

50.]

DIVUS AUGUSTUS.

107

Et quo celerius ac sub manum adnuntiari cognoscique
posset, quid in provincia quaque gereretur, iuvenes postal
primo modicis intervallis per militaris vias, dehinc service.
vehicula disposuit Commodius id visum est, ut qui a loco
s perferunt litteras, interrogari quoque, si quid res exigant,

possint.

issent HS milliens et septingentiens ex
patrimonio meo detult. Dio 55, 35 éwel
pndels Tópos dpéckuw» wil» edploxero,
GANG kal wayu wavres Sri kal éfyreiro
éfapórorro, éojveyxevy 6 Atyoucros xp1)-
para kal bwép éavroü xal Uwrép TeBeplov
és rd Ta4uelor, 8 kal orparuvrixdy érwyd-
pace. Theestablishment of this orga |
exchequer was therefore connected wi
the change and settlement as to the
years of service and retiring allowances.
It was replenished from time to time
by his own contributions [see c. 41], by
voluntary subventions from subject or
allied princes and towns, and by a death
duty of § p.c. on estates and legacies
[Dio 7. c. d 3° elxoorny TOv Te KAHpwH
kal riv Swpedy, ds dv ol reNevravTés Tit
mj» ray Tav) ovyyevav 7) kal wevyrwy
xaradelrwot Kareornoaro], and the
I p.c. excise on res venales seems also
to have been paid to this account, Tac.
Ann. 1, 78. Two praetorii were put
in charge of it.

vectigalibus novis. The legacy du-
ties he maintained to be only a revival
of an old tax, Dio /. c.

sub manum, ‘promptly’ [id xetpa

Arist. Meteor. 2, 9, 13], cp. Seneca -

Ep. 718 1 res nostrae feruntur, immo
volvuntur ; ergo consilium nasci sub diem
debet: at hoc quoque mimis tardum est;
sub manu, quod aiunt, nascatur; Plancus
ap. Cic. fam. 10, 23 8 2 adiunxi...
Vocontii sub manu ut essent, ‘at hand,’
‘handy’: but Caes. B. Afr. 36 sud
manum [with v. 1. manu].
iuvenes...vehicula. Along the great
military roads of Italy and the pro-
vinces there seem to have been for
some time posting houses where relays of
horses and carriages could be obtained
[Cic. pro Ros. Am. 7; Suet. Zu. 57;
Mart. 1o, 104], but there was no pro-
vision for postal service. Rich men
kept ‘¢abellarit for the transmission of
letters [see Mayor on Plin. E. 3, 17
8 2]; the magistrates sent statores [Cic.
ad fam. 2, 17, 1]; and the companies
of $ublicani had their regular couriers

In diplomatibus libellisque et epistulis
signandis initio sphinge usus est, mox imagine

His seal.

[Cic. ad Att. 5, 15, 33 de Prov. 8 15].
Poorer men had to take advantage of
these. For the public post now orga-
nised by Augustus, see Marq. 9, Pp. 587
—8593 who gives a i. list of the litera-
ture of the subject. The Emperor had
a certain number of speculatores attached
to his staff for this service [c. 74].

vehicula, the light carriages or cista
used in the postal service, cp. Cal. 44
magnificas litteras Romam misit, moni-
tis speculatoribus, ut vehiculo ad forum
usque et curiam pertenderent.

50. diplomatibus, documents issued
by the Emperor or provincial governor
conferring privileges, immunities or the
like. Cal. 38; Ner. 12. The term is also
applied to bronze Zipé£ycha, such as the
diplomata fixing the privilegia militum.
See Wilmanns 2861; C. 7. L. 3, p. 843.
libellis, ‘petitions.’ The Emperor is
said signare libellos when he answers
them, Pliny Zp. 1, 10, 9 sedeo pro tribu-
nali, subnoto libellos.

epistulis. Gaius Z7s55/. 1, 5 constitutio
principis est quod imperator decreto vel
edicto vel epistula constituit. Though
this definition was hardly recognised in
the time of Augustus.

initio sphinge...sua. Pliny [W. Z7.
37 8 10] says that Augustus found two
rings of bis mother's with sphinxes that
were exactly alike, and that while he
used one he lent the other to his agents
during the civil war [i.e. to Maecenas,
see Dio 51, 3]. The three seals, whether
designedly or not, seem to have a refer-
ence to three stages in his life,—to the
self-suppression and dark policy of his
early manhood; the world-wide empire
gained after 31 B.C. ; and finally to the
originality of the policy in his later
years in which he represented in his
own person all the popular powers
which he pretended to maintain. The
emblem of the sphinx seems to have
given rise to unfavourable remark,
postea ad evitanda convicia sphingt
Alexandri Magni imagine signavit Plin.
Ac. The Sphinx is found on coins of

108 SUETONI [so—

Magni Alexandri, novissime sua, Dioscuridis manu sculpta,
qua signare insecuti quoque principes perseverarunt. Ad
epistulas omnis horarum quoque momenta nec diei modo sed
et noctis, quibus datae significarentur, addebat.
Clementiae civilitatisque eius multa et magna documenta s
His sunt. Ne enumerem, quot et quos diversarum par-
tolerance tium venia et incolumitate donatos principem etiam
P Den in civitate locum tenere passus sit: Iunium Novatum
et Cassium Patavinum e plebe homines alterum pe-

cunia, alterum levi exilio punire satis habuit, cum ille Agrippae
iuvenis nomine asperrimam de se epistulam in vulgus edidisset,
hic convivio pleno proclamasset, neque votum sibi neque
animum deesse confodiendi eum. Quadam vero cognitione, |

Lad

[e]

Chios and Alexandria [Head //sst.
Num. pp. 513, 720], but there is alsc
a Cistophorus in the B. Museum with
a head of Augustus and a Sphinx on
the reverse.

Dioscuridis. There are some gems
extant attributed to Dioscurides (Acoo-
xouplins), see King's Horace Odes 1,
4. Pliny W. H. 37 88 post eum Apol-
lonides et Cronius in gloria fuere, qui-
que Augusti imaginem simillime ex -
sif, qua postea principes signant, Dios-
cursdes.

insecuti...principes except Galba
[Dio 51, 3]. An example of its use by
Hadrian is given in the records of the
Arval Brethren [Henzen p. 65; Wil-
manns 2871] L. Zuitutn Catium ex [itte-
ris Imp. Caesaris Traiant Hadriani Au-
gusti fratrem. Arvalem cooptaverunt et
ad sacra vocaverunt ibique tabulae aper-
tae signo signatae quod exprimit. Kaput
Augusti...(A.D. 118). For the general
use of portraits in rings, see Ovid 77.
I, 7,6 1n digito qui me fersque refers-
que tuo, effigiemque meam fulvo com-
plexus in auro, cara relegati quae potes
ora vides.

horarum...momenta,' theexact time,’
Iustin. 2, 14, 9 /am brevi horarum
momento; Pliny N. H. 7 8 172 nullo
horae momento.

quibus...significarentur, ‘noting at
what hour they had been’ despatched’;
equivalent to quo significaret quibus mo-
mentis datae essent, It is a case of the
loose use of the subjunctive common
with words of saying, redii? paulo post
quod se oblitum. nescto quid diceret Cic.

Off. 1, 13; Roby Z. G. 1746. datae,
Cic. Att. 4, 1783 a Quinto fratre eta
Caesare accepi a. d. xi Kal. Nov. litteras
datas a littoribus Britanniae a. d. xi
Kal. Oct.

51. clementiae. See on c. 13, p. 26.
Seneca [de Clem. 9— 11] discusses
the claim of Augustus to this praise,
contrasting the early severities with the
mildness of the principate, and con-
cludesegovero clementem non voco lassam
crudelitatem. Yt was a subject on which
Augustus valued himself ; in M.A. 34 he
says that the golden shield was given
him clementiae, tustitiae, pietatis causa,
and was so inscribed.

civilitatis, ‘moderation,’ ‘constitu-
tional conduct,’ the proper dealing
of citizen with citizen on equal terms,
not acting as a monarch. Claud. 35
primis imperii diebus tactator czvilitatis.

Iunium...Patavinum, otherwise un-
known. The men might have been
convicted of mazestas. Cp. Tac. Ann,
I, 72 primus Augustus de famosis h-
belles specie eius legis (i.e. de maiestate)
tractavit. e plebe. See on c. 44.

Agrippae iuvenis, sc. Agrippa Pos-
tumus, see cc. 9 and 64.

confodiendi, *he wanted neither the
wish nor the courage to stab him to
death,’ Roby Z. G. 1394. Suet. 7:u/. 82
tribus et viginti vulneribus confossus est.

cognitione. The hearingof a special
case by a magistrate or the Emperor.
Claud. 15 negantem cognitionis rem sed
ordinarii iuris esse. ib. 12 cognitionibus
magistratibus ut unus e consiliaribus in-
terfuit.

52.] DIVUS AUGUSTUS. - 109

cum Aemilio Aeliano Cordubensi inter cetera crimina vel
maxime obiceretur quod male opinari de Caesare soleret,
conversus ad accusatorem commotoque similis Ve/zm, inquit,
hoc mili probes ; faciam sciat Aelianus et me linguam habere,
s Plura enim de eo loquar ; nec quicquam ultra aut postea in-

quisiit.

Tiberio quoque de eadem re, sed violentius, apud se

per epistulam conquerenti ita rescripsit: Aefati tuae, mi
Tiberi, noli in hac re indulgere et nimium indignari quem-

quam esse, qui de me male loquatur ;. satis est enim, st hoc

10 habemus ne quis nobis male facere possit.

Templa, quamvis sciret etiam proconsulibus decerni
solere, in nulla tamen provincia nisi communi suo Temples
Romaeque nomine recepit (nam in urbe quidem to himself.
pertinacissime abstinuit hoc honore) atque etiam argenteas
:r Statuas olim sibi positas conflavit omnis exque iis aureas
cortinas Apollini Palatino dedicavit.

Cordubensi. Corduba was the seat
of one of the four conventus iuridict of
' Hispania Baetica, and was a Roman
colony (B.C. 132), in which it is said an
unusual number of patricians had settled,
of whom Aemilius Aelianus appears
from his name to have been one.

male opinari de, 'to express a bad
opinion of,’ ‘to abuse,’ see c. 67; Cal.
27 male de munere suo opinatos; Iustin.
12, 5, 8 in wnam cohortem eos qui de
rege durius opinati fuerunt contribuit.
So male existimare, Macrob. Sat. 2, 4,
18 Strabone male existimante de pervi-
cacia Catonts.

actati...indulgere, ‘to give way to
the impulses of our youth’ (Horace’s
calida iuventa). Claud. 16 actatulae
indulgere: Tac. Germ. 19 mulier, non
forma non aetate maritum invenerit.
So indulgere animo, Ovid Met. 12, 598.

62. etiam proconsulibus, as to
Flamininus at Chalcis [Plut. 7. Flam.
16; see also Cic. ad Q. fr. 1, 1, 9].
nisi...suo Romaeque nomine. Temples
to Rome had been known before, as at
Smyrna [Tac. 475. 4, 56. See Rushforth
P. 47—8] The joining the names of
the Emperor with that of Rome was
therefore a natural step, which Augustus
himself had already taken in dedicati
the Iulian heroum ry re ‘Poy xal ry
warpt ry Kaloap Dio 51, 20. For
instances see C. /. G. 3524 (an Aeolic
inscription near Cyme) éxi lepéws ras
"Peuüs kal avroxpdropos, Ged vid, bed

ZeBacrd, dpxrepéws peylorw, kal rarpds
ras warpldos, Tlodduwvos TÀ Ziywvos
Aaoólxeos. That is, ‘when Polemo,
son of Zeno of Laodicea, was priest
of Rome and of the Emperor Augustus
etc.’ Cp. 2. 3567; Tac. Ann. 4, 37.

in urbe. As also in Italy, Dio 51,
20 rots Óà 3) Lévou éavrQ ui» riva...
repevion éwérpeper...dv ydp rov TQ ores
abrQ rq Te G\Ay "'IraMa ox tor Boris
Trav é' drocotv Abyou Twós dtlwy éré)-
noe ToUTo wajoa. Yet that such wor-
ship did exist in Italy in his lifetime is
proved by inscriptions at Pompeii, see
Rushforth, pp. 54—57. After his death
such shrines were dedicated in Rome
and all over the empire. See c. 5; Tac.
Ann. 1, 10; Pliny N. AZ. 12 894

argenteas statuas. Plin. WV. ZZ. 33
8 151 argenti usum in statuas primum
divi Augusti temporum adulatione trans-
tsse falso existimatur, am enim triumpho
Magni Pompe reperimus tralatam
Pharnacis qui primus regnavit in Ponto
argenteam | statuam, item Mithridatis,
el currus aureos argenteosque. Dio 53,
22 o) yap Stvaya dSiaxpiva...el Ta uá-
ora 6 Abyoucros kal dydpidyras rivds
éavroÜ dpyupols wpós te Trav $iXwv Kal
wpós Of» trwav "yevyovóras, és vipioua
karéxoye. He had himself forbidden
silver statues of men, Dio 54, 7.

exque fis, ‘and with the money coined
from them.’

Apollini Palatino. See c. 29. cor-
tinas, Plin. V. H. 358 14 ex aere facti-

Ito

SUETONI

[52—

Dictaturam magna vi offerente populo, genu nixus deiecta

The
Dictator-

ship. exhorruit.

lavere et cortinas tripodum nomine ac
Delphicas, quod eae maxime Apollini
Delphico dicabantur.
dictaturam...deprecatus est. M.A.
5 Dictaturam a apsenti et Praesenti
mihi datam a populo et senatu M.

Marcello et L. Arruntio consulibus (B.C. ,

22) non accept. [The Latin text is de-
fective, but is restored from the Greek.]
The year B.C. 22 was one of distress,
and the popular feeling called for the
help of Augustus (who in accordance
with the arrangement of B.C. 23 was not
consul). The people besieged thesenate-
house, clamouring that the Dictator-
ship and Praefectura annonae should
be bestowed on Augustus.
he accepted...rj» 8 Stxraroplay ob
mwpoo}karo, àÀAà kal ray EcOyTa xpoc-
xarepphtaro, éredy undéva tpbwov &\\ws
opas éuxeiv...7)0vv1)09* rf» re yap é£ov-
olay kal rhy Tuv kal bwéprovs bucráropas
Exwy, dp0ds rÓ re exlpOovoy kal TÓ juo mràv
Tis éruxcdhoews abri» épudrdéaro, Dio
54, 1. Cp. Vell. 2, 89. It was, in
fact, diametrically opposed to Augustus’
policy of resting a practically absolute
ee on a constitutional basis, as

iberius said of his £riównmicia potestas
[Tac. Ann. 3, 56] id summi fastigit vo-
cabulum Augustus repperit, ne regis aut
dictatoris nomen | adsurmeret ac tamen
appellatione aliqua cetera imperia prae-
mineret. He took the same course as
to the perpetual censorship...ápx?j ov-
Seulay wapda Trà wdtpia E09 Sidopévny
dvedetdunv, M. A. Now the first
measure of conciliation after the murder
of Iulius had been (on the proposition
of Antony) to declare it illegal to pro-
pose or accept a dictatorship, under the
same penalties as the old constitution
imposed on the attempt to obtain kingly
power, 5) rà» éx rwvdé rwos brepdévra
ynwowel wpds TG» éÉvTrvxóvru» dyai-
petoOar, App. B. civ. 3, 25 [cp. Plut.
Popl. 12 Eypape yap vóuov &vev xploews
kreiva, diddvra rà». Bouddpevoy Tvpa»-
peiy]. This is what Cicero calls the
abolition of the very name of the Dicta-
torship, as it was in fact. See Cic.
I Phil. § 33; 2 Phil.891; 5 Phil. § 10;
Dio 44, 51. The Dictatorship as held
by Sulla and Iulius had of course been
of a different nature from that known

The latter ©

ab umeris toga nudo pectore deprecatus est. Domini
appellationem ut maledictum et obprobrium semper
Cum, spectante eo ludos, pronuntiatum

up to the end of the second Punic war,
both in the method of appointment,
length of tenure, and the juridical basis
on which it rested [Mommsen Staatsr.
3: 1945; 4, 427], nevertheless the name
was one known to the constitution, and
some show of following precedents was
made [App. Z. civ. 1, 99; Cic. ad Att,
9, 9 and r5; Caes. Z. civ. 2, 22], while
Antony's law of B.C. 44 was generally
understood to make any Dictatorship
illegal [dzctafwrae nomen in perpetuum
de republica sustulisti, Cic. 2 Phzl. J.c.).
It does not therefore seem that it only
referred to the irregular dictatorsbip, as
has been stated, Class. Review, vol. 3,
p. 77 (F. Haverfield). |
58. domini. Cp. 7%. 27 dominus
appellatus a quodam denuntiavit ne se
amplius contumeliae causa nominaret.
Domitian on the other hand accepted
the title [Suet. Dom. 13), as had Calli-
gula [Aurel. Vict. Caesares]. Dio 55,
I2 decwérns 0e rére (A.D. 2) 6 Alyovaros
bd Tod &iuov dévouacbels oUx mus dretwre
pndéva robryp wpds éavróv TQ wpocpypare
xphoacGa. Tertull. Apol. 34 Augustus
imperii formator ne dominum se quidem
appellari volebat. 'The position taken
up by Augustus was that, though in
rank he was first, his powers were only
those of any other magistrate [M. A. 6
post id tempus (B.C. 27) praestiti omnibus
dignitati, potestatis autem nihilo amplius
habui quam qui fuerunt mihi quoque in
magistratu conlegae]). It was natural,
therefore, that he should avoid the title
dominus, associated (1) with the master-
ship of slaves, (2) with iem tyranny.
See Cic. de Rep. 2, 26 videlisne igitur
ut de rege dominus exstitertt...hic est
enim dominus populi quem Graeci tyran-
num vocant. 2 Phil. 108 Cinnam nimis
potentem, Sullam postea dominantem,
modo regnantem Caesarem. videramus.
Tiberius f\eyer bri Seomdbrns uà» Tov
dovAwy, avroxpdrwp dé rav orparwrédp,
TÀy 82 5i) Nowrwv epóxperos eipí [Dio 57,
8] Brutus [Cic. £2. ad Br. 1, 17, 6]
sed dominum ne parentem quidem
matorts nostri voluerunt esse. Pliny
Panegyr. 45 scio, ut sunt diversa natura
dominatio et principatus, ita non alits
esse principem gratiorem quam qui
maxime dominum graventur.

$3]

DIVUS AUGUSTUS.

III

esset in mimo: O dominum aequum et bonum ! et universi quasi
de ipso dictum exultantes comprobassent, et statim manu
vultuque indecoras adulationes repressit et inse- pj.
quenti die gravissimo corripuit edicto; dominumque of adula-

s se posthac appellari ne a liberis quidem aut nepotibus

tion.

suis vel serio vel ioco passus est, atque eius modi blanditias

etiam inter ipsos prohibuit.

Non temere urbe oppidove ullo

egressus aut quoquam ingressus est nisi vespera aut noctu,

ne quem officii causa inquietaret.

In consulatu pedibus fere,

ro extra consulatum saepe adaperta sella per publicum incessit.
Promiscuis salutationibus admittebat et plebem, tánta

comitate adeuntium desideria excipiens, ut quendam

ourtesy -

ioco corripuerit, quod sic stb: libellum porrigere dubitaret,
quasi elephanto stipem. Die senatus numquam patres nisi
:5 in curia salutavit et quidem sedentis, ac nominatim singulos

non temere, see on c. 16, P 34-
nisi vespera...inquietaret. The fashion
of meeting magistrates and commanders
on their return to Rome by a procession
was an old one, see Livy 22, 61; Cic. ad
Att. 7, 5; 2 Phil. 8 106. Among the
honours voted to Augustus in B.C. 30
was és rhy wodw écióvr. airy rds Te
lepelas ras devrap8évovs kal ri» Boudhy
Tov Te Üfjuov uerá T€ TOV "yvvaukü» Kal
pera trav Trékvw» dwarvrífosa [Dio 51,
19). When, however, a complimentary
procession was voted to him on his re-
turn from Gaul in B.C. 13 he avoided
it, r3» daxdyrnow rod Shuou kal rére
étéorn: vukrós yap és ri» wédw écexo-
plodn Erep wou kal del ws elwety...éwole,
tva, pndevt adra&v dxAnpods ely [id. 54, 25].
As to officium for attentions of this cha-
racter, see luv. 3, 126 and Mayor’s note.

inquietaret, only in Latin of silver
age, see Mer. 34; Quint. 11, 3, 80;
Plin. Ef. 1, 9.

adaperta sella. Roth for adoperta. To
ride with the curtains of the /ectica closed
was a sign of pride. Cp. Cic. 2 PA.
8 106 obviam ei processit...magna sane
multitudo. At iste operta lectica latus
per oppidum est ut mortuus. Hence the
joke of the peasant at Venusia which
cost him so dear, Gell. 10, 3, 5. Mart.
11, 98, 12 nec vindicavit (from trouble-
some Paszatores) sella saefius clusa. In
the se//a the rider sat, in the /ectica re-
clined. Fora distinction between them
see Suet. Claud. 35; Domit. 2; Seneca
de brev. vit. 12,6; Mart. to, 10; 11, 98.

per publicum (subst. *public place?)
Ner. 9 lectica per publicum vehi.

» ‘open to all’ as opposed
to the practice of some subsequent
Emperors, as Domitian, Pliny paneg.
48, $8 4—5 observabantur foribus (Domi-
tiant) horror et minae et par metus ad-
missus et exclusis...mon adire quisquam
non alloqui audebat tenebras secretumque
captantem.

salutationibus. The early morning
Salutatio is profusely illustrated in all
literature of the imperial period. Mart.
4,8 prima salutantes atgue altera. con-
terit hora. See the passages quoted by
Mayor on Iuv. 1, 128; 3, 127; 5, 19.

sic...dubitaret. Macrob. Saf. 2, 4, 3
idem Augustus cum ei quidam libellum
offerret et modo proferret manum modo
retraheret ‘putas’ inquit ‘te assem ele-
phanto dare?’ Quint. 6, 3, 59; Gal.
de usu part. 17 6 édégas exelvy TQ poply
dravra peraxerplterat...dx pt rv ousKpo-
Tárwv vowoparuv. Of elephants trained
to beg, see Mart. Spect. 17 quod prius
et supplex elephas te, Caesar, adorat.

nisi in curla. To cause the Senate
to wait on him at the palace would be
looked on as treating it disrespectfully.
Thus on his return in B.C. 13 he greeted
the people év T9 radarly but summoned
the Senate to the Curia [Dio 54, 25];
and in his /audatzo Tiberius said of him
[Dio 56, 41] év rais éoprais xal rà»
ófjuov olkdóe wrpocdetapévou dv Se rais
dAAaus hyuepas kal T) -yepovolay év aire
tw Bovreurnply domracapévou.

SUETONI [s3—

nullo submonente ; etiam discedens eodem modo sedentibus
valere dicebat. Officia cum multis mutuo exercuit, nec
prius dies cuiusque sollemnes frequentare desiit,
quam grandi iam natu et in turba quondam spon-
saliorum die vexatus. Gallum Terrinium senatorem minus s
sibi familiarem, sed captum repente oculis et ob id inedia
mori destinantem praesens consolando revocavit ad vitam.

In senatu verba facienti dictum est: Won intellexi, et ab
alio: Contradicerem tibi, si locum haberem. Inter-
dum ob immodicas disceptantium altercationes e
curia per iram se proripienti quidam ingesserunt,

II2

and
kindness.

Behaviour
in the
Senate,

licere oportere senatoribus de ve publica loqui.

Antistius Labeo

senatus lectione, cum vir virum legeret, M. Lepidum hostem

et quidem sedentis *without their
rising,’ whereas Iulius had received the
Senate without rising himself, Suet. 7:4.
78, though the Senators were accus-
tomed to stand up when he entered,
Plut. Caes. 66 elowvros 06 Kaloapos 1)
BovXà) perv vretavéorn 0epamebovca.

nullo submonente, without any no-
menclator. Macr. Sat. 2, 4, 15 nomen-
culatori suo, de cuius oblivione quereba-
tur, dicenti numquid ad forum man-
das?’ ‘accipe’ inquit. *commendaticias
quia illic neminem nosti.'

officia, ‘social attentions,’ ‘ visits.’
Nep. At. 4 § 3 mAilo minus amicis
urbana officia praestitit.

grandi iam natu, for the more com-
mon grandis natu, see c. 89; Aer. 34.

sponsaliorum [for -orwm see Seneca
de Ben.1, 914]. The*betrothal? some-
times preceded the actual marriage
by several years, see Aul. Gell. 4, 4,
Marquardt 14, p. 5o. Forthe entertain-
ment given at the betrothal, cp. Pliny
Ep. 1, 9 nam si quem interroges * hodie
quid egisti?' respondeat ‘officio togae
virilis interfui, sponsalia aut nuptias

frequentavi. Seneca de Benef. 4, 39,
3 surgam ad sponsalia quia promisi,
quamvis non concoxerim ; sed non si

febricitavero. It was accompanied by a
banquet, Pliny V. H. 9 8 11 Lolltam
Paulinam...mediocrium etiam sponsa-
lium cena vidi smaragdis margaritisque
opertam. Cic. ad Q. Fr. 2, 5 (6) a. d.
vii Idus Apr. sponsalia Crassifedi prae-
but; huic convivio puer optimus Quintus
.. defuit.

minus...familiarem. To a man who
entertained him with a shabby dinner

Augustus said son Putabam me tibi tam
familiarem, Macr. Sat. 2, 4, 13.

54. in senatu. Macrobius [Saé. 2,
4, 19—245] gives instances of Augustus’
tolerance of repartees to himself.

ai locum haberem. Casaubon explains
5i tu omnia in republica loca non occu-
passes, cp. Livy 4, 57 omnia loca obtinu-
ere ne cui plebeio aditus esset. But it
may have a more general meaning of
‘ground to stand on,’ * opportunity,’ as
in Cic. A#. 1, 18 nactus locum rese-
candae libidinis.

de re publica, *on the interests of
the state.’ Suet. /u/. 28 M. Claudius
Marcellus edicto pracfatus de summa
republica acturum rettulit ad senatum.

Antistius Labeo. (There is a doubt

whether his Praemomem was Marcus or
Quintus.) Aul. Gell. 13, 12 2” guadam
epistula Atei Capitonts scriptum legimus,
Labeonem Antistium legum atque morum
populi Romani turisque civilis doctum
adprime fuisse. Tac. Ann. 1, 75 Labeo
incorrupla libertate. He wrote a com-
mentary on the laws of the x1! tables
[Aul Gell 20, 1 § 13]; a work on
the Vestal Virgins [;7. 1, 12]; and
other legal treatises [zd. 4, 2], as well
as works on grammar and philology [#d.
13, 10]. See also Pompon. in Dig. 1, 2,
2, 47. Horace is supposed to refer to
him in Sat.1, 3, 82 Labeone insanior, but
this has with some reason been doubted.
See Palmer's note.

cum vir virum, see on c. 35, p. 79
(note).

M. Lepidum, see on c. 16, p. 35.
exulantem : in c. 16 he used the more
accurate word velegavit. But exilium

sedentie
ercult, se
are dest
lam so
*m mun
id ine
ritam.
" et a
Inter
tones t
sserunt

Labo

56.]

DIVUS AUGUSTUS.

113

olim eius et tunc exulantem legit, interrogatusque ab eo an
essent alii digniores, suum quemque tudicium habere respondit.
Nec ideo libertas aut contumacia fraudi cuiquam fuit. Etiam 55
sparsos de se in curia famosos libellos nec expavit et magna
cura redarguit ac ne requisitis quidem auctoribus, id modo
censuit, cognoscendum posthac de iis, qui libellos aut carmina
ad infamiam cuiuspiam sub alieno nomine edant.

Iocis quoque quorundam invidiosis aut petulantibus 56

lacessitus, contradixit edicto.

Et tamen ne de inhibenda

testamentorum licentia quicquam constitueretur, intercessit.

was often used loosely to include the
minor punishment of redegatio: thus
Ovid often speaks of himself as ext
[e.g. Zr. 3, 1, 1), but when he wishes
to be more accurate he says of the edict
[7*. 2, 135]
quippe relegatus, non exul, dicor in illo

privaque fortunae sunt dataverba meae.
Lepidus’ relegatio at Circeii also seems
to have been varied by summonses
to Rome [Dio 54, 13].

suum...habere. Dio [54, 13] gives
the answer somewhat differently xal Tl
Sewdy werolnxa xaracxwy év TQ ovvebplo
dvdpa by c) ápxiepéwr Er kal viv wepi-
opás Svra;

bb. famosos libellos, see on c. 5r.
Cp. Dio 523, 31 (advice of Maecenas to
Augustus) 7d yap dre ris éXorddpneé ce
3 xal Érepóv re dvemirjdecov elie, wire
dxovoys wore karwyopoüvrós Tivos ure
éwretéNOys. But later on Aelius Satur-
ninus was executed for libellous verses
on Tiberius in B.C. 23 [Dio 57, 22].
For a list of men punished by other
Emperors for similar crimes, see Mayor
on luv. 1, 152.

nec...et...ac, ‘he not only did not
shrink from them but took great pains to
refute them and, without searching for
the authors, merely made the following
regulation.’ If the reading stands, ef
magna cura must mean that he con-
descended to argument rather than re-
pression; but #ec has been proposed for
ef, in which case it would mean that
‘he neither feared them nor took any
pains to refute them. However, for
nec followed by affirmative see Varro
ap. A. Gell. 1, 22 z^ convivio legi nec
omnia debent et ea potissimum quae si-
mul sint BuodeN?) et delectent. Cic. 2 Cat.
§ 28. Roby Z. G. 2200 and 2241. Mad-
vig L. G. S 458.

cognoscendum......edant.

Tacitus

[A4^7. 1, 72] says that Augustus first
established a cognitio de famosis libelhs.
But Suetonius here adds the qualifica-
tion of anonymity,—sub a/ieno nomine.
Dio 56, 27 (A.D. 12) kal padaw ór.
BtBrla &rra ép’ UBpec rwv avyypádorro,
fhrnow abtav érouhoaro kal éketvá re...
karépAete kal ror» cuvOévrwy attra éxd-
Aacé rwas. The crime was one known
to the law as far back as the x11 tables,
see Cic. de Rep. 4, 10 si quis occentavis-
set sive carmen condidisset quod infams-
am faceret flagitiumve alteri. Cp. Hor.
Sat, 2, 1, 82 si mala condiderit in quem
quis carmina, tus est tudiciumque.

56. iocis...edicto. Macrobius Sat.
2, 4, 19 soleo in Augusto magis mirari
quos pertulit tocos quam ipse quos pro-
tulit. He then gives several instances.
To publish an edictum in answer to
lampoons is curious; but Augustus used
the edictum as a means of familiar com-
munication with the citizens on all sorts
of subjects, some quite personal, see cc.
31 and 89. Claudius was the Emperor
who carried this practice to the extreme
length of absurdity, issuing as many as
20 in one day, and among them z/ wberz
vinearum proventu bene dolia picarentur,
and nA: aeque facere ad viperae morsum
quam taxi arboris sucum, Suet. Claud.
16. See others 2d. 32 and 38. Also
Cal. 45.

testamentorum licentia, the freedom
of speech in wills. Thus Fulcinius Trio,
driven to commit suicide by informers,
supremis tabulis multa et atrocia in
Macronem ac praecipuos libertorum Cae-
saris composuit, Tac. Ann. 6, 443 cp.
Dio 58,.25. See Lucian Vigrin. 69 ére
play puny ol ‘Pwyalwy waides ddnOF
wap 5dov Tüv Blow wpoleyvrar, rh» év rais
diadjxacs Aéywr. For Nero’s dealing
with the ¢festamenta ingratorum, see
Suet. Ver. 32.

114 SUETONI [56—

Quotiens magistratum comitiis interesset, tribus cum candi-
datis suis circuibat supplicabatque more sollemni.
Ferebat et ipse suffragium in tribu, ut unus e populo.
Testem se in iudiciis et interrogari et refelli, aequissimo
animo patiebatur. Forum angustius fecit, non ausus ex-
torquere possessoribus proximas domos. Numquam filios
suos populo commendavit ut non adiceret: s? merebuntur.
Eisdem praetextatis adhuc assurrectum ab universis in
theatro et a stantibus plausum, gravissime questus est.
Amicos ita magnos et potentes in civitate esse voluit, ut
tamen pari iure essent quo ceteri legibusque iudi-
Clariis aeque tenerentur. Cum Asprenas Nonius
artius ei iunctus causam veneficii, accusante Cassio Severo,

at the
Comitia,

in the
Iudicia.

candidatis suis, 'candidates recom-
mended by himself,’ thus Caesaris candt-
dati was said of those who do not exert
themselves to win anything, as being
secure of their object. Quintil. 6, 3.
supplicabatque may refer to words
or respectful gestures, as in Mer. I3.
For the conduct of a candidate in re-
publican times see Q. Cic. de fet.
cons. 41 opus est magno ofere blan-
ditia, quae, etiam si vitiosa est et turpis
in cetera vita, tamen in petitione. est
necessaria.
in tribu, Mss. have fridudus. Erasmus
read ¢7vibu, rightly ; for though Augustus
had belonged to two tribes, he would
vote only in one; see c. 40, p. 89; c.1or.
forum angustius fecit. iddleton
[Remains of Ancient Rome, vol. 2, p. 9]
illustrates this by observing that the
symmetry of the plan of the forum Au-
gusti, in existing remains, is spoilt ‘by a
piece of it being as it were cut off in a
sloping direction’ at the east corner.
For the forum see c. 29, p. 62.
numquam...ut non. For the limiting
ut see pp. 59, 126. For wt non Cicero
would have used guim. See Verr. 5,
8 55.
filios, his adopted sons Gaius and
Lucius, sons of Agrippa and Iulia. See
cc. 26, 64. praetextatis, see c. 44.
commeudavit, i.e. for election. /z/.
41 commendo vobis ium et ilum.
assurrectum, *the audience stood up
in their honour.’ The Emperor was ac-
customed consulibus et assurgere et dece-
dere via. Tib. 31. In the theatre the audi-
, ence rose to show respect for one enter-
ing, see Cic. At. 2, 19 inimici erant

equitibus qui Curioni stantes plause-
runt ; or sometimes in approval of the
scene, Cic. de Am. § 24 (of Pylades and
Orestes) stantes plaudebant 1n re ficta.
Augustus was eager that the two young
men should not be spoilt, Dio 54, 27
kal TQ Ou (éxeriunoer) Ore kal xpbrots
kal éralvors abràóv [['diov] érlunoay. td.
55, 9 (dav 6 Adyoucros róv re l'átor kal
TÓv Aotxiov abroós re uh Távv, ola dv
tryeuovla Tpedonévovs, rà éavroü On (n-
Aoürras...kal pos márTov TOv éy Ty TÓÀet,
Ta ué» *yvopg rà 0? Oepawelg koXakevo-
Lévous iyyavdxrnee.

ita...ut tamen, ‘to be powerful and
yet on no superior legal footing.’ For
tta followed by restrictive clause, cp.
Cic. 2 Phil. 8 85 ifa eras Lupercus ut te
consulem esse meminisse deberes. ‘Ter.
Haut. 783 tla tu istaec tua misceto, ne
me admisceas. Plaut. Aul. 4, 1, 5 tla
dormitet, servom se esse ut cogitet.

Asprenas Nonius, seec. 4 Ü Quintilian
[11, 1, 57] speaks of the charge against
him being without ground: it was alleged
that he had poisoned 130 guests [Plin.
N. H.35,8164). Forinversion of names
cp. C. 35 Codrus Cremutius.

Cassio Severo. This man was a dis-
tinguished orator though noted for the
bitterness of his style [Quint. 6, 1, 43;
6, 3, 27, 78—9; cp. 1o, I, 116 zngenii
plurimum est in eo et acerbitas mira;
12, IO, II acerbttas Cassi). [Tac.] de
Orat. 36 primus contempto ordine rerum,
omissa modestia et pudore verborum , tpsts
eliam quibus utitur armis incompositus
et studio feriendi plerumque deiectus,
non pugnat sed rixatur. Plin. W.
H. 7, 8 55 Cassio Severo... Armentarit

57-] DIVUS AUGUSTUS. 115

diceret, consuluit senatum, quzd offici? sui putaret; cunctari
enim se, ne st superesset, eripere legibus veum, sin deesset,
destituere ac praedamnare amicum. existimaretur ; et con-
sentientibus universis sedit in subselliis per aliquot horas,
s verum tacitus et ne laudatione quidem iudiciali data. Affuit
et clientibus, sicut Scutario cuidam, evocato quondam suo,
qui postulabatur iniuriarum. Unum omnino e reorum nu-
mero, ac ne eum quidem nisi precibus eripuit, exorato coram
iudicibus accusatore, Castricium, per quem de coniuratione
Murenae cognoverat.
Pro quibus meritis quantopere dilectus sit, facile est 57

aestimare. Omitto senatus consulta, quia possunt g;,
videri vel necessitate expressa vel verecundia. Equi- Popularity.

mirmillonis obiecta similitudo est. His

"——— EQ RÓÓ—À—

bitter libels at length caused him to be
banished to Crete, and finally he was
punished (as he continued libelling) by
deportatio to Seriphus and deprivation
of property [Tac. Ann. 1, 723 4, at],
and his works were proscribed, though
readmitted by Caligula [Suet. Ca/. 16].
consuluit senatum. Dio 55, 4 $0Ào
0€ rw. Slxnv $ebyorr. cuvetnrdcbyn wpo-
emtxowwoas abrÓ ToüTo ry "yepovalg.
superesset, technically used for one
who appeared to support another in a
law-court. Gellius [1, 22] demurs to
the use of the word as applied to an
advocate, yet he owns that it is in
general use on in compitis tantum ne-
que in plebe vulgaria, sed in foro, in
comitio, apud tribunalia. The more
common expression for an advocate
however was adesse; see below, and Cic.
2 Phil. 8 95 semper adfui Deiotaro ab-
senti. The word superesse p at
first referred to that form of *mainten-
ance' whereby powerful men appeared
by the side of accused persons to deliver
laudationes,which Pompey endeavoured
to suppress in B.C. 52, Plut. Pomp. 55
wáNw ob» Jkove kaküs Ore Aócas vou
ToUs *ywopévovs *repl Tay kpuopéywv éral-
vous abrdos éofA0e IIN&ykovy évauveaóne-
vos. Cp. Dio 40, 52.
praedamnare, not used by Cicero or
Caesar, and rarely by Livy [4, 41].
subselliis, movable seats ranged be-
low the £7ióusa/ for all engaged in any
way in the cause, advocates, witnesses,
etc. Cic. pro Flac. 8 22 testes una
sedent, ex accusatorum subsellits sur-

gunt, id. a Verr. a, 73 Minucius (the

advocate for defence) simul a subsellits

abire coepit.

affuit...clientibus. Dio 54, 3 é» de 01
ros AdAas énerplatev, dore kal Plross
rigly evOuvopevas waparylyvecbat.

evocato...suo. The evocati (soldiers
who had served their time but remained
under the standards as volunteers) had
long been known in the Roman army
[Polyb. 6, 31 § 2]. But under the Em-
pire there was a special class of these
called evocat? August: [Marq. 11, 88 sq.]
who with the rank of centurion were
employed on special services [e.g. in
surveying frontiers, Wilmanns 895 evo-
cato Augusti mensore] or were promoted
to the rank of Praefectus. They were
usually taken from the P*raetorians
[Wilmanns 1567 DIS * MANIBVS * L *
NAEVI...AVG * EVOC * MILITAVIT * IN *
COH * PR...EQVES * OPTIO * EQVITVM *
CORNICVLAR * TRIBVNI + MILITAVIT *
IN * CALIGA * ANN « XVI * EVOCATVS «
FVIT * ANN * III.]; but also from the
cohortes urbanae |Wilmanns 1584 M*
GARANTIVS ... COH * VRBANAE ... ITEM
MINVCI RVFI...AVG * EVOCATVS].

iniuriarum. In legal language :s-
éuria is one of four ways of incurring
obligatio ex delicto [Gaius Jest. 3, 182
si quis furtum fecerit, bona rapuerit,
damnum dederit, iniuriam commiserit].
An timturia might be committed by
personal violence, by libellous words or
writings, or other wrong doing [2d. 3,
220] Remedies for these (chiefly by
talio) had been given in the x1! tables.
But at this time the ac£io iniuriarum
was under the /ex Cornelia de iniuriis.

Murenae, see on c. 19, p. 44.

57. senatusconsulta. Such as those
in (a) B.C. 30, Dio 51, 19; (6) B.C. 27,

8—2

116

SUETONI

[57—

tes Romani natalem eius sponte atque consensu biduo semper

celebrarunt.

Omnes ordines in lacum Curti quot annis ex

voto pro salute eius stipem iaciebant, item Kal. Ian. strenam
in Capitolio, etiam absenti, ex qua summa pretiosissima de-
orum simulacra mercatus, vicatim dedicabat, ut Apollinem s
Sandaliarium et Iovem Tragoedum aliaque. In restitutionem

Dio 53, 16; (c) B.c. 23, Dio 53, 32;
(d) B.C. 22, Dio 54, 13 (c) B.c. 13, Dio
54, 25 and others; which gave or offered
him the various honours or titles which
gradually built up the principate.

natalem eius. Dio 54, 34 xal ra
yevé0Nua. Ta Too Abyoósrov kal & TQ
lrvroüpójup kal év rfj GAAy wbAee woAda-
x60. Onpluw opayais erin. id. 55, 6
és 5€ 0d rà yevdO\a larwodpoulay dldcov
&£Aagev. But Suetonius is the only
authority for representing this as the
special action of the egusfes. Another
such instance of the egwifes taking
corporate action is mentioned in the
Monumentum [c. 14], when they named
Gaius and Lucius successively principem
tuventutis. biduo, thatis, IX« ET* VIII*
K * OCTOBR. Wilmanns 884.

in lacum Curti...stipem. It is not
known precisely what was the form of
the monument existing at this time to
mark the marsh in the forum called the
lacus Curtius [Livy 7, 6, where the
people are said to have thrown dona
et fruges on Curtius; Dionys. 2, 41;
Plut. Ao». 18; Varro Z. L. 5, 149].
Middleton supposes it to have been an
enclosure with an altar, quoting Ovid
F. 6, 403 Curtius ille lacus siccas qui
sustinet aras [Remains of Ancient Rome,
vol. r, p. 233]; but it seems likely tbat
there was also some well or fountain
into which the small coins (5/25) were
cast, —a custom not unknown at Rome
to this day, and illustrated from other
places; as at Oropus, Pausanias I, 34, 3
vócov 0é ákeoÓclons ávópl pavreduaros
yevouévov xabéarnxev dpyvpoy ddetvas kal
xpvcóv évlonuor és ri» ty». Casaubon
also quotes Sozom. 2, 3 (of the well dug
by the oak of Mamre) wepi 82 róv xacpdy
Ths wayrylpews ovdels évred0ev bdpevero*
vou yap EdAnvixg of uày. Adyvous djp-
hévous évOdde érlOncay, ol 5é olvov éré-
xeov, 7 wowrava Eppiwrov, dAdo 66 voulo-
para. So cups were thrown into a hot
spring at Vicarello by grateful invalids,
Middleton, Rematns, 2, p. 359. See
Tib. 14; Hermann's Gottesdienstliche
Alterthümer, ed. Stark, 8 25. 3; E. J.
Guthrie, Old Scottish Customs, p. 222.

Kal. Ian. strenam, ‘a luck-penny on
New Year's day.’ Strena (from which
the French have taken ¢rennes) is
properly something with a good omen,
cp. Plaut. .SzicA. 3, 2, 8 mustela murem
abstulit practer pedes, cum strenad ob-
scacvavit. tb. 5, a, 24 bona scaeva
strenaque obviam occessit mihi. The
piece of money was for luck, see Ov.
F. 1, 189—192; and therefore the
Emperors accepted it, see Dio 59, 24
kal Ér. kal apyópuo xara 1d éwi ToU
Abyojcrov É0os lcxicay, ws kal a/rQ
ékely dddvres karé0eca». But the
gift of strenae became so much of a
tax that Tiberius limited them to the
day [774. 34]. Caligula stood openly
in the vestibule of his palace to receive
them [Ca/. 42], cp. dug. 91. The origin
of the word is uncertain; the ancients
apparently connected it with a goddess
Strenia ones Jaciendo, August.
civ. d. 4, 11]; others with the fact that
the original offering was a consecrated
bough from a Zucus Strenuae. Symm.
Ep. 10, 35. In later times it became a
regular source of revenue. Cod. Theod.
7.24, 1; Marq. 14, 296. It was perhaps
the non-Latin word which Tiberius
used in an edict refusing such presents
when Marcellus said 20, Kaícap, d»-
Opwros ud» wodirelay "Popalo» óvvacat
Sotvas phyace 06 o0. Dio 57, 17.

ex qua...dedicabat. See C. 7. L. 6,
456 Jaribus publicis sacrum imp. Caesar
Augustus pontifex Maximus tribunic.
potest. XVMII ex stipe guam populus ei
contuli! k. Januar. apsenti C. Calvisto
Sabino L. Passieno Rufo cos. (B.C. 4).
vicatim, cc. 40 and 43.

Apollinem Sandaliarium. So called
it appears from the name of a vicus in
Rome [Aul. Gell. 18, 4, 1 2s Sandalario
forte apud librarios fuimus), or, as others
think, the sandalled statue gave the
name to the wicus in the 4th region.
Casaubon quotes Galen Prognost. 14
karaBàs els rd Zav0dMor, awrhvrnoé poe
xara rixov. From C. 7. L. 6, 761[Wil-
manns 1718]the vicus is shown to belong
to the 4th regio. CN * POMPEIVS «CN e
L * NICEPHORVS * MAG * VICI * SANDA-

58.)

DIVUS AUGUSTUS.

117

Palatinae domus incendio absumptae veterani, decuriae,
tribus, atque etiam singillatim e cetero genere hominum
libentes ac pro facultate quisque pecunias contulerunt, deli-
bante tantum modo eo summarum acervos neque ex quo-

squam plus denario auferente.

Revertentem ex provincia

non solum faustis ominibus, sed et modulatis carminibus
prosequebantur. Observatum etiam est, ne quotiens introiret

urbem, supplicium de quoquam sumeretur.

LIARI* REG IIII, lovem Tragoedum,
only known from the motitia as belong-
ing to the fifth region, Esguilista.

Palatinae domus incendio The
fire was in A.D. 2, and the house, which
was that of Hortensius and not specially
conspicuous [see c. 72], was then rebuilt
apparently with some splendour [Ov.
77. 3, 1, 33—48]. Dio says that he
accepted only one denarius from indi-
viduals and one aureus (25 denarii)
from each state, rapa ràv uw» xpvcoüv
vapà óàó TO» idwrov dpaxuh...d dé
dvowodoufoas éÓnuoclece waoav, Dio
55, 12.

decuriae, £rióus et decuriae are men-
tioned together in the same way in Tac.
Ann. 13, 2; Gellius 18, 7. Whether this
refers to groups of ten families making up

thetribeisuncertain. Such a subdivision .

is not known from any other source, and
some would explain decuritae in these
passages to refer to the decuriae sert-
barum, tudicum, etc. Still the decuriatio
tribultum for election purposes seems to
point to the same division (Cic. pro
Planc. 8 45). See Mommsen, dze rórmi-
schen Tribus, p. 12.

revertentem ex provincia. C./. ZL.
10, 8375, Rushf. 38, xvi11 4. Januar. eo
die ara Fortunae Reducis dedicata est
quae Caesaremex transmarinis provinctts
reduxit, cp. M. A. c. 11. Augustus was
absent for a considerable period from
Rome four times after he became sole
ruler, (a) from B.C. 31 to B.C. 39 in the
East, (6) B.C. 27 to B.C. 24 in Gaul and
Spain, (c) B.C. 22 to B.C. 19 (with one visit
to Rome) in the East and Sicily, (2) B.c.
16 to B.C. 13 in north Italy and Gaul,
while Drusus and Tiberius were engaged
in their campaigns against the Vindelici,
Alpine tribes and Germans. He how-
ever avoided any reception by enter-
ing the city at night [Dio 54, 25]. The
feelings with which this last absence
was regarded are shown in Horace Odes

4 5-

faustis ominibus, ‘congratulations,’
‘blessings.’ Claud. 27 Britannicum...
parvulum manibus suis gestans plebi com-
mendabat faustisque ominibus eum ad-
clamantium turba prosequebatur.

modulatis carminibus. Such per-
haps as Hor. Od. 1, 37 *tunc est biben-
dum, nunc pede libero pulsanda tellus.
Suet. Mero ao captus modulatis Alex-
andrinorum laudationibus. id. Cal. 16
nobilibus pueris ac puellis carmine mo-
dulato laudes virtutum eius canentium.
Hor. Od. 4, 6, 35 Lesbtum servate
pedem sneique Pollicis ictum.

ne ...supplicium...sumeretur. In R.c.
30 the senate voted that he should be
met by a procession among whom were
to be the Vestal Virgins [Dio 5t, 19].
As a man being led to punishment was
saved if he met a Vestal, this regulation
may have seemed a natural arrangement.
Farther, the day of his entry was to be
sacred and given up to public sacri-
fices—Tr/j» re huepay ev 1j à» és Thy wÓNw
égéA0g Üvolaus re Tavónuel ayadOFvac
kal lepdy ael *yevéa 0a. [Dio 51, 20]; and
in B.C. 13 the Senate voted among
other honours rois re lkereícaow abrÓv
évrüs ToÜ wwpunplov dvra Adaay elvat
[Dio 54, 25].

58. Patris patriae. M. A. 35 ferfium
decimum consulatum cum gerebam (B.C.
2), senatus et equester ordo. populusque
Romanus universus appellavit me pa-
trem patriae. Fast. Praenest. [C. /. £L.
t, p. 314, 386; 2, 2107] NON*FEB*
FEKRIAE * EX * S* C * QVOD * EO * DIE*
IMPERATOR * CAESAR * AVGVSTVS «
PONT * MAX * TRIB * POTEST * XXI * COS*
XIII * A * SENATV * POPVLOQVE * ROMA-
NO * PATER * PATRIAE * APPELLATVS.
This (5 Feb. B.C. 2) was the first offi-
cial recognition of the title, which how-
ever had been commonly given him
before; Dio 55, 10 xal 7j érwrupla 7)
rod warpós axpPas €660n* mpórepor yap
Gr\Aws dvev yWndloparos éewepnpulfero.
The giving of this title by popular ac-

Patris patriae 58

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{ism Ant. i£, 19,0,; Corsasen Vullippi
ly buy tie ‘Setvusen lsd. 18, 2, 5];
(nurse Jy) i Dausetauia by Juve
[049v 12, 9, 12; Eat. 7.6) These
wur 9$ awe) gi, iu Cappadocia
Tha yh oy, J; Viney aieutions otbere to
for uai, Ui seas IN, JS, 6$ 29], 10 Cilicia

í5894., w Yo1):9 1£ $ ye),
HA lovis "btawale. This great

Gnyl, mid t have bocg begun by
Vestal esa ar, {Arist fn. s, 11], was not
449Myla 4 11) the aye A Madri»n, whose
ppl iiv) ensi ectvns sre described by
l»umaiiss, 4, 15,3, bee hyartian Sadr.
jy d) esr» known. contribution
wards ity (nyletion was by Antio
ibus iylees SV), Livy 41, 20 mag-
nifrsntias sry in deos vel /ovís Olympié
HAMM Athanis, unum tn terris inco-
flum: pro mugniludine dei, potest testis
voor Gu, WA, 428) Cp, Polyb. 26, 1.
Pirlo g, 1,07 7b Odupwendy Seep fya-
4$8My atá Nro Tahavr(y 6 dvabels Bac
Mp, What was done by the princes
ih dune of Augustus is not known.
Vitteon nene Corinthian. columns
nin wil that now remain,

Genio, Nee note on p, 66. For the
weal of thee Genius Atgnusti wee Wil-
manna Whe b, 03 ef ut natalibus Aug. et
f) Unnurum friuiguam ad vescendum
Wh M) anra (ront, Churdg. nd vino geni
ein wh ud eptiiundum ara numinis Au-
gall dnitoremtur ; Marq, 13, p. 208.
A RCIW Iud in mc, go made It an ob-
jevt of reverence, Dio gt, 19 kal dv eve
siti oy Bee foit kowott dÀAA kal Toit
Aime mádvras ari) emévüew dxédevcay.
Up Hur, Of. 4, Ay gt Aine ad vina
tod M delis of alleris 7€ mensis adhibet
dow, ‘The Genius of Augustus takes
Ue place of that of the State. Seea coin
C646 Gs aas P5 AL C(enio) ; dd 1858
Avo Ne So (oo the gods, id. 603
ieee doris.

118 SUETONI [s8—

cognomen universi repentino maximoque consensu detulerunt
ei: prima plebs, legatione Antium missa; dein, quia non
recipiebat, ineunti Romae spectacula frequens et laureata ;
mox in curia senatus, neque decreto neque adclamatione,
sed per Valerium Messalam.
.bonum, inquit, /austumque sit fibi domutque tuae, Caesar
Auguste! sic enim nos perpetuam felicitatem ret Publicae et
laeta huic urbi precari existimamus :. senatus te consentiens
cum populo Romano consalutat patriae patrem. Cui lacrimans
respondit Augustus his verbis (ipsa enim, sicut Messalae,
posui): Compos factus votorum meorum, Patres Conscripti,
quid habeo aliud deos immortales precari, quam ut hunc con-

sensum vestrum ad ultimum finem vitae mihi perferre liceat ?
Medico Antonio Musae, cuius opera ex ancipiti morbo

His illness CONValuerat, statuam

and cure culapi statuerunt.
by Musa. iss proc

B.C. 23.

clamation or compliment was old; thus
it is applied Y Livy to Romulus [1, 16]
and to Camillus [5, 49]. It had been
applied to Cicero by Cato with popular
applause after the execution of the con-
spirators, App. Z. civ. 2, 73 [owripa
kal xriornv, Plut. Czc. 22); it was given
with more formality to Iulius [Dio 44,
3 warépa re avrdv rns warpldos émwró-
pacay kal és rà voulcuara éxápatar,
cf. Cic. 2 PAZ. 8 31; 13 PAZ. 8 23).
Dio points out that the title as assumed
by the emperors eventually gave them
real authority on the analogy of the
patria potestas, but that originally it
was complimentary and meant to pro-
mote the sense of duty and affection on
either side [53, 18). Tiberius constantly
declined the title. See Tac. 4am. 1, 72;
Suet. 774. 26; Dio 57, 8; 58, 12; and
C.J. G. 2087, where both Augustus and
Tiberius are commemorated, but this
title is only given to the former. Suc-
ceeding emperors (except perhaps Gal-
ba, Otho and Vitellius) seem all to
have taken it [Pliny, pamegyr. 21 te
patris patriae titulum recusabas...nomen
tllud quod alii primo statim principa-
tus die, ut imperatoris et Caesaris rece-
perunt, tu usque co distulisti, donec tu
quogue...te merert fatereris].

plebs, all below the Equites, see c.
44; P- 98. Ov. F. 2, 127 Sancte pater
gatriae, tibi plebs, tibi curia nomen Hoc

aere conlato iuxta signum
Nonnulli patrum familiarum

.testamento caverunt, ut ab heredibus suis praelato

dedit: hoc dedimus nos tibi nomen eques.

quid habeo...precari. Cic. fas. 1, 5
de Alexandrina re causaque regia tantum
habeo folliceri.

59. Antonio Musae. Antonius Mu-
sa was a freedman [Dio 53, 30]. He
treated Augustus by dieting and cold
baths when his physician, C. Aemilius,
had almost let him die from scrupulous
adherence to old methods [Dio /.c.,
Pliny W. Z. 19, 8 128 Divus certe
Augustus lactuca conservatur in aegri-
tudine prudentia Musae medici cum pri-
oris C. Aemili religio nimia eum necaret.
25, 8 77 tidem fratres instituere a balt-
neis frigida multa corpora adstringere].
His brother Euphorbus was physician to
king Iubaandseems to have been equally
enterprising and progressive. He be-
longed to the School of Themison, but
had made innovations on his practices
[Pliny 2d. 29, 8 65; 30, $ 117). Musa
prescribed cold baths to Horace also
[E$. 1, 15, 3—5). He failed however
to adi the life of Marcellus [Dio
l.c.].

Aesculapi. Pliny AW. 77. 34, 8 8o
mentions a statue of Aesculapius in the
temple of Concord; and another b
Cephisodotus in the temple of Iuno [36,
824] There were other statues how-
ever, and in 189o a travertine pedestal
was found in the excavations for the
Tiber embankment, with the inscrip-

Is mandantibus cunctis, Quod s

60.]

DIVUS AUGUSTUS.

II9

titulo victimae in Capitolium ducerentur votumque pro se

solveretur, quod superstitem Augustum reliquissent.

Quae-

dam Italiae civitates diem, quo primum ad se venisset,

initium anni fecerunt.

Provinciarum pleraeque super templa

set aras ludos quoque quinquennales paene oppidatim con-

stituerunt.

Reges amici atque socii et singuli in suo quisque 60
regno Caesareas urbes condiderunt et cuncti simul

Honours

aedem Iovis Olympii Athenis, antiquitus incohatam, paidto him

perficere communi sumptu destinaverunt Genioque

abroad.

19 eius dedicare; ac saepe regnis relictis, non Romae modo sed

tion AISCOLAPIO. See Middleton,
Remains of Ancient Rome, 1, p. 149.
titulo. Cp. Ovid, Met. 9, 792 dant
munera templis: addunt et. tulum:
titulus breve carmen habebat: * Dona
puer solvit quae femina voverat Iphis.'
quod superstitem. Cp. Hor. £p.
1, 16, 27 ‘Tene magis salvum populus
velit, an populum tu Servet in ambiguo
qui consult et (bi et urbi Juppiter, —
Augusti laudes agnoscere possis.
Provinciarum...super templa et aras.
Dio [51, 20] mentions Pergamus, and
Nicomedeia in Bithynia, as places in
which temples were consecrated to Au-
gustus. From C./.G. 3604 we learn
that there were games in his honour
"Duets kal al wdrecs al xowwvoica ris
Ovolas kal rod aydvos kal rijs wavyyópews
Abrokpáropa Kalcapa eo vlóv, 0cóv Zé-
Bacrov dyvrepBAhras xpdteow xexpnue-
vow xal ebepyeciacs rais elsdwavras avOpu-
mous. Traces of such festivals will be found
in inscriptions also at Athens [C. 7. G.
3831], at Ancyra in Galatia [C. 7. G.
4031, 4039]; in Cilicia [C. 7. G. 4443];
at Lugdunum, see Livy Ef. 137, cp.
Mayor on Iuv. 1, 44. At Alexandria
(Strab. 27, 1, 9] and Paneas [Ios. 4».
I5, 10, 3] there were temples to Au-
gustus, and at other places. For the
extension of this worship in the pro-
vinces, see Marquardt 13, p. 227 sq.
ludos...quinquennales, games on the
Greek model in his honour at Rome,
waviyyuply ol wevrernplda ayecOa Dio
51, I9; at Pergamus, id. 51, 20 fin.;
at Caesarea rov ayava Kaloap xara
wevraernpléa...d-yew, Ios. Ant. 16, 9;
at Jerusalem [#d. 15, 11]; at Naples
which preserved Greek habits beyond
any city in Italy [Dio 55, 10; Strabo 5,
4,73 5 1, 2]. Seeinfr.c. 98; Dio 56, 29.
60. Caesareas urbes. Caesarea
(Turris Stratonis) by Herod the Great

[Ios. Ant. 15, 10, 6); Caesarea Philippi
by Philip the Tetrarch [sd. 18, 2, ip
Caesarea Iol in Mauretania by Iuba
[Strabo 17, 3, 12; Eutrop. 7, 5). There
was a Caesarea also in Cappadocia
[Steph. Byz.]; Pliny mentions others in
Armenia Minor [W. 47. 6 § 26), in Cilicia
[5893], in Pisidia [5 8 94].

aedem Iovis...Athenis. This great
temple, said to have been begun by
Peisistratus [Arist. Po/. 5, 11], was not
completed till the age of Hadrian, whose
splendid constructions are described by
Pausanias, 1, 18,2. See Spartian Hadr.
13. The earliest known contribution
towards its completion was by Antio-
chus Epiphanes (IV), Livy 41, 20 mag-
ntficentiae vero in deos vel Jovis Olympit
templum. Athenis, unum in terris inco-
hatum pro magnitudine dei, potest testis
esse (circ. B.C. 175). Cp. Polyb. 26, 1.
Strabo 9, t, 17 7d Oduprcxdy Srep qya-
rerés karéM me TeAevrüv 6 dvabels Bact-
Aeós. What was done by the princes
in honour of Augustus is not known.
Fifteen immense Corinthian columns
are all that now remain.

Genio. See note on p. 66. For the
worship of the Genius Augusti see Wil-
manns 884 l. 12 e£ wf natalibus Aug. et
T. Caesarum priusquam ad vescendum
decuriones irent, thure et vino geni
eorum ad epulandum ara numinis Au-
gusti invitarentur ; Marq. 13, p. 208.
A SCtum had in B.C. 30 made it an ob-
ject of reverence, Dio 51, 19 xal év eve-
curlous ovx Sre Tots kowois dAAA kal rots
lias wdvras a)rQ omdview éxédevoay.
Cp. Hor. Od. 4, 5, 31 inc ad visa
redit laetus et alteris Ze mensis adhibet
deum. The Genius of Augustus takes
the place of that of theState. Seea coin
C. 7. L. 1, 1445 P. R. G(enzo) ; id. 1555
genio ofidi. So too the gods, td. 603
Genio Jovis.

'^ runt.

120

SUETONI

[60—

et provincias peragranti cotidiana officia togati ac sine regio
insigni, more clientium praestiterunt.
Quoniam, qualis in imperis ac magistratibus regendaque

Domestic
affairs.

per terrarum orbem pace belloque re publica fuerit,
exposui: referam nunc interiorem ac familiarem eius 5

vitam, quibusque moribus atque fortuna domi et
inter suos egerit a iuventa usque ad supremum vitae diem.
Matrem amisit in primo consulatu, sororem Octaviam quin-

Death
of Atia,
B.C. 43.

quagensimum et quartum agens aetatis annum.
Utrique cum praecipua officia vivae praestitisset, 1o
etiam defunctae honores maximos tribuit.

cotidiana officia, c. 27, p. 6o.

togati ac...insigni. Eutrop. 7, 5
multi autem reges ex regnis suis vene-
runt, et habitu Romano, togati scilicet,
ad vehiculum vel equum ipsius cucurre-
M. A. 32 ad me supplices con-
fugerunt reges Parthorum Tiridates et
postea Phrates, regis Phratis filius ;
Medorum Artavasdes; Adtabenorum
Artaxares; Britannorum Dumnobellan-
nus. To wear the foga was to acknow-
ledge themselves Romans and subjects.
Thus long before (B.c. 175—164) An-
tiochus Epiphanes wore the /oga and
imitated the Roman magistrates [Polyb.
26), and about B.C. 167 King Prusias
dressed himself as a Roman /bertus to
meet the Roman envoys [Polyb. 30,
19].

on matrem. Atia died soon after
he arrived in Rome from Mutina, in
August B.C. 43. She had been con-
cealed for safety by the Vestals during
his absence [App. Z. civ. 3, 92]. His
first consulship extended from 19 Au-

gust in that year to the formation of the
triumvirate in November. Her death
and public funeral about this time are
mentioned by Dio 47, 17.

Octaviam. Seec. 4, pp. 6—7.

utrique...tribuit. The relations of
Augustus with his mother and sister are
the most pleasing part of his history.
The influence of the former is dwelt on
by Nicolas repeatedly. It was fear for
their safety which hastened his march
to Rome in B.C. 43 [App. &. czv. 3, 92).
His sister’s influence twice prevented a
breach between him and Antony [p.
7]; and he commemorated her by some
of his most splendid public works
[see pp. 6, 7, 64]. Atia was honoured
by a public funeral [Dio 47, 17], and
over Octavia (who died in B.C. 11)
he himself pronounced the funeral ora-
tion [Dio 54, 35]. See Plut. dat. 31
Esrepye 8 Urepgpuds T?» adedkpny xpíjua
Oavpacrév, ws dAéyerat, yevouevny yu-
vauós.

62. ]

DIVUS AUGUSTUS.

I2I

Sponsam habuerat adulescens P. Servili Isaurici filiam,

sed reconciliatus post primam discordiam Antonio,
expostulantibus utriusque militibus ut et necessitu-
dine aliqua iungerentur, privignam eius Claudiam,
s Fulviae ex P. Clodio filiam, duxit uxorem vixdum
nubilem, ac simultate cum Fulvia socru orta dimisit
intactam adhuc et virginem.
matrimonium accepit, nuptam ante duobus con-

His three
marriages,
(1) Clau-
dia, B.C. 43,
(2) Scri-
bonia,

B.C. 40,
(3) Livia,
B.C. 38.

Mox Scriboniam in

sularibus, ex altero etiam matrem. Cum hac quoque divor-
: tium fecit, pertaesus, ut scribit, morum perversitatem eius,

62. sponsam, see on sfonsalia c. 53.
Such a contract was dissolved by re-
gudium. Dig. 5o, 16, 101 8 1 divortium
inter virum et uxorem fieri dicitur, re-
pudium vero sponsae remitti videtur,
quod et in uxoris personam non absurde
cadit. That is, you may say either
divortium or repudium of a wife, but
only repudium of a sponsa.

P. Servili Isaurici. P. Servilius Vatia
inherited the cognomen Isauricus from
the conqueror of Cilicia and the Isaurian
pirates (B.C. 78—74). He was colleague
of Iulius as consul in B.c. 48, and had
remained faithful to him throughout.
After his death he joined the senatorial
party for a time against Antony; but
Cicero complains that he was lukewarm
[14 PAZ. 88 7, 11; Att. 4, 15; If, 5),
and at any rate he soon reconciled him-
self to Antony, and in B.C. 41 was again
consul, it is supposed as a compensa-
tion for the repudiation of his daughter.

expostulantibus...militibus, B.C. 43;
Dio 46, 56 xdy rovry ol rod Avrwvlov orpa-
rusra Thy Üv-yarépa Thy THs PovXovías rfjs
yuvakds abrot, Ww ék ToU KAwdlou elxe,
TQ Kaloape xalro érépay éeyyeyunndéry
apoetévncay, ro ‘Avrwrlou ÓfjXor Ürc ToU-
To karacxevdcayros. Plut. Ant. 20.

Fulviae. See pp. 18, 41. Fulvia
married first P. Clodius, Cicero’s enemy,
who was killed in Jan. B.C. 52 ; secondly,
Gaius Curio, who fell in Africa, B.C. 49;
thirdly, M. Antonius about B.C. 46
[Cic. 2 PAZ. 811]. She was a woman
of a masculine spirit and violent temper,
nihil muliebre praeter corpus gerens
[Vell. Pat. 2, 74; cp. Plut. zm. 11;
App. Z. ctv. 4, 29, 32; Dio 47, 8].
After her escape from Perusia, she fled
to Athens, where her husband met her,
but treated her with somuch disapproba-
tion and roughness that she fell ill. He

left her at Sicyon, on their way to Italy,
and there she died [App. B. civ. 5, 52
—5; Dio 48, 48].

simultate. The political quarrel
leading to the war of Perusia is enough
to account for this [Dio 48, 5 sq.), but
Martial quotes an epigram of Augustus
which seems to hint that the .sre/ae
iniuria formae entered into the ques-
tion [11, 21].

dimisit...virginem. Dio /.c. 6 yàp
Kaicap riv xaXerórnra ris wevOepas ui)
dépuv...T7» Üvyarépa abris ws xal wap-
0£vov ere odcay, Ó kal Spxw éxuorócaro,
dàTeTÉu aro.

Scriboniam [Tac. dan. 3, 27; Wilm.
170). This was a purely political mar-
riage. Scribonia was aunt to the wife
of Sext. Pompeius (a d. of L. Scribonius
Libo), and Augustus was anxious to have
means of making peace with him in view
of the hostility of Antony [App. 5, 53].
As her son (P. Cornelius Scipio) by her
second husband was consul in B.C. 16, he
must have been at least in his 17th year
at the time of her marriage to Augustus
(B.C. 40, Dio 48, 16), and she must
have been many years older than her
husband. The divorce took place on the
day of the birth of Iulia, B.C. 39, and
Dio says that its real reason was that
he was already in love with Livia [48,
34] She lived long enough to ac-
company her daughter into exile in
B.C. 2 [Dio 55, 10; Vell. Pat. 2, roo].
in matrimonium, the first had been only
Sponsa, the second «xor only in name.
For pertaesus with acc. see Zw. 7;
716. 67. The simple ¢aesus is not so
used, nor ferfaesus in Augustan Latin.
Livy 3, 67, Xvirorum vos pertaesum est.

duobus consularibus...matrem. The
name of the first husband is not known
nor the consulship of the second.

122 SUETONI [62—

ac statim Liviam Drusillam matrimonio Tiberi Neronis et
quidem praegnantem abduxit, dilexitque et probavit unice
ac perseveranter.

Ex Scribonia Iuliam, ex Livia nihil liberorum tulit, cum

His maxime cuperet. Infans, qui conceptus erat, im-
daughter maturus est editus. Iuliam primum Marcello,
1a.

Octaviae sororis suae filio tantum quod pueritiam
egresso, deinde, ut is obiit, M. Agrippae nuptum dedit,
exorata sorore, ut sibi genero cederet; nam tunc Agrippa
alteram Marcellarum habebat et ex ea liberos. Hoc quoque
defuncto, multis ac diu, etiam ex equestri ordine, circum-

Liviam Drusillam. Livia d. of Livius
Drusus Claudianus was descended from
Appius Claudius Caecus, her father
having been adopted by a Livius. Be-
sides this illustrious descent she was
beautiful and young. Dio [58, 2] says
that she was 86 at her death in A.D. 29:
she was therefore born in B.C. 58—7
(48 September), and was only fifteen or
sixteen when her son Tiberius was born
(16 Nov. B.C. 42). It is therefore evi-
dent that Pliny [.N. Z7. 14, 8] can hardly
be right in reducing her age to 82. Her
father had killed himself after the battle
of Philippi where he had fought against
the triumvirs. In B.C. 40, she had fled
with her husband Tib. Claudius Nero,
who had taken part with L. Antonius
[Dio 48, 15], and did not return to
Rome till after the peace of Misenum
early in B.C. 39 [Tac. Ann. 5, 1].
Though she was within three months of
the birth of her second son Drusus she
was divorced by her husband, apparent-
ly by mutual consent [before 16 Nov.
B.C. 38, for Tiberius was frimus at the
time of the marriage, Vell. Pat. 2, 94],
and he acted as a father in giving her to
Augustus [Dio 48, 44 e&édwxev 06 avri»
avrds 6 dyhp worep Tis warjp) But
though the circumstances of the marriage
are revolting to us, she seems to have
been a high-minded virtuous and wise
woman, who retained a firm hold on
her husband’s affections: see her praises
in Dio 57, 2. Tacitus indeed [Ann. 1,
IO] speaks of her as gravis in rem pub-

“am mater, gravis domui Caesarum
ndwerca, but he himself shows that her
influence was exercised on the side of
justice and mercy during the reign of
Tiberius [42. 5, 3], and the scandals
against her in regard to the deaths of
the young Marcellus [Dio 53, 33] and

Gaius and Lucius Caesar [Dio 55, 11]
rested on no foundation.

63. Iuliam...Marcello. Plut. dm. 87.
This is the young Marcellus of Vergil
Aen. 6, 860—885, b. B.C. 43. His death in
the autumn of B.c. 23 followed closely on
the Emperor's own serious illness of that
year [Dio 53, 30]. He was curule aedile
at the time of his death [Pliny ¥. 4.
19824]. His marriage with Iulia had
apparently taken place two years before
[Dio 53, 27). tantum quod ‘only just.’
Roby Z. G. 1705.

Agrippa had before this been married
to Pomponia, a daughter of Atticus,
apparently in B.C. 41, by whom he had
a daughter Vipsania, betrothed to Ti-
berius when she was only a year old
[Corn. Nep. 4447. 12 and 19].

alteram Marcellarum, the younger of
the daughters of Octavia by her first
husband Marcellus, or as some have
maintained, the elder; but there is
nothing really to show which, nor is
anything known of children born to
Agrippa by Marcella. The name ap-
pears in two inscriptions [Wilmanns 1
and 351],the latter of whichc*CLAvDivs
MARCELLAE * MINORIS * L. shows that
there were two. See also Eckhel 6, 160.
On being divorced from Agrippa, upon
Octavia's own suggestion, Marcella was
married to Antonius, son of M. Antonius
and Fulvia. Plut. Ast. 87. The
other sister is supposed by Drumann [11,
403] to have been married to Sex. Ap-
puleius consul in A.D. 14.

equestri ordine. Tac. Ann. 4, 39
Augustum in conlocanda filia non nihil
ettam de equitibus Romants consultavisse.

condicionibus, see /u/. 27 Octaviam...
conditionem et detulit. | Cic. 2 Phil.
8 99 filam eius deiecisté alia conditione
quaesita.

— M —À

TOC A ee,
A — M a

64.]

DIVUS AUGUSTUS.

I23

spectis condicionibus, Tiberium privignum suum elegit co-
egitque praegnantem uxorem, et ex qua iam pater erat,
dimittere. M. Antonius scribit, primum eum Antonio filio suo.
despondisse Iuliam, dein Cotisoni Getarum regi, quo tempore
sibi quoque invicem filiam regis in matrimonium petisset.
Nepotes ex Agrippa et Iulia tres habuit C. et L. et 64

Agrippam, neptes duas Iuliam et Agrippinam.

Three

Iuliam L. Paulo censoris filio, Agrippinam Ger- grandsons,

manico sororis suae nepoti collocavit.

Gaium et L, two grand-
aughters.

adoptavit, domi per assem et libram emptos a patre
Agrippa, tenerosque adhuc ad curam rei publicae admovit et

Tiberium...coegit. Dio 54, 31 xal
wpoamocmdcas kal éxelvov rhy yuvaixa
kal roi re ’Ayplrwou Ovyarépa é£ &ddns
Tivos yamerns ovcay kal Tékvov Td uv
10€ Tpé$ovsa» rd 5’ év yaorpl Éxovcav
Tl» 'lovMa» of Jryyónce (B.C. 12). Iulia
(now 27 years old) was received by
Tiberius with profound unwillingness.
He was deeply attached to Vipsania
[Suet. 734. 7; Tac. Amn. 1, 12], who
died in A.D. 20 as the wife of Asinius
Gallus, the only one of Agrippa's child-
ren who met with a peaceful end [Tac.
Ann. 3, 20].

pater erat of Drusus, see c. 100.

Cotisoni, see on c. 21, pp. 47—8, and
c. 48. Antony's object was to retort
on Augustus the charge made against
himself of marrying a foreigner.

64. Iuliam L. Paulo censoris f. The
last censors were in B.C. 22, L. Muna-
tius Plancus and Paulus Aemilius
Lepidus (nephew of the triumvir). This
Paulus was married to Cornelia d. of
Scribonia bya former husband. Propert.
5, II, 67 (to her daughter) f£/ia, tu
specimen censurae nata paternae. The
son L. Paulus was consul A.D. 1. See
C. I9, p- 45.

Germanico, son of the elder Drusus by
Antonia, daughter ofAntony andOctavia.

adoptavit. Tac. Ann. 1, 3; Dio
54,18. Both were adopted on the birth
of Lucius [B.c. 17].

per assem et libram. In adopting
one 7 potestate patris the form of man-
cipatio was gone through. The adopter
(as a purchaser) touching the aerea Abra
said hunc ego hominem ex ture Quiri-
“ium meum esse aio isque mihi emptus
est hoc aere aeneague libra. Gaius 1,
11g, cp. ZZ. 19, 107. The process had
to be thrice repeated in the presence of
the praetor, Gell 5, 19 adoptantur

autem cum a parente in cuius. potestate
sunt, tertia mancipatione in ture cedun-
tur, atque ab eo qui adoptat, apud eum
apud quem legis actio est, vindicantur.

emptos a patre ‘bought from.
Cicero would have written de Patre,
see Alt. 13, 31 15 CC tugera de M. Pilto
emit, cp. Plaut. Cure. 2, 3, 64 de illo
emi virginem: but Rudens prol. 59
qui puellam ab eo emerat.

teneros...ad curam...admovit. M.A.
C. I4 filtos meos, quos tuvenes mihi eri-
putt Fortuna, Gaium et Lucium Caesares
honoris mei causa senatus populusque
Romanus annum quintum et decimum
agentis consules designavit ut eum magts-
tratum inirent post quinquennium. Et
ex co die quo deducti sunt in forum ut in-
teressent consiliis publicis decrevit sena-
tus. Gaius was born in B.C. 20 [Dio
54, 8], Lucius in B.c. 17 [:7. 54, 18].
See c. 26. Gaius was consul designate
in B.C. 5 [Dio 55, 9 puts it in B.C. 6,
but Zonar. 10, 35 in A.’s 12th consul-
ship, ie. B.C. 5), but not consul till
A.D. 1; Lucius was consul designate
B.C. 2, and to be consul A.D. 4, but died
20 August A.D. 2. Each was also named
by the equites in turn, princeps iuven-
tutis. M. A.ZL.c., Tac. Ann. 1, 3. Gaius
ceased to have this title when by holding
the consulship he became a senator.
Thus in the cenotaphia Pisana [Wil-
manns 883], Gaius after his consulship
is not called by this title, though he is
said to be prenceps designatus, but Lucius
is consul designatus augur...frinceps iu-
ventutis, whereas in the Ziulus Sorianus
(quoted by Mommsen res g. p. 53) Gaius
is COS * DESIGN * PRINCIPI * IVVENT.,
while Lucius is only AvG. There could
be only one prénceps of either sort at a
time, and as Augustus was princeps se-
natus and therefore first citizen, so one

SUETONI [64—

consules designatos circum provincias exercitusque dimisit.
Filiam et neptes ita instituit, ut etiam lanificio assuefaceret,
vetaretque loqui aut agere quicquam nisi propalam et quod
in diurnos commentarios referretur; extraneorum quidem
coetu adeo prohibuit, ut L. Vinicio, claro decoroque iuveni,
scripserit quondam, farum modeste fecisse eum, quod filiam
suam Baias salutatum venisset. Nepotes et litteras et notare
aliaque rudimenta per se plerumque docuit ac nihil aeque
elaboravit quam ut imitarentur chirographum suum; neque
caenavit una, nisi ut in imo lecto assiderent, neque iter fecit,

124.

nisi ut vehiculo anteirent aut circa adequitarent.
eum atque fidentem et subole et disciplina domus
Iulias, filiam et neptem, omnibus
probris contaminatas relegavit; C. et L. in duo-

His
family
losses.

Fortuna destituit.

of the young Caesars was princeps of the
next eius he equestrian.

circum provincias exercitusque.
Gaius went with Tiberius against the
Sigambri in B.C. 8, and was in Asia
from B.C. 1 to his death A.D. 4. Lucius
died at Marseilles on his way to Spain.

in diurnos commentarios, ‘nothing
that might not be entered in the house-
hold register. Thus we find a servus
a commentariis, C. J. L. 6, 8623.

L. Vinicio, see c. 71. The name
Vinicius occurs on coins [Eckhel 5, p.
343] and a L. Vinicius appears as Consul
suffectus for B.C. 33, and Trib. Pl. in
B.C. 51, Cic. fam. 8, 8,6. We have also
the form Vinicianus attesting Vinicius
[Cic. fam. 8, 4 8 3; Wilmanns 205],
whereas Vsciniws (the MS. reading) seems
an unknown name unless in Orelli 5309.

notare, ‘to write in shorthand’ or ‘in
cypher,’ cp. c. 88 guotiens per notas
scribit. — Julius c. 56 si qua occultius
perferenda erant per notas scripsit.
The use of shorthand was introduced
by Ennius and later by Cicero’s freed-
man Tiro, see Commentarii Not. Tiron.
Schmitz p. 10; or by Maecenas [Dio
52, 7] Mpwros onueia Twa "ypajpároy
wpós Táxos éfeüpe kal ara de’ 'AkÜAov
ameAevÜÉépov auxvors éfedldateyv. Es-
pecially used for taking down from a
lecture or dictation, Quint. 1 proven.
§ 7 alterum (sermonem) pluribus sane
dicbus, quantum notando consequi potue-
rant, interceptum ; cp. id. 1, 1, 28; 10,
3; 19. Martial [10, 62] mentions among
the prizewinners in a school the xotertus
velox, cp. id. 5, 515 14, 208; Plin. E.

‘
if

Sed laetum

9, 36. [Some read with the MSS. na/are,
cp. fd. 57; Plut. Cato ma. 20.]

per se, instead of by a tutor, usually
a slave or freedman, Plut. Car. 1. c.

chirographum suum, see on c. 88.

neque...assiderent, ‘whenever they
dined with him they sat at table on the
tmus lectus.’ Children sat instead of
reclining at table, and sometimes at a
separate table; Tac. Ann. 13, 16 mos
habebatur principum liberos cum ceteris
idem aetatis sedentes vesci im aspectu
propinquorum propria et parciore mensa.
Suet. Claud. 32 adhibebat omni cenae et
liberos suos cum pueris puellisque nobi-
libus, qui more veteri ad fulcra lectorum
sedentes vescerentur. But in the case of
these young princes they sit on the z»»s,
i.e. the couch on the right looking down,
the Emperor reclining summus in imo,
at the right hand corner, the regular
place for the host. nisi ut, p. 59.

circa adequitarent, ‘riding close by
on either side of him.’ Cal. 25 tuxta
adequitantem...ostenderit.

65. Iulias...relegavit. The elder lulia
b. B.C. 40 was married at 15 to her
cousin Marcellus [Dio 53, 37]. On his
death (late in B.C. 23) after a year of
widowhood she was transferred to
Agrippa (B.C. 21) who was of the same
age as her father, and who divorced her
cousin Marcella to take her. Agrippa
died in B.C. 12, leaving her with two sons
and two daughters, and on the point of
producing another son. In the course
of the next year she was forced upon
the unwilling Tiberius, whom she re-
garded as below her in rank, and who

e"
i)

65.]

DIVUS AUGUSTUS.

125

deviginti mensum spatio amisit ambos, Gaio in Lycia, Lucio

Massiliae defunctis.

Tertium nepotem Agrippam adoption

simulque privignum Tiberium adoptavit in foro lege oo

had to divorce a wife to whom he was
passionately attached to take her. Yet
Suetonius [775. 7] asserts that at first
they lived happily together until after
the death of the only child of the union
at Aquileia. In B.c. 6 Tiberius retired
to Rhodes partly at any rate to avoid
her, and from Rhodes sent a message of
divorce [Dio 54, 6, 35; 55, 9—10].
She was beautiful, but early in life be-
came somewhat grey [Macrob. .Sa£. 2,
4 7] Her wit and the freedom of her
manners drew round her the young and
dissolute nobles, and when at length
(B.c. 2) Augustus was assured of her
misconduct, numerous men suffered for
real or supposed offences with her
[Macr. /. c. 86; Vell. Pat. 1, 100; Sen.
de Benef. 6, 33]. Pliny asserts that she
had enteredintoa plot against her father's
life [.V. Z7. 7 8 149]. See c. 19 and
Dio 54, 9 (of Iulius Antonius) ws xal
éxl ry uovapxlg Toüro wpatas. After
five years at Pandataria, a small island
on the Campanian coast (mod. Vando-
tena), she was allowed to reside at
Rhegium; but on the accession of Tibe-
rius the allowance made to her by her
father was cut off on the ground of no
provision having been made for it in his
will. She however survived Augustus
only a few weeks [Tac. Ann. 1, 353
Suet. 732. 50].

Of the younger Iulia, daughter of
Agrippa and Iulia, we know little ex-
cept that she followed the example of
her mother. She was married to Aemi-
lius Paulus Lepidus and had a son
[Suet. Ca/. 24] and a daughter Lepida,
once betrothed to the future Emperor
Claudius, but never married to him
(Suet. Claud. 26]. Her lover D. Sila-
nus was not formally banished, but was
obliged to leave Rome (A.D. 9) and not
allowed to return till A.D. 20, and even
then forbidden all state employment;
while Iulia spent the rest of her life in
exile in the island of Tremerus (.S.
Domenico) off the coast of Apulia, sup-
ported till her death in A.D. 29 by an
allowance from Livia [Tac. Ann. 3, 24;
4, 71]. It has been assumed, with little
reason, that Ovid’s Corinna is a poetical
pseudonym for Iulia; and the supposed
connexion of his banishment with her dis-
grace rests also on uncertain inferences.

.D. 4.

duodeviginti ... mensum. Lucius
died at Marseilles 30 August A.D. 2,
Gaius on 21 February A.D. 4 at Limyra
in Lycia [see the Cenotaphia Pisana,
Wilm. 883].

Agrippam. Agrippa Postumus, son
of Iulia and Agrippa, born after his
father’s death in B.C. 12. See c. 19.
Tacitus [Anm#. 1, 3) regards him as a
victim to Livia’s jealousy on behalf of
Tiberius, who procured Ins exile though
he was innocent of all crime (A.D. 7).
Augustus seems always to have felt a
certain compunction and to have been
inclined to recall him [Tac. 24». 1, 5].
Pliny enumerates among the infelicities
of Augustus abdicatio Postumi Agrippae
post adoptionem, desiderium post relega-
tionem [N. H. 7§ 148]. The panegy-
rist of Tiberius, Velleius, of course
decries him mira pravitate animi atque
ingenii...mox crescentibus in dies vitiis
dignum furore suo habuit exitum | a,
112]. Dio (55, 32] however takes some-
what the same view, calling him dovdo-
wperys...kal wAeicTa webero...T] TE
épyy Tpowerei Expnro, and says that he
annoyed Augustus by demanding his
father's property. He was banished to
Planasia, between Corsica and Elba.
His murder immediately after the death
of Augustus according to Tacitus was

mum facinus novi imperii | Ann. 1,
6], but Tiberius disclaimed any share
in it (Suet. 72d. 22].

simul... adoptavit, Vell. Pat. 2, 104
adoptatus eodem die etiam M. Agrippa,
quem post mortem Agrippae Iulia enixa
erat, cp. Suet. 735. 15. This took
placeon the 26th of June A.D. 4 [see Fast?
Amert., C. FJ. L. 1, p. 333]. Agrippa
not assuming the éoga viri/is until the
next year [Dio 55, 22]. The change in
the case of Tiberius is marked in in-
scriptions, see Wilmanns 882 (between
B.C. 2 and A.D. 3) TI * CLAVDIVS « TI *
F * NERO; but in the list of the Imperial
family at Pavia (A.D. 7) we have TI.
CAESARI * AVGVSTI « F * DIVI * NEPOT *
[id. 880; Rushf. 34]. For the addi-
tion of Caesar to the name of Agrippa
Postumus, see Wilmanns 880 1.

lege curiata. As both Agrippa and
Tiberius were si iuris the regular form
of adoption necessary was adrogatio. A
meeting of the old comttia curiata in

126 SUETONI

[65—

curiata; ex quibus Agrippam brevi ob ingenium sordidum
ac ferox abdicavit seposuitque Surrentum.

Aliquanto autem patientius mortem quam dedecora suo-
rum tulit. Nam C. Lucique casu non adeo fractus, de filia
absens ac libello per quaestorem recitato notum senatui fecit
abstinuitque congressu hominum diu prae pudore, etiam de
necanda deliberavit. Certe cum sub idem tempus una ex
consciis liberta Phoebe suspendio vitam finisset,
maluisse se ait PAoebes patrem. fuisse. Relegatae
usum vini omnemque delicatiorem cultum ademit
neque adirí a quopiam libero servove, nisi se consulto, per-
misit, et ita ut certior fieret, qua is aetate, qua statura, quo
colore esset, etiam quibus corporis notis vel cicatricibus.

Banish-
ment of
Iulia.

the forum (represented by 30 /ictores) was
held by a fontifex and a formal rogatio
proposed, for the wording of which see
Gellius 5, 19. It was generally held
that a ?«er could not be adopted by
this ceremony, and Dio may be wrong
in putting Agrippa's deductio in forum
in the next year; still there seems to
have been a variety of practice in this
respect, Gaius I, 102 ?fem impuberem
apud populum adoptari aliquando pro-
Aibitum est, aliquando permissum est.

abdicavit (dxexnpótaro), ‘disinhe-
rited, a formal undoing of the adop-
tion. See Pliny N. 7. 78 148; Suet.
T3b. 15 Agrippa abdicato et seposito.
The word is not used in earlier Latin,
perhaps because the thing was not
known: exheredare [Cic. 2 Phil. § 41]
was to ‘disinherit’ by will as was neces-
sary in the case of a swas heres, but
did not mean any legal process in the
testator’s lifetime; whereas in the case
of the addicatus it was a question
whether he might not be restored by
his father's will [Quint. 3, 6, 98].

Surrentum. This is previous to the
deportatio to Planasia: but the abdicatio
seems to have been at the time of the
first measure, as his name is not on the
Pavian list. seposuit, a less formal
word than relegavit, cp. Oth. 3 seposttus
per causam legationis in Lusitaniam.

notum senatui fecit. Sen. de Beng.
6, 32 Divus Augustus...flagitia princt-
palis domus in publicum emisit...Aaec
lam vindicanda quam tacenda, quia
quarumdam rerum turpitudo etiam ad
vindicantem redit, barum potens irae
publicaverat.

perquaestorem. Thequaestor seems
to have regularly been the Emperor's
mouthpiece in the Senate. See Dio
54, 25 70 BiBMov TQ Tajud dva-yvovat
dois. Cp. 60, 2. Suet. Aer. 15 ora-
tiones ad senatum missas, praeterito
quaestorum officio per consulem ple-
rumque recitabat. Cp. id. 737. 6; Tac.
Ann. 16, 27; Spart. Zadr. 3. As a
quaestor was attached to the consul, so
one or more were quaestores Caesaris.
Wilmanns 1122 L * AQVILLIO...QVAES-
TOR * IMP * CAESARIS * AVG. Cp. Plin.
Ep. 7, 16 simul quaestores. Caesaris
f"imus. Mommsen Séaaésr. IV. p. 227
note, p. 272 sg.

Phoebe, Dio 55, 10 7 8 PolBn éteXev-
0épa re ris 'lovMas xal cuvepyds obca
vpoaméOavev éxovaía.

usum vini. The notion of wine
leading to unchastity in women is
referred to in Euripides Bacch. 260
yuvackt yap | üxov Bórpvos éy dari yi-yve-
rat yavos | oty irytés obdév Er AEyw Tov
óprylov. There was also a tradition that
it was an ancient custom in Latium for
women to drink none but light raisin
wine, passum: see Athenae. 10, 440 E
Polyb. 6, 2; Aul. Gell. 10, 23 Marcus
Cato non solum existimatas sed et mul-
tatas quoque a iudice refert non minus,
5i vinum in se, quam si probrum et adul-
terium adsnisisset. As one of the charges
against Iulia was that of socturnae co-
missationes, Augustus perhaps regarded
this as a proper occasion for going back,
as he was fond of doing, to ancient cus-
toms.

et ita ut...fleret, ‘and not without
being informed,’ see p. 59.

—————— ——À eg —— m —

s talesque coniuges pro contione inprecatus.

66.]

DIVUS AUGUSTUS.

127

Post quinquennium demum ex insula in continentem leni-

oribusque paulo condicionibus transtulit eam.

Nam ut

omnino revocaret, exorari nullo modo potuit, deprecanti
saepe Populo Romano et pertinacius instanti tales filias

Ex nepte Iulia

post damnationem editum infantem adgnosci alique vetuit.
Agrippam nihilo tractabiliorem, immo in dies amentiorem,
in insulam transportavit sepsitque insuper custodia militum.
Cavit etiam Senatus consulto ut eodem loci in perpetuum
xo Contineretur, atque ad omnem et eius et Iuliarum mentionem
ingemiscens, proclamare etiam solebat:
Al@ übeXov dyauós T Ewevat dyovos 7° dmroXéaOa, /

nec aliter eos appellare, quam tris vomicas ac tria carcino-

mata sua.

Amicitias neque facile admisit et constantissime retinuit, 66

non tantum virtutes ac merita cuiusque digne pro-

secutus, sed vitia quoque et delicta, dum taxat
Neque enim temere ex omni
numero in amicitia eius afflicti reperientur praeter
20 Salvidienum Rufum, quem ad consulatum usque, et

modica, perpessus.

in continentem, to Rhegium, see note
above.

deprecanti saepe, Dio 55, 13 (A.D. 3)
ToU 806 Snuov cóó0pa Cyxeusévov ry Av-
yotory twa xaraydyy T)» Ovyarépa
avrod, 0Gccov Egy rip Vans jux0)0 60004
3 éxelyny xaraxOjoerOai.

in insulam, Planasia. custodia mili-
tum, it was a centurio of this guard that
killed him [Tac. 4s. 1, 6].

At0' SHerov, Z. 3, 40.

vomicas...carcinomata, ‘boils and
cancers.’ Cic. de N. D. 3 8 7o gladio

His
friends.

Rufus,

vomicam eius aperuit quam sanare
medici non potuerunt. Plin. N. A. 20
8 81 carcinomata quae nullis aliis medt-
camentis sanari possint.

66. temere. Seec. 16, p.44.

Salvidienum Rufum. Salvidienus
was one of the early and most devoted
friends of Augustus [Cic. e$. ad Br.
I, 17, 3]. He had been with him at
Apollonia during the winter preceding
his uncle's murder [see p. 46; Velleius
Pat. 2, 59]; had commanded at Rhe-
gium against Sextus Pompeius in B.c.

128

SUETONI

[66—

Cornelium Gallum, quem ad praefecturam Aegypti, ex infima

Gallus,

utrumque fortuna provexerat.
novas molientem damnandum senatui tradidit, alteri

Quorum alterum res

ob ingratum et malivolum animum domo et provinciis

suis interdixit.

Sed Gallo quoque et accusatorum denun- s

tiationibus et senatus consultis ad necem conpulso, laudavit
quidem pietatem tantopere pro se indignantium, ceterum
et inlacrimavit et vicem suam conquestus est, quod stói soli

42 and 41 [App. Z. civ. 4, 85; 5, 27;
Dio 48, 18]. At the end of 42 B.C. or
beginning of 41 he was sent to secure
Gaul and Spain, but was recalled on
the outbreak of the war of Perusia, and
had assisted at the sieges of Sentinum
and Perusia [Dio 48, 13; App. 5, 33,
35] After the fall of Perusia (spring
of B.C. 40) he accompanied Augustus
to take over Gaul and Spain and the
army lately commanded by L. An-
tonius [App. 5, 51] and, on Augustus’
return to Rome, was left there in com-
mand, besides being designated consul
(Dio arodax@jva:. He was never con-
sul). Dio and Velleius are both very
vague as to the nature of his treason;
but when Antony came to Italy in the
autumn of B.C. 40 and made terms with
Augustus at Brundisium, he seems to
have betrayed the fact that Salvidienus
had written to him proposing to cause
the Gauls to revolt from Augustus and
return to him. Augustus at once sent
for Salvidienus on some other pretext,
brought him before the Senate and got
him condemned for matestas, that obse-
quious body even passing the SCtum
Ultimum, videant //Jviri ne quid res
blica detrimenti capiat, thus enabling
im to treat Salvidienus as a hostis
App. 5, 66; Dio 48, 33; Vell. Pat. 2,

*Cornelium Gallum. See Suet. f». [ap.
Hier. Chron. 11.727-8] Cornelius Gallus
Foroiuliensis poeta, a quo primum Aegyp-
tum rectam supra diximus, quadragesimo
tertio aetatis suae anno propria se manu
interfecit (B.C. 26). He was therefore
born in B.C. 680r 69. He is the Gallus
of Vergil Ec. 10 (though Servius there
says that his name was C. Asinius Gal-
lus and that he was son of Pollio), and
his rank as an elegiac poet is recorded
by Ovid [7*. 4, 10, 53]. But hardly a
line remains that is certainly his. When
he came from Fréjus to Rome we do
not know, but he seems to have early

sided with Octavian against Antony,
for which personal reasons may perhaps
help to account, if the scandal be true
that makes him and Antony rivals for
the favours of Cytheris Volumnia [Cic.
2 Phil. 88 58, 69, 77; Servius ad Verg.
lc.] Hewasat Actium and followed
the defeated fleet to Egypt. There he
took Paraetonium and next spring (B.c.
30) thwarted Antony's attempt upon it
[Dio 31, 9], and was employed with
Proculeius to endeavour to take Cleo-
patra [Plut. Ant. 79]. On the subse-
quent settlement of Egypt he was made
its first Praefectus [Dio 51, 17]. In that
office he had successfully put down an
insurrection at Heroopolis (between the
Delta and the Red Sea) and in the
Thebaid [Strabo 17, 1]. His offences
there seem to have been mainly due to
ostentation and incautious talk, the Em-
peror, as has been remarked [p. 42],
being extremely jealous in regard to
Egypt. Ov. 77. 2, 445

Non fuit opprobrio celebrasse Lycorida

Gallo,
Sed linguam nimio non tenuisse
"mero.

Id. Am. 2, 9, 63 temerati crimen amici.
Dio 53, 23 *0ÀAdà pév yap kal uáraa, és
tov Abyouorov amreAnpet, woddad $e kal
éralria wapémparrev * kal ydp kal elxovas
éavroÜ é» Ody ws eire ry Alyixty
ésrnce kal rà Épya boa éremouhxer és rds
IIvpajudóas éoéypayer.

provinciis suis, the Imperial pro-
vinces. Dio /. c. wore xal éy rois É0veouw
avrod kwAvÜT vac óurücO at.

accusatorum. The first accusation
of Valerius Largus was followed by
others, and the Senate passed decrees
declaring him to have been convicted
legally, and transferring his property to
Augustus. Largus was looked askance
on as a delator, and Proculeius on seeing
him affected to close his nose and lips
as though it were not safe to breathe in
his presence [Dio 4 c.].

66.] DIVUS AUGUSTUS. 129-

non liceret amicis, quatenus vellet, irasci. Reliqui potentia
atque opibus ad finem vitae sui quisque ordinis principes_.

floruerunt, quanquam et offensis intervenientibus. Deside- |
ravit enim nonnumquam, ne de pluribus referam, , .
et M. Agrippae patientiam et Maecenatis tacitur- A ec dn

nitatem, cum ille ex levi frigoris suspitione et quod

Marcellus sibi anteferretur, Mytilenas se relictis omnibus

contulisset, hic secretum de comperta Murenae coniuratione

uxori Terentiae prodidisset.

Exegit et ipse in vicem ab amicis benivolentiam
tam a defunctis quam a vivis.
minime appeteret hereditates, ut qui numquam ex
ignoti testamento capere quicquam sustinuerit, ami-
corum tamen suprema iudicia morosissime pensi-

desideravit ‘missed’ what he was
used to find in them. When he had
rashly made public the crimes of his
daughter and repented of his haste,
he said horum mihi nihil accidisset si
aut Agrippa aut Maecenas vixisset
[Sen. de benef. 6, 32].

frigoris *coldness' on the part of Au-
gustus. Seneca Ef. 122 8 11 Montanus
Julius...amicitia Tiberii notus et frigore.
Vell. Pat. 2, 83 Plancus...refrigeratus
ab Antonio. [The Mss. have zzgvris.]

"Mytilenas ... contulisset. Agrippa
was sent to be governor of Syria in B.C.
23 after the recovery of Augustus from
his illness, during which he had given
his signet ring to him, thus causing
jealousy to Marcellus. The death of
Marcellus followed at the end of the year,
and Agrippa returned in B.C. 21. Dio 53,
32 ob pévroe kal és Luplay adlxero dÀN
&rc kal wGdrov perpragww ékeioe pev ToUs
UVrootpariyyous Émeuev, abrós dé fv
AdoBy diérpipev. Agrippa was sent on
another mission to Ionia and Syria in
B.C. 17, when he was accompanied by
Iulia, and did not return till B.c. 13 [Dio
54, 19; Ioseph. Amt. 2, 2; Nic. Dam.
de sua vita S 3).

relictis omnibus. Cic. Fam. 2, 14;
12, 14, 13 Ter. Eun. 166; Haut. 840.

uxori Terentiae. Dio 54, 19 kal
rives kal Sud Tepevrlay rhy rod Maucjvov
yuvaixa dwodnunoa airoy vrerbryoay...
Tov Te yap Ayplaray és rj» Zuplav aibts
éoradxec kal T9 Maxyvg dia T7)» *yvvatka
oUkéÜ' dpolws Éxaipey. For Murena
see p. 44. Perhaps the scandal as to
Terentia was malevolent gossip. The

mutuam,

Nam quamvis ..
His
custom
as to
legacies.

absence of Agrippa naturally followed
the adoption of Gaius and Lucius B.C. 17,
as it had the open favour of Marcellus in
B.C. 23. Theloss of favour of Maecenas
may have had connexion with the change
of policy in the direction of absolutism in
B.C. 23. Tac. Ann. 3, 30.

& defunctis. Forthe length to which
this was carried, see /Vero 32 deinde
ut ingratorum in principem We who did
not name him in their wills) sestamenia
ad fiscum pertinerent, cp. Tac. Ann. 3,
76 testamenturm etus multo apud vulgum
rumore fuit; quia in magnis opibus,
cum ferme cunctos proceres cum honore
nominavisset, Caesarem | omisit. The
motive of leaving the Emperor heir
was often no doubt the hope of obtain-
ing better treatment for a man's family,
Tac. Ann. 16, 11 nec defuere qui mo-
merent magna ex parte heredem Caesa-
rem nuncupare atque ita nepotibus de
reliquo consulere. id. Agr. 43 tam caeca
et corrupta mens adsiduis adulationibus
erat, ut nesciret a bono patre non scribi
heredem nisi malum principem.

ut qui. Roby Z. G. 1714. ignoti, see
Cic. 2 Phil. 88 40—1 me nemo nisi
amicus fecit heredem...te is quem vidisti
nunquam. iudicia, ‘expression of
approval.” Pompey was much hurt
by not being named in Sulla’s will
[Plut. Pomp. 15]. Cicero expresses
disgust at being omitted by one Calva,
ad Att. 15, 3.

morosissime. szorosus (connected with
mos mores) from the meaning of captious
[morosi senes Cic. de Sen. 65] came to
mean ‘over-careful,’ ‘particular.’ 7:4.

130 SUETONI [66—

tavit, neque dolore dissimulato, si parcius aut citra honorem
verborum, neque gaudio, si grate pieque quis se prosecutus
fuisset. Legata vel partes hereditatium, a quibuscumque
parentibus relicta sibi, aut statim liberis eorum concedere,
aut si pupillari aetate essent, die virilis togae vel nuptiarum
cum incremento restituere consuerat.

Patronus dominusque non minus severus quam facilis et
clemens, multos libertorum in honore et usu maximo
habuit, ut Licinum et Celadum aliosque. Cosmum
servum gravissime de se opinantem non ultra quam
compedibus coercuit. Diomeden dispensatorem, a quo simul
ambulante incurrenti repente fero apro per metum obiectus
est, maluit timiditatis arguere quam noxae, remque non
minimi periculi, quia tamen fraus aberat, in iocum vertit.
Idem Polum ex acceptissimis libertis mori coegit compertum
adulterare matronas; Thallo a manu, quod pro epistola
prodita denarios quingentos accepisset, crura ei fregit; pae-
dagogum ministrosque C. fili, per occasionem valitudinis
mortisque eius superbe avareque in provincia grassatos, one-

His
liberts.

ratos gravi pondere cervicibus praecipitavit in flumen.

45 circa corporis curam morostor...ut
non solum tonderetur...sed velleretur.
Tib. 70 adfectatione et morositate nimia
obscurabat stilum.

citra, see p. 53.

prosecutus, ‘mentioned,’ with a gene-
ral notion of paying honour or respect.
Cp. Mero 34 matrem. hilare prosecutus.
So of giving presents, Dom. 9 omnes
circa se largsssime prosecutus.

legata vel partes hereditatium.
Legacies of definite sums given with
the formula do lego. An heredifas was
the being constituted a heres either of
the whole or part, ex /riente, ex deunce,
with the formula haeres Titius esto
(primus, secundus, tertius). In the
latter case the heir had to accept the
inheritance within a fixed time with all
its encumbrances (cretio), see Gaius /nst.
2, 152—208.

67. opinantem, see c. 51, p. 109.

dispensator, ‘steward,’ ‘holder of
the privy purse,’ see Ver. 44; Vesp. 22;
Galb. 12.

& manu, ‘secretary,’ ‘amanuensis,’
Jul. 74; also ad manum [C. 7. L. 6,
4449]; a commentariis | 10. 8623]; &i5ra-
rius a manu [1b. 6314]; brarius ad

manum [1b. 9523).

ei fregit, al. ec/regil, cp. c. 94 ras.
denti aquila panem ei e manu rapuit.

grassatos, ‘conducted themselves.’
Livy 45, 23 assentando grassari. Tac.
H. 4. 16 dolo grassari.

praecipitavit in flumen, ‘he ordered
them to be flung into a river,’ i.e. in
the province. Dead bodies of male-
factors were thrown into the Tiber; but
this form of execution does not appear
to have been common at Rome. Yet
Vedius Pollio ordered his slave who
had broken a valuable cup és ras uvpal-
vas...€uBrnOjvat Dio 54, 23. In the
East it was perhaps more common, see
Q. Curtius 10, 4 z/ague rursus (Alex-
ander)...mergi im amnem sicut vincti
erant iussit. Cp. S. Matt. 18, 6 evy-
pépe...wa kpeuaa0 pdros dvixos &xl roy
Tpaxnrov abrod xal karamrovria Oy : and in
mythology the king of Arcadia punishes
his wife Augé...ravrny rapéówke NavrAUup
piry xadecrwre kal mpocérate xaramor-
tloat, Diodor. Sic. 4, 33. So pirates
treated their victims, Lysias 14 § 27.
Cp. also the mode of execution attri-
buted to the Turks, by drowning in the
Bosphorus.

69.]

Prima

DIVUS AUGUSTUS.

iuventa variorum dedecorum

I3I

Sextus Pompeius ut effeminatum insectatus est;

M. Antonius adoptionem avunculi stupro meritum ;

Scandal-
9 ous stories.

item L. Marci frater quasi pudicitiam, delibatam a

s Caesare, Aulo etiam Hirtio in Hispania trecentis milibus
nummum substraverit, solitusque sit crura suburere nuce
ardenti, quo mollior pilus surgeret. Sed et populus quondam
universus ludorum die et accepit in contumeliam eius et
adsensu maximo conprobavit versum in scaena pronuntiatum
v de gallo Matris deum tympanizante: Videsne, ut cinaedus

orbem digito temperat ?

Adulteria quidem exercuisse ne 69

amici quidem negant, excusantes sane non libidine, sed ra-
tione commissa, quo facilius consilia adversariorum per

cuiusque mulieres exquireret.

M. Antonius super festinatas

15 Liviae nuptias obiecit et feminam consularem e triclinio viro
coram in cubiculum abductam, rursus in convivium rubentibus
auriculis incomptiore capillo reductam ; dimissam Scriboniam,
quia liberius doluisset nimiam potentiam pelicis ; conditiones

68. prima iuventa. If we ma
believe Nicolas of Damascus, the youth
of Augustus was particularly well
guarded and pure. That these in-
credible scandals emanate from his
bitter enemies Marcus and Lucius An-
tonius is enough to stamp them. They
are the measure of Roman coarseness
and unscrupulous invective rather than
deserving of serious notice. We hap-
pen to know, for instance, that Hirtius
was not with Caesar when Octavius
joined him in Spain [Cic. A#. 12, 37
84] The invention of such lies makes
one glad that Antony had himself felt the
lash of the 2nd Philippic. See Cicero's
defence of him 3 PA. 8 15 in Caesarem
maledicta congessit deprompta ex recorda-
tione impudicitiae et stuprorum suorum.

suburere...pilus surgeret, luv. 9,
15 sed fruticante pilo neglecta et squalida
cura. See also ib. 95 pumice laevis ;
Mart. 2, 36; 5, 61; Pers. 4, 39; Suet.
Jul. 45.

&ccepit...eius, ‘interpreted it as a
reflexion on him. They took it as a
double entendre.

gallus, priest of Cybele. Polyb. 21,
6 (at Sestos), i7. 21,37 (at Pessinus). For
the origin of the name see Ovid, Fast. 4,
261. The Megalesia in honour of the
‘Great Mother’ were introduced in

B.C. 204 [Livy 29, 11—13]. For plays
acted at it, see inscription to Terence,
Hautont.

tympanizante. See Apoll Rhod.
Argon. 1, 1139 pop By kal rurdyy ‘Pelny
dpbyes doxovrar. — Plaut. oen. 5, 5,
38 Cur nonad/ibuisti tympanum? Nam
cinaedum esse arbitror. | Verg. Aen. 9,
619 Zympana vos buxusque vocat Bere-
cyntia matris Idaeae. Eurip. Bacch.
124 Bupodrovoy kÜkNopua Tó0c...Kop)-
Barres evpov...uarpés te "Péas els xépa
0jkav. Catull. 63 a1 wb cymbalum
sonat vox, ubi tympana reboant.

orbem, with a play on the meanings
of the ‘round drum’ and the ‘ world.’

digito, Catull.2, 10 guattensque terga
tam teneris cava ditis.

69. quo facilius...exquireret, as he
was supposed to have done in the case
of the wife of Maecenas.

festinatas nuptias. óOuwrdjorvros otv
ToU Kalcapos kal wudopuévouv TOv TorT.-
dlxwy & ol Üctor év yaorpl Exovoay avrhp
ayayéoOas ey, axekplvavro OTt el uy éy
ajiBóNo 7d kénpa, Hv, avaBAnOjvas Tov
yduov éxpmv, dpodroyounévov dé abTo0
ovdey xwrves 709 abrdv yerécOa. Dio
48, 44.

rubentibus auriculis, Iuv. 11, 189.
coram, Hor. Od. 3, 6, 25—31.

9—2

infamiam subiit. 68

132 SUETONI

[69—

quaesitas per amicos, qui matres. familias et adultas aetate
virgines denudarent atque perspicerent, tamquam Thoranio
mangone vendente. Scribit etiam ad ipsum haec, familiariter
adhuc necdum plane inimicus aut hostis: Quid fe mutavit,
quod reginam ineo? uxor mea est. Nunc coepi, an abhinc
annos novem? Tu deinde solam Drusillam inis? ita valeas,
uli tu, hanc epistolam cum leges, non inieris Tertullam aut
Terentillam aut Rufillam aut Salviam Titiseniam aut omnes.

An refert, ubi et in qua arrigas?
Cena quoque eius secretior in fabulis fuit, quae vulgo

mangone, 'slave-dealer,' Mart. 1, 59;
9,737, 80. Sen. Zp. 89 8 9 mangones
quicquid est quod displiceat aliquo leno-
cinio abscondunt : ttaque ementibus orna-
menta tpsa suspecta sunt ; stve crus adlt-
gatum sive brachium adspiceres, nudari
suberes et ipsum tibi corpus ostendi.

abhinc annos novem. Antony first
fell under the influence of Cleopatra
at the end of B.C. 4r. He could
hardly call her zxor till he had divorced
Octavia in B.C. 32 [Dio 50, 5], which
wil explain the adhinc annos novem.
The marriage of a Roman citizen with
a foreigner could not hold good in
Roman law: /ustas autem nuptias inter
se cives Romani contrahunt, lust. /nst.
1, 10. For the disgust with which such
unions were regarded, see Hor. Od. 3,
5, 4 milesne Crassi coniuge barbara
turpis maritus vixit etc. Seep 123.

Tertullam. Antony adopts the
diminutives of these names, in sarcastic
imitation of loverlike language, for
Tertia, Rufa, Terentia etc. Terentia
is the wife of Maecenas; it is hardly
worth while to attempt identification of
the rest.

70. in fabulis, ‘a subject of gossip,’
‘a scandal,’ cp. Dom. 15 sdgue ei cenanti
...inter ceteras diei fabulas referretur.
luv. 1, 145 Z7 nova nec tristis per cunc-
tas fabula cenas. Pliny Ef. 8, 18 § 11
habes omnes fabulas urbis. Seneca Epp.
122 8 t4 25 lam occupata civitate dece
volgaris nequitia non invenit. Ov. Tr.
4, 10, 68 nomine sub nostro fabula nulla
fuit. Cp. Suet. Mer. 6 in sermonióus
esse.

SaSexdGeos. The worship of the

Swdexafeos vocabatur; in qua deorum dearumque
habitu discubuisse convivas et ipsum pro Apolline
ornatum, non Antoni modo epistolae singulorum

‘twelve gods’ was Greek. At Athens
there was an altar to them in the Agora
(Her. 6, 108; Thucyd. 6, 54, 6; Plut.
Nicias 13), and a picture in a Stoa [Pau-
san. 1, 3, 3). The Argonauts founded an
altar to them in Bithynia [ Apoll. Rhod.
Argon. 2,533]. InItalythey wereknown
among the Sabines [Festus s. v. Mamer-
tini], and the Etruscans [Seneca NW. Q.
2, 41, I] When the Greek theology
was assimilated at Rome twelve D
consentes were acknowledged and are
enumerated by Ennius [Amw. 1 fr.]:

Zuno, Vesta, Minerva, Ceres, Diana,

Venus: Mars,
Mercurius, Jovis, Neptunus, Volca-
nus, Apollo.

Varro [A. A. 1] gives a somewhat diffe-
rent list of twelve gods worshipped in
the country, but speaks of duodecim
deos consentes...urbanos, quorum ima-
gines ad forum auratae'sunt, sex mares
et feminae totidem. In another work
he reckoned sixteen [August. de civ. d.
6,2]. As it was the figures of these
twelve gods that were placed in couples
on /ectz in a lectisterntum on occasions
of national importance [Livy 22, 10],
this buffoonery, if it did take place,
would have shocked religious feelings
at Rome somewhat in the same way as
the private performance of the mysteries
by Alcibiades did those of the Athenians
(Thucyd. 6, 28; Plut. 444. 19]. See
Marg. 12, pp. 30 and 59. A plant
held to be a panacea was called dodeca-
theus by the physicians, ommnium deorum
matestatem commendantes Plin. N. 4.
25 § 28.

pro Apolline. The worship of Apollo

[Ad

70] DIVUS AUGUSTUS. 133

nomina amarissime enumerantis exprobrant, sed et sine
auctore notissimi versus:
Cum primum istorum conduxit mensa choragum,
sexque deos vidit Mallia sexque deas;
impia dum Phoebi Caesar mendacia ludit,
dum nova divorum cenat adulteria :
omnia se a lerris tunc numina declinarunt,
fugit et auratos luppiter ipse thronos.
Auxit cenae rumorem summa tunc in civitate penuria ac
fames, adclamatumque est postridie, omne frumentum deos
comedisse et Caesarem esse plane Apollinem, sed Tortorem :
quo cognomine is deus quadam in parte urbis colebatur.

Notatus est et ut pretiosae

was first introduced among the Latins,
and though there was a temple to him at
Rome since B.C. 413, it did not become
important there till the establishment
of the /ud? Apollinares in B.C. 212.
Augustus made the god an object of
special honour. His victory at Actium
was commemorated by a temple of
Apollo on the spot and quinquennial
games [p. 43]. The palatine temple of
Apollo was among the most splendid at
Rome [p. 63]; and at the celebration
of the /udi seculares Apollo and Diana
were the objects of special reverence.
He became in a manner the patron god
of the Emperors, and Iulian, who in
trying to restore the old religion looked
back to Augustus for imperial traditions,
paid special devotion to him as the Sun
God, calling him his ‘Master’ [Iul.
Conviv. 314 A], and the leader of Rome
[apxmyós rns worews Iul. Ora. 4, 153 D].

cum primum...sexque deas. The
difficulty of these two lines caused
Graevius to propose cum mimum his-
trorum conduxit mensa choragi ‘when
the table of the choragus (Augustus)
had collected a company of actors':
while Ernesti explained conduxit mensa
choragum as an hypallage for conduxit
mensam choragus, ‘when the choragus
had hired a table.’ Perhaps the simplest
explanation is that of Bremi, who takes
mensa istorum to mean the ‘company of
those persons, like our ‘board,’ and
explains it to mean ‘when that company
had got a choragus' (Augustus). The
objection is perhaps the meaning of
conducere ‘to hire,’ which could hardly
by any stretch of satire apply to Au-
gustus. Lastly, some have regarded

supellectilis Corinthiorumque

choragum as a contraction of choragium,
*the equipment of a chorus,' or *equip-
ment’ generally, Pliny W. 7. 36 § 115.
Of Mallia no satisfactory explanation
has been given. It perhaps is the name
of the house where the banquet was said
to have taken place. An old explanation
was that it meant the 47x, from Manlius
the defender of the Capitol, and so the
Florentine translator Rosso took it, e che
nella rocca Capitolina sei Iddii ed altret-
tante Dee si reppresentarono: but there
is no likelihood of that being the scene
of the banquet. Casaubon thought that
it might be the name of the wife of the
choragus, whoever he was.

cenat adulteria, ‘represents novel
debaucheries in his banquet) The
accus. with cezare is common in
poetry and post-Augustan prose; but .
this is a bold extension of meaning;
cenabis hodie magnum malum Plaut.
Asin. 5, 2, 86] quoted in illustration is
hardly parallel.

thronos, Pliny [N. 4. 35 § 63] speaks
of a picture by Zeuxis of Zuppiter in
throno.

Tortor, cp. Apollo Sandaliarius in
C. 57. The statue of Apollo Tortor is
not mentioned elsewhere. Itseemslikely
that the epithet was given to it, not,
as some say, with any reference to
Marsyas, but as being near either the
place of examining slave witnesses, or
the quarter where /orfores lived. To
this perhaps Seneca refers [Zpp. 51 8 4]
quemadmodum. inter tortores habitare
nolim, sic ne inter popinas quidem. Such
men usually lived in Rome, see Suet.
Claud. 34.

Corinthiorum. Seneca de brev. vit.

134

praecupidus, et aleae indulgens.

SUETONI

[7o—

Nam et proscriptionis

tempore ad statuam eius ascriptum est:

pater argentarius, ego Corinthiarius,
cum existimaretur quosdam propter vasa Corinthia inter
proscriptos curasse referendos; et deinde bello Siciliensi

epigramma vulgatum est:

fostquam bis classe victus naves ferdidit,
aliquando ut vincat, ludit assidue aleam.

71 Ex quibus sive criminibus sive maledictis infamiam impu-

dicitiae facillime refutavit et praesentis et posterae

His
habits.

vitae castitate; item lautitiarum invidiam, cum et

Alexandria capta nihil sibi praeter unum murrinum
calicem ex instrumento regio retinuerit, et mox vasa aurea

assiduissimi usus conflaverit omnia.
postea quoque, ut ferunt, ad vitiandas virgines promptior, xs

12 8 2 ium tu ofiosum vocas qui
Corinthia, paucorum furore pretiosa,
anxia curiositate concinnat. id. de trang.
9 8 6 impensas in Corinthia pictasque
tabulas effundere, Pliny £p. 3, 6, 4
neque enim ullum adhuc. Corinthium
domi habeo. 10. 1 8 9 sunt in usu Corin-
(hia quibus. delectatur nec adficitur.
This passion for Corinthian bronze had
long been the vogue, see Cicero Verr. 4
$ 1 nego in. Sicilia tota...ullum Corin-
thium aut Deltacum futsse...quin con-
m et abstulerit. The particular
usion of copper, gold, and silver which
was known by this name seems to have
been a lost art. Various accounts of its
origin were given, from the accidental
fusion of those metals at the burning of
Corinth in B.c. 146 [Pliny V. ZZ. 34, 6],
or from the discovery of an individual
(Plutarch de Orac. PytA. c. 2].

pater argentarius, see c. 2, p. 4.

Corinthiarius, ‘a keeper of the vases.’
Slaves in charge of the Corinthia were
called a Corinthizs C. 1. L. 10, 692,
peasy or Corinthiarii C. J. L. 6,

56.

inter proscriptos. This seems to
have been the case with Verres, but it
was Antony not Octavian who did it.
Pliny |. c. quippe cum tradatur non
alia de causa Verrem, quem M. Cicero
damnaverat, proscriptum cum eo. ab

Antonto, quoniam Corinthiis cessurum

se et negavisset. See p. 58.
bis classe. See c. 16, pp. 31—2,
note on Siculum bellum; luvenal 1, 91

Circa libidines haesit;

talks of the proelia of the dice.

71. lautitiarum. Cp. Cic. 2 Phil.
§ 66 of Pompey's furniture, muta et
lauta supellex, non ida quidem luxu-
riosi hominis sed tamen abundantis.

murrinum calicem. For this pre-
cious agate so much sought after at
Rome, see the passages quoted by
Mayor on luv. 7, 132 empturus pueros,
argentum, murrina, villas. It was first
brought to Rome by Pompey in B.C. 61
from the spoils of Mithridates, and dedi-
cated to Iuppiter Capitolinus [Pliny W.
H.37818). The stone seems to have
been hardened by being baked in dung,
whence Propert. 5, 5, 26 murrina
cocta. It was imitated in glass [Plin.
N. H. 36 8 198]. See Marq. r5, p.
430 sq. King's Heéstory of Precious
Stones, p. 239.

ex instrumento regio, írom the
spoils of the palace at Alexandria, cp.
C. 41. Cic. pro dom. § 62 instrumen-
tum ac ornamentum villae.

libidines, ‘intrigues with women,'—
opposed to the smpudicitia above. The
same distinction in 7:4. 49 and 50.

haesit, ‘he could not refute them’ as
easily as the other scandals. haerere,
‘to be in a difficulty.’ Cic. 2 Phil. § 74
haerebat nebulo: quo se verteret non ha-
bebat. So especially of accusations that
cannot be refuted, Pliny £f. 3, 9, 20
Classici filia quae et ipsa tnter vos erat,
ne suspitionibus quidem haerebat. Tac.
Ann. 4, 19 tiec dubte repetundarum cri-
minibus haerebat.

71.]

DIVUS AUGUSTUS.

135

quae sibi undique etiam ab uxore conquirerentur. Aleae

rumorem nullo modo expavit, lusitque simpliciter
et palam oblectamenti causa etiam senex, ac,

Gambling.

praeterquam Decembri mense, aliis quoque festis et profestis

sdiebus. Nec id dubium est.

Autographa quadam
epistula Cenavi, ait, mi Tiberi, cum isdem; accesse-

Letter to
Tiberius.

runt convivae Vinicius et Silius pater. Inter cenam
lustmus geronticos et heri et hodie, talis enim tactatis, ut quis-
que canem aut senionem miserat, in singulos talos singulos

ab uxore. Tac. Ann. 5, 1 wxor
facilis. Dio 58, 2 wv@ouévou dé rwos
ras kal Tí rovotca ovTw Tod Atyotcrou
karexparnoev, dwexplvaro Sri avrh re
dxpBws swppovoica...xal rà dppodiow
aü0ToÜ d@vppara pyre Ouokovca pyre al-
cOdvecOat vpoootovuéy.

palam. For the discredit of open
gambling see Cic. 2 Phil. 8 57 hominem
omnium nequissimum qui non dubitaret
vel in foro alea ludere, leye, quae est de
alea, condemnatum.... Yet the fabulae
lusoriae, still remaining scratched on the
marble pavement of the Basilica Iulia,
shew how common it was [Middleton
in Encyclop. Brit. 20, p. 817]. The
emperors Claudius [C/. c. 33] and Do-
mitian [Dom. c. 21] were inveterate
gamblers, the former having even written
a treatise on dice.

praeterquam Decembri. The law
forbidding gambling is not known, but
it was older than the time of Plautus,
see Mil. Glor. 2, 2, 9 atque adeo, ut ne
legi fraudem faciant aleariae, | sed cura-
tote ut sine talis domi agitent convivium.
See Cic. Ac. In the Digest 11, 5 an
edict of the praetor and a SCtum are

uoted, but no 4x. The aed/es enforced
the regulation in taverns, Mart. 5, 84
et blando male proditus fritillo, | arcana
modo raptus e popina, | aedilem rogat
udus aleator. | Saturnalia transiere tota.
Marq. 15, p. 524. The exception during
the Saturnalia (17—23 December) was
perhaps rather one of custom than law,

ut it was universally taken advantage
of. Mart. 4, 14 dum anda vagus ala
December | incertis sonat hinc et hinc
fritilüs. id. 11, 6 unctis falciferi senis
diebus, | regnator. quibus imperat fri-
(illus. The Saturnalia as a religious
festival belonged only to the 17 Dec.
But the holiday had long lasted the
seven days, and Augustus seems to
have added three days of suspension
of legal business not hitherto formally

recognised, see Macr. Sa/. 1, 10, 88 4,
23.
festis et profestis. Macrob. Saé. 1,
16, 2 festi dis dicati sunt, profesti homs-
nibus ob administrandam rem privatam
publicamque concessi, intercist deorum
hominumque communes sunt.

accesserunt were added to the usual
family party. For Silius see c. ror.
For Vinicius see on c. 64.

geronticos (yepoyrixws). Dice and
other games were regarded as peculiarly
an old man's amusement. Cic. de Sen.
8 58 nobis senthus ex lusionibus multis
talos relinquant et lesseras. Tuv. 14,4 St
damnosa senem iuvat alea, ludtt et heres.

talis. For fuller details of dice-
playing see Marq. 15, p. 521 sqq.;
Becker's Gallus, p. 499 sqq. ; Ramsay,
K. Ant. p. 497 sqq. To explain the
game as played by Augustus, it will be
necessary first to notice that he plays
with fal: (&ecrpáyaXo), i.e. dice with
four sides smooth and marked with the
numbers I, VI, III, IV, the other two
sides being rounded so that the dice
would not rest on them (/esserae xUBot
had six numbers like our own). Se-
condly it is to be noticed that there were
two opposite principles (with variations
in detail) in reckoning the winning
throw: (1) when the highest numbers,
i.e. sixes, were the best, qAeurrogoMr0a,
cp. Pers. 3, 48 quid dexter Senio ferret
Scire erat in voto; damnosa canicula
quantum Raderet. (2) When the highest
throw ( Venus) consisted in the dice pre-
senting all different numbers, the lowest
(Canis) in all coming up aces. Mart.
I4, 14 (fali eboret) Cum steterit. nullus
vultu tibi talus eodem, Munera me dices
magna dedisse (ibi, Details seem to
have varied according to agreement.
In the game here described by Augustus
there were four /a/i, and if a player turned
up sixes or aces (Canis) he paid a de-
narius for each of the dice into the pool.

136 SUETONI

[71—

denarios in medium conferebat, quos tollebat untversos, qui
Venerem tecerat. Et rursus aliis litteris: Mos, mi Tiberi,
Quinquatrus satis iucunde egimus; lusimus entm per omnis
dies forumque aleatorium calfecimus. Frater tuus. magnis
clamoribus rem gessit; ad summam tamen perdidit non mul-
tum, sed ex magnis detrimentis praeter spem paulatim retractus
est. Ego perdidi viginti milia nummum meo nomine, sed
cum effuse in lusu liberalis fuissem, ut soleo plerumque. Nam
si quas manus remisi cuique exegissem, aut vetinuissem quod
cuique donavi, vicissem vel quinquaginta milia. Sed hoc malo;
benignitas enim mea me ad caelestem. gloriam efferet. | Scribit
ad filiam: JMzsz bi denarios ducentos quinquaginta, quos
singulis convivis dederam, si vellent inter se inter cenam vel

lalis vel par impar ludere. X

In this case sixes was as bad a throw as
aces. The pool thus formed was swept
by the first player who threw a Venus,
i.e. all different. Apparently if a player
threw four threes or fours, or any other of
the thirty-five possible combinations,
nothing happened, he neither gained
anything nor paid anything into the
ool.

Quinquatrus. Originally a feast of
Mars on the roth March (sth day from
Ides), but afterwards extended to the
23rd, and including the feast of the
dedication of the temple of AMiserva
Capta [Ov. Fast. 3,811]. It was wrongly
derived from the five days, as by Ovid
Fast. 3, 809—830. It was a universal
holiday, especially for schools. See
Mayor on Zuv. 10, 115; Marq. 13, pp.
167 sq., 361.

forum aleatorium calfecimus, 'I
kept the gaming table well alive,’ or
‘hotly at work.’ The /or«s is explained
to mean some /aóu/a lusoria, but it is
not found elsewhere in that sense, the
usual terms being /aóu/a [Iuv. 1, go]
or alveus [Suet. Claud. 33], and I am
inclined to believe that Augustus wrote
forum aleatorium (n.) in a sort of play-
ful allusion to other fora, such as the
forum olitorium, piscatorium, boarium,
etc. This was practically Casaubon's
view. calfecimus. So the forum is said
refrigescere when business is over, Cic.
Att. 1, 1 cum Romae a iudiciis forum
refrixerit. Caelius in Cic. fam. 8, 7 84
st Parthi vos nihil calfaciunt, nos hic
frigore rigescimus.

manus, ‘stakes,’ forfeited by a bad

throw, as B.-Crusius explains better
than Bremi, who thinks it means the
throw itself. It seems to refer to a
different game from that described in
the first letter, one in which the players
threw for money on each cast. The
meaning of manus is preserved in the
French and English mats as a term in
dice. Shakespeare, Henry JV. 4, 1, 47
To set so rich a main on the nice hazard
of one doubtful hour.

ad caelestem gloriam. Cic. 71//. 4,6
Caesar in caelum fertur. fam. 4, 14,1
te summis laudibus ad caelum extule-
runt.

par impar. The game was played
with nuts, and consisted it seems in
guessing whether the number held in
the hand was odd or even. Mart. 5,
30, 7 commodius nist forte tibi potiusque
videtur Saturnalicias perdere, Varro,
nuces. id. 4,66, 15 supposita est blando
nunquam (ibi tessera talo: Alea sed
parcae sola fuere nuces. Ovid Nux
85 est etiam. par sit numerus qui dicat,
an impar, Ut divinatas auferat Augur
opes. It is classed among childish
amusements by Horace S. 2, 3, 248;
whence »ucibus relictis for giving up
childish things, Mart. 57 85; Cat. 6r,
I27. The Greek term was dpriá(ew,
see Arist. Plut. 816 orarijpo: 0. ol 0cpá-
TovTes üpriá(ojev xpuools. Also with
astragali, Pollux 9, rot 7d 9' dpridgecv
év darpa'yáNuv TXfÜec Kexpuypevwy vwd
Tüiy xepoiy pavrelay elye row aprlow 1)
kal wepirrav. Cp. Plato Lys. 499 B
hprlafov aorpayddos waprdd)ors.

72.]

In ceteris partibus vitae continentissimum fuisse constat 72
ac sine suspicione ullius vitii.

DIVUS AUGUSTUS.

137

Habitavit primo
His town

iuxta Romanum forum, supra scalas anularias, in houses,
domo quae Calvi oratoris fuerat; postea in Palatio, (1) near

ssed nihilo minus aedibus modicis Hortensianis, et

the Forum,
(2) on the

neque laxitate neque cultu conspicuis, ut in quibus Palatine.
porticus breves essent Albanarum columnarum, et

sine marmore ullo aut insigni pavimento conclavia.

per annos amplius quadraginta eodem cubiculo hieme et

72. supra scalas anularias. Mid-
dleton identifies these sca/ae (though
somewhat doubtfully) with a flight of
steps from the stova via on the Palatine
to the Forum. But in that case could
the house of Calvus be both z«x/a forum
and supra scalas? It seems to me more

robable that the house had along the
ront some ‘jewellers’ shops.’ Such
shops seem often to have been attached
to town houses [Cic. 447. 14, 9; Marq.
14, p. 291]. They were called scalae
from having an outside staircase which
could be closed. Cic. Pro Mil. § 40
in scalarum tenebras, id. 2 Phil. § 21 tn
scalas tabernae librariae, cp. Hor. Ep.
2, 2, 14. Sometimes the upper part of
the house was approached by these
scalae, Livy 39, 13 cenaculum super
aedem datum est, scalis ferentibus in pub-
licum obseratis, aditu in aedes verso.

Calvi. C. Licinius Calvus, the emi-
nent orator, b. B.C. 82, ob. B.C. 47.
See Pliny W. ZZ. 34 8 166; Cic. Bret.
$ 283: id. fam. 15, 21. Of his influence
with £udices, see Seneca Controv. 3, 19.

in Palatio. Dio 53, 16 xadetrac de
7a Bac(Xeua wardriov, ody Sri kal Edoté
wore oürws atra dvoudterOa, ddr’ Sri
& re T9 Tladarly 6 Kaioap Qi«ec kal éxet
7d orpariyyov elxe...kal dia ToUTo Kay
&AXo0l wou 6 avroxpdrwp karaXóp, Thy
rod Iladariou éwix\now KaTaywyh
abTroÜ texe. This house was assigned
him by a vote of the Senate in B.c. 36,
when he had already purchased a site
for building one. Thereupon he dedi-
cated his purchase to the public, build-
ing the temple of Apollo etc. on it [Dio
49, 15], and refused any other afterwards
[id. 54, 27]. After the fire in B.C. 2
the whole building was made public
property [id. 55, 12]. ‘It stood in a
noble position near the edge of the cliff
towards the Vallis Murcia and the
Circus Maximus, with a fine view of

the Aventine opposite' (Middleton).
Of its laurelled door-posts and gilded
shield and the inscription oó servatos
cives, see Ov. Zr. 3, 1, 33—48, M. A.

C. 34-

Hortensius. Q. Hortensius, the great
orator, friend and rival of Cicero, died
in B.C. 50 [Cic. fam. 8, 13]. The
splendour of his villas was notorious,
but the town house does not seem to
have been unusuallylarge or magnificent.
The Palace of Augustus, at any rate
after the rebuilding, included the con-
tiguous house of Catiline. Suet. de
Gramm. 17.

Albanarum columnarum. A volca-
nic stone from the quarries of the Alban
hills, a conglomerate of ashes, gravel,
and stone fragments; ‘harder than the
hardest kinds of tufa’ (Middleton); yet
Vitruvius [1t, 7] classes it among the
molles. Its nearness to the city made it
cheap.

insigni pavimento. The floors, whe-
ther tessellated or made up of various
slabs, were often of the richest marbles
[ pavimentum superbum Hor. Od. 2, 14,
27] See Hor. Ef. 1, 10, 19 Libyct
lapilli. Lacedaemonius orbis Tuv. 11,
173; Sen. £f. 86 eo deliciarum venimus
ut nisi gemmas calcare. nolimus. See
Becker’s Ga//us p. 370 sq. Marquardt
15, P- 274 Sqq- :

conclavia, a room or suite of rooms
locked with a key: a hed-room, Ter.
Haut. 902; a dining-room, Hor. Sat.
2, 6, 113.

eodem...hieme et aestate. The
luxurious had cubicula aestiva and hi-
berna, as Lucullus [Plut. Luc. c. 39]. So
also dining-rooms (¢ric/inza), see Varro
L. L. 7, 14, taque et hiberna triclinia
et aestiva facimus. id. R. R. 1, 13 ul
spectent sua aestiva tricliniaria ad frigus
orientis, hiberna ad solem occidentem.
See Pliny Ef. 2, 17 8 10 cubiculum

138 SUETONI [72—

aestate mansit, quamvis parum salubrem valitudini suae
urbem hieme experiretur assidueque in urbe hiemaret.
Si quando quid secreto aut sine interpellatione agere pro-
posuisset, erat illi locus in edito singularis, quem Syracusas
et rexyvojvov vocabat: huc transibat, aut in alicuius
libertorum suburbanum: aeger autem in domo
Maecenatis cubabat. Ex secessibus praecipue fre-
quentavit maritima insulasque Campaniae, aut proxima urbi
oppida, Lanuvium, Praeneste, Tibur, ubi etiam in porticibus
Herculis templi persaepe ius dixit. Ampla et operosa prae-
toria gravabatur. Et neptis quidem suae Iuliae, profuse ab ea
The extructa, etiam diruit ad solum, sua vero quamvis
omaments modica non tam statuarum tabularumque pictarum

His
villas.

cum prococtone altitudine aestivum, mu-
nimentis hibernum.

assidueque...hiemaret. As these
words stand they can only be ex-
plained as depending on guamuis,
‘though he found the city far from suit-
ing his health in winter, and though he
persistently wintered in town,’—in view
of which one would have expected him
to try a change of bedchamber. Grae-
vius took Azemaret as impersonal, *al-
though it was bad weather'; Erasmus
explained ‘though he suffered from the
winter. Baumg.-Crusius proposes a@ssz-
due in urbe hiemavit (?Aiemabat). For
experiretur cp. Horace Oves 4, 4, 3 ex-
pertus fidelem.

in edito, ‘at the top of the house’;
in conclavi edito Corn. Nep. Dion 9.
singularis, ‘to himself,’ ‘separate.’

Syracusas. No satisfactory explana-
tion has been given of why Augustus
called his lofty study ‘Syracuse.’ He
was at Syracuse in B.C. 21, which was
then ruinous and deserted [Ca/. 21],
and he may have found it so quiet
and retired (perhaps too living on the
high ground of Achradina) as to sug-
gest a suitable name. Such fanciful
names were often given to parts of a
house, so 'AuaAÓ8etor of a room or gym-
nasium in the house of Atticus, Cic. Aét.
I, 16.

T€Xvó$vov [al. rexvigioy dim. of
réxvn, cp. Texvvipcoy Suidas, and Plato
Rep. 475 E], ‘work-shop’ or ‘study.’

in domo Maecenatis, on the Esqui-
line, which was regarded as healthy,
Hor. S. 1, 18, 4 Esguiliis salubribus,
cp. 2, 6, 33. Suet. 776. 15 statin e

Carinis ac Pompeiana domo in hortos
Maecenalianos transmigravit totumque
se ad quietem contulit. Nevertheless
Maecenas himself is said never to have
slept for a whole hour in the last three
years of his life, Plin. JV. 4. 7 8 172.
Maecenas left Augustus his heir at his
death in B.c. 8 [Dio 54, 7].

ex secessibus, Iuv. 3, 4 zanua Baia-

rum est et gratum litus amoeni Secessus.

Donatus wet. Verg. 6 8 4 secessu Cam-
paniae Siciliaeque plurimum uteretur.
Suet. Ca/. 45 circum et theatra et amoe-
nos secessus. Tib. 11 Capriensi secessu.
Ner. 34 in secessu quiescere. td. 39
secessum. Campaniae petit.
insulas Campaniae: Careae [taken
by Augustus in exchange for Aenaria
Dio 52, 43]. Jenaria, Prochyta, Pan-
dataria, Megaris and Leucothea : c. 92.
Lanuvium, Praeneste. Strabo 5, 3,
11 & bye 8 elal rois év ‘Puy Tigovpá
re kai IIpalvecros...TiBovpa qv $j 7d
'HpáxAeiov, The two towns are classed
together as places for coolness :and
retirement by Horace, Od. 3, 4, 23 seu
mihi frigidum Praeneste seu Tibur
supinum Seu liquidae placuere Batae.
Praeneste was renowned for coolness and
healthiness, Flor. 1, 11, 7. 73óur nunc
suburbanum et aestivae Praeneste deliciae.
Tiberius recovered from a serious ill-
ness there [Aul Gell. 16, 13, 5]
Herculis, Mart. 1, 12, 1 ztur ad Her-
culeas gelidi qua Tiburis arces Canaque
sulbhureis Albula fumat aquts.
praetoria, ‘palaces in the country,’
Iuv. 1, 75 criminibus debent hortos
praetoria mensas. Stat. Silv. 1, 3, 25
alternas servant praetoria ripas.

73.] DIVUS AUGUSTUS.

ornatu, quam xystis et nemoribus excoluit rebus- ofhis
. ere . ouses.
que vetustate ac raritate notabilibus: qualia- sunt

139

Capreis immanium beluarum ferarumque membra prae-

grandia, quae dicuntur Gigantum ossa et arma Heroum.
Instrumenti eius et supellectilis parsimonia apparet etiam
nunc residuis lectis atque mensis, quorum pleraque vix
privatae elegantiae sint. Ne toro quidem cubuisse aiunt nisi
humili et modice instrato. Veste non temere alia quam
domestica usus est, ab sorore et uxore et filia neptibusque
confecta; togis neque restrictis neque fusis, clavo nec lato
nec angusto, calciamentis altiusculis, ut procerior quam erat

xystis, ‘terraces’ or ‘open walks,’
Pliny Ef. 2, 17, 7 ante cryptoporticum
xystus violis odoratus. wd. 5, 6, 16
ante porticum xystus in plurimas spectes
distinctus concisusque buxo. See p. 100.

nemoríbus. he femora may be
either plantations in the gardens or
within the courtyard of the house. Hor.
Od. 3, 10, 5 Audis quo strepitu ianua,
quo nerius Inter pulcra situm tecta re-
mupgiat.

beluarum, ‘whales’ or ‘sharks.’
Bones of whales might have been
brought to Italy from the coasts of the
North Sea; Hor. Od. 4, 14, 47 beluosus
qui remotis Obstrepit Oceanus Britannis.
Iuv. ro, 14 quanto delphinis ballaena
Britannica maior; but there is also
evidence that one or the other of these
sea-monsters was known in the Medi-
terranean, as at Tyre [Q. Curt. 4, 4],
off Mt Athos [Herod. 6, 44], on the
coast of Attica [Schol. on Aeschines zz
Ctes. 130; Plut. Phoc. 28] See also
Pliny NW. 4. 9 8 12 dalaenae et in nostra
maria penetrant,

73. instrumenti...supellectilis. The
former refers rather to all things needed
for daily household use, such as plate,
vestes stragulae, and utensils of all sorts,
the latter to the furniture of the rooms.
Columell. A. A. 12, 3 pracharatis idoneis
locis instrumentum et supellectilem dis-
tribuere coepimus.

non temere. See c. 16, p. 34.

veste...domestica, * common clothes
for the house,’ as opposed to the /oga,
the military, or the dinner dress, cp. Suet.
Vit.8 at iam vespere, subito a militibus e
cubiculo raptus, ita ut erat, in veste do-
mestica imperator est consalutatus.

ab sorore...confecta. Seec. 64 fam
et neptes ita instituit ut etiam lanificio

assuefaceret. The commonest indoor
dress was the /£w»ica, see Becker’s
Gallus, p. 476 sq. Of the cenatoria or
synthesis, the ‘dinner dress,’ see Mart.
Io, 87, 123 14, 135. Seplenaria syn-
thesis Sagunti, id. 4, 46,15. Suet. er.
51 circa cultum habitumque adeo puden-
dus ut Merumque synthesinam indutus
ligato circum collum sudario prodierit
in publicum sine cinctu et discalceatus.

restrictis...fusis, 'neither wrapped
closely round his body, nor allowed to
hang loose. Hor. £f. 1, 1, 96 si toga
dissidet impar. id. Sat. 1, 3, 31 rideri
possit eo quod Rusticius tonso toga defluit.
The wearing the /oga closely bip tm
was a sign of modesty in youth, Cic.
pro Cael. 8 11 nobis quidem olim annus
erat unus ad cohibendum brachium toga
constitutus.

clavo...angusto. The broad purple
stripe down the front of the /w»sica,
worn by Senators and certain of the
equites [p. 85], was either woven in
the material [Plin. V. ZZ. 8 8 193 nam
tunica lati clavi in modum gausapae
text nunc primum incipit], or sewed on
[Dig. 34, 2, 23 clavigue qui vestibus
insuuntur|. The ostentatious wore it
as broad as possible, Lucian Demon.
§ 41 liu 5é rwa r!v edbrapigwy éxl 79
ware. Tis woppipas uéya $poroüvra....
On the other hand some affected almost
to conceal it, Spart. Sever. 19 8 7 hic
tam exiguis vestibus usus est ut vix et
tunica eius aliquid purpurae haberet....
Lamprid. Alex. Sev. 33 purpurea non
magna ad usum revocavit suum. Mar-
quardt [15, p. 186) holds that the clavus
consisted of £&wo stripes in front of the
tunic, which perhaps also went down
the back.

calclamentis here=cakers. Caékia-

140 SUETONI

videretur.

[73—

Et forensia autem et calceos numquam non intra

cubiculum habuit ad subitos repentinosque casus parata.
Convivabatur assidue nec umquam nisi recta, non sine
His magno ordinum hominumque dilectu. Valerius Mes-

dinner
parties.

sala tradit, neminem umquam libertinorum adhibi-
tum ab eo caenae excepto Mena, sed asserto in

ingenuitatem post proditam Sexti Pompei classem. Ipse
scribit, invitasse se quendam, in cuius villa maneret, qui
speculator suus olim fuisset. Convivia nonnumquam et serius
inibat et maturius relinquebat, cum convivae et cenare in-

mentum is properly any covering to the
foot, even including slippers and sandals.
Cic. 5 Zwsc. 8 go mihi amictus est Scy-
thicum tegmen, calciamentum solorum
calium, cubile terra. altiusculis. Xen.
Cyrop. 8,18 41 xai yap 7a Vrod}para Tot-
adra Exovow év ols padora Aa0civ ÉcT.
kal óxoriÜepévovus T. wore Üokety. uel(ovs
elvac 7) clot.
c. 79. For the form (from compara-
tive altior, -tus) not in prose before
Pliny, see Roby Z. G. 364

forensia, opposed to the domestica
above. The toga (with perhaps the
penula and Jacerna) worn out of doors
in the forum or city. Caligula made
presents of forensia to men [Ca/. 17].
Alexander Severus (Lamprid. c. 42]
among the outfit of a provincial £raeses
gave vestes forenses binas.

calceos. In the house soZae, slippers,
would be worm; though they were
taken off by the slaves while the guests
reclined at table [Horace Sat. 2, 8, 75;
Ep. 1, 13, 15; Pliny E4. 9, 17; Mart.
3, 50, 3]. ad subitos...casus. While
Iulius was lying at table and the des-
perate state of the young Octavian was
announced to him, he éxrydnoas avuré-
dnros HKev EvOa évorndevero, Nic. Dam.
9; cp. Dio 43, 22 éwecdh ék rob Óclmvov
éyévovro És rc Thy éavroÜ ayopday éo7nrOe
Bratras vxroócüeuévos.

74. convivabatur, ‘he dined i in com-
pany,’ ‘he gave dinner parties.’ Cp.
Suet. Claud. 32 convivia agitavit et
ampla et assidua ac fere patentissimis
locts ut plerumque Sesceni semul discum-
Óerent. nisi recta, ‘at a regular cena,’
at which the guests lay at the tables,
opposed to the s2o7/u/a, Suet. Domit. 7
sportulas Publicas sustulit, revocata rect-
arum cenarum consuetudine: a reversal
of Nero's arrangement, under whom

Augustus was short, see |

publicae cenae ad sportulas redactae
[Suet. Mer. 16]; Mart. 8, 50, 10 promissa
est nobis sportula, recta data est. It was
also applied to private parties [Mart. 2,
69, 7; 7, 20, 2] as opposed to one at
which refreshments were served round, a
cena ambulans [Mart. 7, 58, 5].

Valerius Messala. M. Valerius
Messala, c. 58. Besides his work on the
civil war, Pliny refers to de Aomanis
Samilis, N. fH. 34 § 1373 35 $88.

Mena. Menas [whom Appian always
calls Mynvédwpos, but Dio, Mnvas], a
freedman of Pompey the Great [App.
B. civ. 5, 79], served under Sextus
Pompeius. In B.C. 38, being in com-
mand of the fleet at Corsica and at
Sardinia, he deserted to Augustus [Dio
48, 45; App. Z. civ. 5, 78]. In B.C. 36
he went back to Sext. Pompeius, but
later in the same year deserted once
more to Augustus [Dio 48, 54; 49, 1
Kaicap 0é wpocjkaro pév abrü» kal rére
ácuevéa rara, ob pévra kal érlarevoé Te
ér' air. App. B. civ. 5, 96, 100—
IO1]. He fell in B.C. 35 in the Pannonian
expedition [Dio 49, 37].

sed asserto in ingenuitatem. App.
B. civ. 5, 80 Mnvddwpdy re éA0óvTa
€AeUepov e000s dwrépnvev ée& admwedev-
0épov. He declared him freeborn, not
merely a freedman. Iustin. £z5s£. 1 tit. 4
cum autem ingenuus aliquis natus sit,
non officit ik in servitute fuisse. id.
novell. 78, 1 ex hac lege, qui libertatem
acceperit, habebit subsequens mox et
aureorum anulorum et regenerationis
ius.

ipse scribit, in his memoir, see c.
ror. speculator, see c. 27, p. 59; and
for the speculatores of the cohortes prae-
tortae see Wilmanns, 2866 nomina specu-
latorum qui in praetorio meo mihtave-
runt (Vespasian),

75.]

DIVUS AUGUSTUS.

I4I

ciperent prius quam ille discumberet, et permanerent digresso

eo.

Cenam ternis ferculis, aut cum abundantissime senis
praebebat, ut non nimio sumptu, ita summa comitate.

Nam

et ad communionem sermonis tacentis vel summissim fabu-
slantis provocabat, et aut acroamata et histriones aut etiam
triviales ex circo ludios interponebat ac frequentius areta-

logos.

Festos et sollemnes dies profusissime, nonnumquam tan-

tum ioculariter celebrabat.

Saturnalibus, et si His keep-

quando alias libuisset, modo munera dividebat, ing of

vestem et aurum et argentum, modo nummos om-

festivals.

nis notae, etiam veteres regios ac peregrinos, interdum nihil

ternis ferculis...senis, ‘courses’ (lit.
‘waiters’ or ‘trays,’ fero). Iuv. 1, 94
Quis totidem erexit villas, quis fercula
septem Secreto cenavit avus? For the
courses in order see Hor. Sat. 3, 8; and
passages quoted by Mayor on Iuv. Ac.
The three courses were (1) the gus/atzo,
(2) cena, (3) secunda mensa (dessert).
When there were to be six or more
courses this was secured by multiplying
(2) as prima, altera, tertia cena, and so
on [Marq. 14, p. 378 sq.].

acroama. he practise of having
a reader (anagnostes) at meals is fully
illustrated by Mayor on Iuv. 11, 180.
See especially Nepos 444/. 14 nemo in
convivio eius aliud acroama | audivit
quam anagnosten ; quod nos quidem iu-
cundissimumarbitramur; nequeunquam
sine aliqua lectione apud eum cenatum
est. Pliny Ef. 6, 31 adAibebamur
quotidie cenae; erat modica si principem
cogites; interdum axpoapata audiebamus,
interdum tucundissimts sermonibus nox
ducebatur. Other acroamata were the
strains of /ibicines and other musicians ;
see Macrob. 2, 4, 38 (of Augustus)
delectatus inter cenam symphoniacts To-
vonti Flacci mangonis. Marq. 14, p.
394 Sq.

histriones. Plutarch [Symfos. 7, 4]
speaks of ios at banquets. Their
introduction was not always liked, Pliny
Ep. 9, 17 quam multi, cum lector aut
lyristes aut comoedus inductus est, calceos
poscunt, aut non minore cum taedio
recubant, quam tu isa prodigia per-
pessus es? triviales ex circo ludios,
‘street performers from the circus.’
The circus was the haunt of idlers,
mountebanks and jugglers, astrologers
and the like. Horace [5a£. 1, 6, 113]

speaks of the fallacem circum. Cic. de
Div. 1 § 132 de circo astrologos. Among
ludios may be included dancers, Ov. A.
A. 1, 112 ludius aequatam ter pede pulsat
humum. Macrobius [.Sa4. 2, 1,9] speaks
of laetitia et docta cavillatio vic. m plani-
pedis et sabulonis impudica et praetextata
verba tacentis at supper.
aretalogos, ‘disputers,’ inferior fol-
lowers of Stoic and Cynic philosophy,
who made a kind of profession of con-
ducting arguments on virtue or the like.
Iuvenal [15, 16] speaks contemptuously
of the mendax aretalogus. Cp. Acro
on Hor. S. r, 1, 120 philosoph? cutus-
dam loquacissimi nomen qui apetadbyos
dictus est.
75. Saturnalibus, see on c. 71.
munera: for the presents given at
the Saturnalia see Mart. 5, 18
Quod tibi Decemóri mense, quo volant
mafpae
gractlesque ligulae cereique chartae-
gue
et acuta senibus testa cum Damas-
cents,
praeter. libellos vernulas nihil misi,
Jortasse avarus videar aut inhu-
manus.
Tiberius sent Claudius at the Saturnalia
quadraginla aureos in Saturnalia et
Sigellaria [Suet. Claud. 5). Vespasian
dabat sicut Saturnalibus viris apophoreta,
ita per Kal. Mart. feminis [Suet. Vesp.
19]. Iulius Bassus, charged with taking
bribes, affirmed sola se munuscula dum-
laxat natali suo aut Saturnalibus ac-
A et plerisque misisse [Pliny Zp. 4,
9, 37)
regios. Servius Tullius was credited
with the introduction of coined money,
and the earliest coins were said to have

76 municaretur.

142 SUETONI [75—

praeter cilicia et spongias et rutabula et forpices atque alia
id genus, titulis obscuris et ambiguis. Solebat et inaequa-
lissimarum rerum sortes et aversas tabularum pic-
turas in convivio venditare incertoque casu spem
mercantium vel frustrari vel explere, ita ut per
singulos lectos licitatio fieret et seu iactura seu lucrum com-
Cibi (nam ne haec quidem omiserim) minimi
erat atque vulgaris fere. Secundarium panem et pisciculos
minutos et caseum bubulum manu pressum et ficos virides
biferas maxime appetebat; vescebaturque et ante cenam
quocumque tempore et loco, quo stomachus desiderasset.
Verba ipsius ex epistolis sunt: Mos f» essedo panem et pal-

Blind
auctions.

had the figure of an ox, sheep or swine — st/sguts et pane secundo. — Iuv. 5, 70 sed

impressed on them [Plut. Fopltc. 11;
Quaest. R. 41]. If any such existed in
the time of Augustus they would be
reckoned as belonging to the regal

riod. The earliest as of the republic

as the prow of a ship on the reverse,
and the head of a god on the other side.
Ramsay Kom. Ant. p. 465.

cllicia, rough cloth or tenting, made
of goat’s hair [Verg. G. 3, 311]. Pliny
IN. H. 6 8 143 Chaldacorum Scenitae...
a tabernaculis cognominati quae ciliciis
metantur. For its use in the cam
see Livy 38, 7, the Ambracians bloc
up the mine nunc cilictis praetentis
nunc foribus raptim obiectis. Veget. 4,6
saga ciliciaque tenduntur quae impetum
excipiant sagittarum.

spongias, used for cleaning the tables,
Mart. 14, 144 haec tibi forte datur
tergendis spongia mensis. See also c.
8

rutabula et forpices ( /or/ex), ‘pokers
and tongs.’ Commentators perceive an
obscene meaning in all these presents:
see Festus s.v. rutabulum.

inaeq ...Bortes: a lot-
tery at which the guests bid without
knowing what they were buying. Lam-
prid. Heltogob. 22 sortes sane convivales
scriptas in coclearibus habuit tales ut
alius exterit ‘decem camelos, alius *decem
nuscas, alius *decem libras auri,’ alius
‘decem plumbi, alius ‘decem strutiones,
alius *decem ova pullina,’ ut vere sortes
essent et fata temptarentur.

76. secundarium panem, 'inferior
bread,’ not of the finest meal (si/igo).
Our millers still speak of ‘seconds’ in
this sense. Cp. Hor. Ef. 2, 1 vivit

tener et niveus mollique siligine factus
servatus domino. Such inferior bread
was called pants cibarius [Cic. Zwsc. 5
8 97]; sordidus [Suet. Ner. 48]; Plaut.
As. 142); rusticus [Plin. NV. 7. 198168].
Marq. r5, p. 41.
isciculos minutos. Ter. Andr. 369

holera et pisciculos minutos ferre obolo
in cenam seni. Small and common
fish in opposition to the costly fish
which were so much the rage at Rome
see Marq. 15, p. 56 sq.

caseum bubulum...pressum. Colum.
7, 12 slla vero notissima est ratio fact-
undi casei, quem dicimus manu pressum.
Namque is paullum gelatus in mulctra
dum est tepefactus, rescinditur, et fer-
vente aqua perfusus vel manu figuratus
vel buxeis formis exprimitur. — Verg.
Ecl. 1,81 pressi copia lactis. It appears
to mean fresh cream cheese as opposed
to cheese brought e.g. from the Graian
Alps [Vafwsicus, Plin. N. Z. 11 $ 340],
or the smoked cheese caseus fumosus,
Mart. 13, 32. It was eaten at the
tentaculum, Mart. 13, 31 sé sine carne
voles tentacula sumere frugi, Haec tibi
Vestino de grege massa venit.

biferas, ‘fresh late figs,’ or ‘figs of
the second crop.’ Plin. NV. ZZ. 16 § 113
ficus et praecoces habet quas Athenis pro-
dromos vocant. In Lacomico genere
maxume sunt et biferae in tisdem.

quocumque. Claud. 33 cibi vinique
quocumque et tempore et loco appetentis-
sinus.

essedo. The essedum, originally a
Gaulish war chariot [esseda Belgica
Verg. G. 3, 204], was the name for a
travelling carriage, especially of officials,

77-]

mulas gustavimus.

DIVUS AUGUSTUS.

143

Et iterum: Dum lectica ex regia
domum redeo, panis unciam cum paucis acinis uvae

Letters to
Tiberius.

duracinae comedi. Et rursus: Ne Judaeus quidem, mi

Tiberi, tam diligenter sabbatis ieiunium servat quam ego hodie

s Servavi, qui in balineo demum post horam primam noctis duas

bucceas manducavi prius quam ungui inciperem.
observantia nonnumquam vel ante initum vel post

Ex hac in-

His

dimissum convivium solus cenitabat, cum pleno abstemi-

convivio nihil tangeret.
10 Cissimus erat.

Vini quoque natura par-
Non amplius ter bibere eum solitum super

ousness.

cenam in castris apud Mutinam, Cornelius Nepos tradit.

while the reda was a large coach or
brake for baggage and family. Cic.
2 Phil. 8 58 vehebatur in essedo tribunus
plebis etc. id. Att. 6, 1 8 25 Aic Vedius
venit mihi obviam cum duobus essedis et
reda equis iuncta et lectica et familia
magna.

ex regia. Seec. 31, p. 70.

cum...acinis uvae duracinae, ‘with
a few dried raisins’ (‘berries of hard-
berried grape’). Mart. 13, 22 son
habilis cyathis et inutilis uva Lyaeo,
Sed non potanti me libi nectar ero.
Cato AR. R. 7 § 2 quas suspendas dura-
cinas...pro passis eae rece servantur.
Augustus was taking his sentaculum,
cp. Vopisc. Zac. 11 panem nisi siccum
nunquam comedit.

sabbatis ieiunium. The mistaken
notion of the Jewish sabbath as a fast is
referred to. See Schürer History of
Israel, vol. 1, p. 322 (Engl. Tr.). Petron.
Jr. 37 Judaeus...exemptus populo Gratias
migrabit ad urbes, Et non ieiuna sabbata
lege tremet. — lustin. 36, 2, 14 Moyses...
septimum diem more gentis Sabbata ap-
pellatum in omne aevum ieiunio sacravit.
It was supposed that, as all business was
* omitted on the seventh day [Hor. S. t,
9, 69; Iuv. 14, 106], it was observed
also as a fast; or, as the Jews were
known to keep certain fasts, saddata
was applied to them and to festivals
indifferently, as the word most familiar
in connexion with Jews. Thus recutita
sabbata [Pers. 5, 184] stands for the
whole Jewish superstition. servat. Iuv.
14, 101 Judaicum ediscunt et. servant
et metuunt tus, where see Mayor's
note.

post horam...noctis, ‘after six in the
evening.’ The usual hour for the bath
was the 8th or oth (2 to 3 p.m.). Pliny

Ep. 3, 1, 8 ubi hora balnei nuntiata
est,—est autem hieme nona, aestate oc-
tava. Cic. ad Att. 13, 32 inde ambu-
lavit in litore. Post horam vil in
balneum. Spart. Hadr. 22 ante octavam
horam in publico neminem nisi aegrum
lavari passus est. But from noon to
evening many went at various hours.
Vitruv. 5, 10, I maxime tempus lavandi
a meridiano ad vesperum est constitutum.
Cp. Iuv. 11, 204 tam nunc in balnea
Salva Fronte licet vadas, quamquam
solida hora supersit Ad sextam. Busy
people would go late, Mart. 3, 36 /assus
ut in thermas decima vel serius hora
Te sequar. Cp. 10, 70, 13. To go to
the bath after the ceva, in search of a
second appetite, was considered an excess
and unhealthy. Iuv. 1, 143; Persius
3, 97 Sq.; Cie: pro Dei. § 21; Petronius
72 quare non vivamus?...coniciamus nos
in balneum.

bucceas, ‘mouthfuls,’ seems to be a
word coined by Augustus.

The w»ctorium was a regular
adjunct to the bath [Pliny £. 2, 17, 11
adiacet unctorium, hypocauston...), and
a slave as unctor is often mentioned,
C. 7. L. 6, 4336, 4479 etc., see Marq.
14, p. 171. The snctorium was also
sometimes a place of exercise or fa-
laestra. The anointing preceded the
hot bath [Hor. .S. 1, 6, 123].
inobservantia, ‘carelessness’ about
his food. It is not in prae-Augustan
prose. Cp. Quint. 4, 2, 10 quae ne
fecisse inobservantia quadam videatur
4n Partitionibus praecipit.

77. Cornelius Nepos tradit. To
which of the writings of Nepos he refers
does not ld a We hear of Chrontca
[Ausonius £fist. 16; Catull. 1, 5—7];
Exempla (Gell. 6, 18, 11]; de viris 4-

144

SUETONI

[77—

Postea quotiens largissime se invitaret, senos sextantes non

excessit, aut si excessisset, reiciebat.

Et maxime delectatus

est Raetico, neque temere interdiu bibit. Pro potione sumebat
perfusum aqua frigida panem, aut cucumeris frustum vel lactu-

culae thyrsum, aut recens aridumve pomum suci vinosioris.
Post cibum meridianum, ita ut vestitus calciatusque erat,
retectis pedibus paulisper conquiescebat, opposita

His
study. ad oculos manu.

bratoriam recipiebat ;

lustribus [Gell. 11,8, 1]; and besides the
biographies which we possess, lives of M.
Cato [Nep. Caf. 3, 5], of Cicero [Gell.
I5, 28, 1]; a work on geography [Plin.
A. H. 2 8 169]; poems [Plin. E^. 5, 3,
6]; de historicis latinis [Nep. Dron 3,
2] Hewas a friend of Cicero [Cic. A/.
16, 14 ; Suet. 7:4. 55] and was an auditor
of one at least of his speeches [i.e. pro
Cornelio; Hieronymus c. Joan. Hiero-
solym. c. 12]. He died during the reign
of Augustus [Pliny W. H. 9 § 136].

se invitaret, ‘indulged himeelf.’
Plautus Amph. 1, 1, 127 invitavit plus-
culum hic sein prandio. Sallust fr. ap.
Non. 219 [ed. Dietsch. 77zs£. 4, 4] et re-
vorst postero die multa, quae properantes
deseruerant tn castris nactt, cum se ibi
cibo vinoque laeti invitarent.

senos sextantes. The sextarius (about
a pint) was divided like the as into 12
unciae or cyathi. Therefore the sexfans
= 2 cyathi, and six of these would amount
to one pint.

reiciebat, ‘he used to throw up,’ i.e.
he took an emetic, a practice commonly
recommended by physicians of the time ;
Celsus 2, 3. See Munro on Catullus,
P. 92. Cic. Att. 13, 52; pro Detot. § 21
(where Caesar’s vomiting after the cena
is mentioned as a natural thing) ; 2 PAz/.
8 75; Mart. 2, 89, 5. The consuetudo
vomitandt enabled Vitellius [c. 13] to
indulge in repeated banquets and po-
tations, but this was the abuse of the
practice, see Pliny V. 77. 29, 27, who
numbers it among the things which 7er-
didere imperi mores.

Raeticum, wine from the vineyards
near Verona. Pliny W. Z. 14 8 67 in
Verontensi item Raetica Falernis tan-
tum postlata a Vergilio. Verg. G. 2,
96 et quo te carmine dicam, Raetica?
nec cellis ideo. contende Falernis. Ac-
cording to Pliny [.N. ZZ. 14 8 61] the
favourite wine of Augustus was Setinum
(from vineyards near Forum Appii);

A cena in lecticulam se lucu-

ibi, donec residua diurni actus

but this seems to have been on medici-
nal grounds. His habit, when dining
with strangers, was to drink whatever
was provided without making any ob-
servation, 76. 8 72.

interdiu, that is, apparently, before
the cena.

thyrsus, ‘the stalk’ (i.e. not the outer
leaves). Servius ad Verg. Aen. 12, 413
caulem autem medium fruticae qui vulgo
Odpoos dicitur. Plin. NM. H. 13, 71 (of
the papyrus) i» gracilitatem fastigatus
thyrsi modo cacumen includens. td. 19,
129 thyrsi vel folia lactucarum; id.
8 146 (asparagus) viret thyrso primum
emicante.

78. post cibum meridianum, after
the Prasndium or lunch; the proper hour
for which was the sixth, Mart. 4, 8
sexta quies lassis. Cp. Suet. Claud. 34
meridie dimisso ad prandium populo.
It was usually a light meal. Seneca Z5.
8 pants deinde siccus et sine mensa pran-
dium, post quod non sunt lavande
manus. Cf. Hor. S. 1, 6, 127; but
dissipated persons drank freely at it. So
Tacitus [4»t&. 14, 2] says of Nero matio
die cum id temporis per vinum et epulas
incalesceret. And some began even
earlier; Cicero says of Antony [2 PAZ.
8 104] ab hora tertia bibebatur, cp. in
Pis. 8 13; Horace on his journey stops
at the fourth hour for prandtum |.Sat. 1,
5,23]. Marq. t4, p. 314.

lecti. properly a small sedan
(/ectrca), is here the day couch used
in the study, as opposed to the ‘bed’
lectus below. The usual word however
is Jectulus [Ov. Zr. 1, 11, 37; Hor. Sat.
I, 4, 133].

lucubratoriam, for study by candle-
light. Pliny £2. 3, 5, 8 ducubrare Vul-
canalibus incipiebat. Cic. par. proem.
5 opusculum lucubratum his iam con-
tractioribus noctibus. id. fam. 9, 2 perire
lucubrationem meam nolui, But the ad-
jective does not seem to occur elsewhere.

78.] DIVUS AUGUSTUS. 145

aut omnia aut ex maxima parte conficeret, ad multam noc-
tem permanebat. In lectum inde transgressus, non amplius
cum plurimum quam septem horas dormiebat, ac ne eas
quidem continuas, sed ut in illo temporis spatio ter aut
quater expergisceretur. Si interruptum somnum reciperare,
ut evenit, non posset, lectoribus aut fabulatoribus arcessitis
resumebat, producebatque ultra primam saepe lucem. Nec
in tenebris vigilavit umquam nisi assidente aliquo. Matutina
vigilia offendebatur; ac si vel officii vel sacri causa ma-
turius evigilandum esset, ne id contra commodum faceret,
in proximo cuiuscumque domesticorum cenaculo manebat.
Sic quoque saepe indigens somni, et dum per vicos depor-
taretur et deposita lectica inter aliquas moras condormiebat.

residua diurni actus, *what remained
over of the business of the day,’ speci-
ally of a legal nature, see c. 32. con-
ficeret, ‘put together.’ He refers, it
seems, to making notes or memoranda,
—such business as could be done in the
study without the presence of parties con-
cerned; orto keeping up the rationarium
imperi mentioned in c. 28. For the
word cp. Jul. 20 instituit ut tam senatus
quam populi diurna acta confierent. For
donec in secondary clause with imp.
subj. cp. cc. 17, 48. In purely histori-
cal sense with indic. c. 16.

fabulatoribus, 'story-tellers,' such as
Sir W. Temple tells of in Ireland: ‘when
*he was abroad in the mountains, and
‘lay very ill a-nights so as he could not
‘well sleep, they would bring him one
‘of their Za/e-fe//ers, that when he lay
‘down would begin a story...and con-
‘tinue all night long in such an even
‘tone that you heard it going on when-
‘ever you waked, and he believed no-
‘thing any physicians could give could
‘have so good and so innocent effect to
‘make men sleep.’ In a non-professional
sense of a graceful detailer of anecdotes,
see Sen. Zp. 122 Pedonem Albinovanum
narrantem audteramus, erat autem fabu-

lator elegantissimus etc.

offücil. Some public men began the -
business of the day before daylight.
Thus Vespasian gave audiences and
made business arrangements at that
time. Pliny Zp. 3, 5 § 9 ante lucem
tbat ad Vespasianum imperatorem, nam
tlle quoque noctibus utebatur, inde ad
delegatum offictum. Cp. 10. 12 § 2
officia antelucana.

sacri. Not only were nocturnal visits
to the temples necessary in certain cases
[see c. 94, Nic. Dam. 5], but auspices
were taken immediately after midnight
by the magistrate who was to preside at
elections, or on the day that any public
business was to be begun, Gell. 3, 2, 10.
[Sacra sunt enim Romana partim
diurna, alia nocturna, Macrob. 1, 3. 6.]

condormiebat, ‘used to fall fast
asleep.’ Iuv. 3, 241 atque obiter leget,
aut scribet, vel dormiet intus; Namque
factt somnum clausa lectica fenestra.
The word is rare, cp. Capit. Verus 4
8 8 in foro conviviali condormitens ita ut
levatus cum stromatibus in cubiculum
perferretur. Plautus has condormusco,
Curc. 2, 3, 81, with perf. condormivi,
Most. 2, 7, 55.

SUETONI

146 [79—

Forma fuit eximia et per omnes aetatis gradus venustis-
sima ; quamquam et omnis lenocinii neglegens et in
capite comendo tam incuriosus, ut raptim compluribus
simul tonsoribus operam daret, ac modo tonderet
modo raderet barbam, eoque ipso tempore aut legeret aliquid
aut etiam scriberet. Vultu erat vel in sermone vel tacitus
adeo tranquillo serenoque, ut quidam e primoribus Galliarum
confessus sit inter suos, eo se inhibitum ac remollitum, quo
minus, ut destinarat, in transitu Alpium per simulationem

Personal

appear-
ance.

conloquii propius admissus in praecipitium propelleret.
His Oculos habuit claros ac nitidos, quibus etiam existi-
bright mari volebat inesse quiddam divini vigoris, gaude-
eyes.

batque, si qui sibi acrius contuenti quasi ad fulgorem
solis vultum summitteret ; sed in senecta sinistro minus vidit ;
dentes raros et exiguos et scabros; capillum leviter inflexum
et subflavum ; supercilia coniuncta; mediocres aures; nasum

T9. venustissima, ‘exceedingly grace-
ful.’ Nero [c. 51] was veltu pulchro
"apis quam venusto.

modo tonderet...modo raderet. /oz-
dere *to clip! asopposedtoshaving. Verg.
Ecl. 1, 29. The fashion of shaving the
beard lasted from about B.C. 300 (Gell.
3, 4] till the time of Hadrian [Spart.
Had». 26], though certain young dandies
wore a small beard [hence darédatuli in
Cic. ad Att, 1, 14]. In spite of Dio 48,
34 coins shew that Augustus sometimes
wore a short beard till after B.C. 37.
Eckhel 6, 76. Mayor on Iuv. 16,
31, Pliny AN. AZ. 7 8 211 Le Jtaliam
ex Sicilia (lonsores) venere p. w. c.
CCCCLIV adducente P. Titinio Mena, ul
auctor est Varro. primus omnium radi
cotidie instituit Africanus sequens, divus
Augustus cultris semper usus est.

praecipitium, a late word. See Lac-
tant. inst. div. 6, 17 aut per confragosa
vexabitur aut per praectpitia labetur.

oculos...divini vigoris. Iulian laughs

at this vanity ot Augustus, Conviv.
Caes. 309 B, dvlero 3’ av&s els ’Adpo-
dirny kal Xápvras, elval re FOede rads
BoXàs Trav dupdrwr owotbs éorw 6 péyas
"HXos* ovdéva ydp ol ray wdvrwv ár7i-
Brérew j£lov. Perhaps Vergil meant
his description of Aeneas to convey a
compliment to Augustus on the same
point [Aen. 1, 593] namque tp~sa deco-
ram Caesariem nato genetrix, lumenque
tuventae Purpureum, et laetos. oculis
adflarat honores. See Servius on Aen,
8, 689. Pliny givesa less complimentary
motive for his being anxious that people
should not look into his eyes. JV. ZZ. 11,
§ 143 divo Augusto equorum modo glauci
fuere (oculi) superque hominem albicantis
magnitudinis : quam ob causam diligen-
tius 5bectari eos tracunde ferebat. See
also Aurel. Victor Zfit. 1.

scabros, ‘decayed,’ or ‘ covered with
tartar.’ Ovid Met. 8, 802 scabri rubi-
gine dentes (al. fauces).

s commoditate et aequitate membrorum occuleretur,

DIVUS AUGUSTUS.

80. | 147

et a summo eminentiorem et ab imo deductiorem ; colorem
inter aquilum candidumque; staturam brevem (quam
tamen Iulius Marathus, libertus et a memoria eius,
quinque pedum et dodrantis fuisse tradit), sed quae

His
height.

ut non-

nisi ex comparatione astantis alicuius procerioris intellegi

posset. Corpore traditur maculoso, dispersis per pectus atque 80

alvum genetivis notis in modum et ordinem ac nume-

rum stellarum caelestis ursae, sed et callis quibusdam, M ritas
ex prurigine corporis adsiduoque et vehementi stri-

gilis usu plurifariam concretis ad impetiginis formam. Coxen-
dice et femore et crure sinistro non perinde valebat, ut saepe
etiam inclaudicaret; sed remedio harenarum atque harundinum
confirmabatur. Dextrae quoque manus digitum salutarem tam
imbecillum interdum sentiebat, ut torpentem contractumque
frigore vix cornei circuli supplemento scripturae admoveret.

aquilum, ‘dark.’ Plaut. Poe. 5, 2, fuit. Tac. Agr. 10 me ventis quidem

152 «latura haud magna corpore aquilo
est. HA. [psa ea est. MI. specie ve-
musta, ore aique oculis pernigris.

Tulius Marathus, c. 94. Probably a
Greek-speaking Syrian. a memoria,
‘secretary,’ ‘keeper of records, like
a manu, a commentariis, a studiis, etc.
Augustus composed in honour of Drusus
vitae memoriam rosa oratione [Suet.
Claud. 1}; Marathus may have served
him in this. [e a memoria is the emen-
dation of Lipsius for efiam memoriam.]

quinque pedum et dodrantis, 5 ft.
9 inches. But as the Roman foot was
slightly less than the English (‘97 ft.
Eng.) Augustus would be rather under
five feet seven inches (5 ft. 6°93 in. Eng.).

80. The slave accom-
panied his master to the bath with a
cista containing strigules, ampulla (of
oil), aabastrum (box of unguents), and
other necessaries of the toilet. The
curved strigil (s/rZzmgo) made of metal,
bone or wood, was used for scraping the
body after thebath. Iuv. 3, 263. Many
have been preserved, see Rich, Compan.
to Dict. of Ant.

non perinde, ‘not as well as with
the right,’ or ‘not very well’ (the idea of
comparison almost vanishing). Cp. Suet.
Tih. 52 itaque ne mortuo quidem perinde
adfectus est, sed tantum... Gell. 13
quare adventus eius. non perinde gratus

perinde attolli (mare).

remedio harenarum atque harun-
dinum. This is explained to mean an
application of * warm sand and pounded
reeds,’ used as a fomentation. Gell. r9,
8 cum liberatum esse se aquae intercutis
morbo diceret, quod arenis calentibus
esset usus. Symmach. £f. 8, 45 humor
noxius articulis tllapsus etiam nunc me
tenet lectulo et vix litorali siccitate tenu-
atur. Pliny N. 47. 24 8 87 volgaris
harundo extractoriam vim habet et
recens. tunsa... medetur. et luxatis et
spinae doloribus radix in aceto inlita..
It is true that Gellius 7. c. gives it as the
rule of Antonius Iulianus and Caesar
that Aarena could not correctly be used
in the plural; but the discussion shows
that the rule was often broken, espe-
cially in medical language. However
Baumg. -Crusius reads habenarum atque
arundinum, and explains it to mean a
kind of medical bandage or truss. Of
wounds received by Augustus which
might have caused this weakness, see
c. 20.

digitum salutarem, ‘the first,’ or
‘index finger.’ Various explanations
have been given of the term, such as,
that it was used to indicate silence and
caution. But the most probable seems
that which connects it with sa/u/o, as
used in salutations.

10—2

148 SUETONI [80—

Questus est et de vesica, cuius dolore calculis demum per
urinam eiectis levabatur.

Graves et periculosas valitudines per omnem vitam aliquot
His expertus est; praecipue Cantabria domita, cum etiam
severe distillationibus iocinere vitiato ad desperationem
illnesses.

redactus contrariam et ancipitem rationem medendi
necessario subiit: quia calida fomenta non proderant, frigidis
curari coactus auctore Antonio Musa.

Quasdam et anniversarias ac tempore certo recurrentes
experiebatur; nam sub natalem suum plerumque languebat;
et initio veris praecordiorum inflatione temptabatur, austrinis
autem tempestatibus gravedine. Quare quassato corpore,
neque frigora neque aestus facile tolerabat. Hieme quaternis
Dres ang CUM pingui toga tunicis et subucula et thorace laneo
mode of et feminalibus et tibialibus muniebatur, aestate aper-
travelling. tis cubiculi foribus, ac saepe in peristylo saliente

aqua atque etiam ventilante aliquo cubabat.

dolore...levabatur. Cp. 775. 72 /an-
guore paullum levatus.

81. valitudines. The illnesses of
Augustus have been already noticed.
See pp. 15, 20, 26, 61. For Antonius
Musa and his treatment see c. 59.

cum subiit, ‘the occasion on which
he submitted to.” The perf. ind. with
cum referring to a particular time, cp.
c. 28 cum rationarium imperi tradidit.

sub natalem suum, 23 September.
See p. 9.

praecordiorum. Pliny W. 77. 11 8 197
exta homini ab inferiore viscerum parte
separantur membrana, quam praecordia
appellant, quia cordi praetenditur, quod
Graeci appellaverunt ppévas, * midriff.’

gravedine, ‘a cold,’ ‘a catarrh.'
Catull. 44, 13 Ac me gravedo frigida et
frequens tussis quassavit.

82. pingui toga, ‘thick and coarse.’
Mart. 6, 11, 7 me pinguis Gallia vestit.
id. 4, 19; Iuv. 9, 28 pingues lacernas,
munimenta togae.

subucula, an inner tunic (‘unica in-
terior), is a shirt worn under the fusca.
Varro de vita P. KR. ap. Non. 542
postquam binas tunicas habere coeperunt
instituerunt vocare subuculam et intu-
sium. Hor. £5. 1, 1,95 st forte subucula
pexae Trita subest tunicae. Plaut. 44.
4» 4, 20 ne inter tunicas habeas. Becker's
Gallus, p. 416, Marg. 15, p. 192.

et thorace laneo. This is the emen-

Solis vero ne

dation of Beroaldus for suduculae tho-
race laneo. The thorax as a separate
article of dress is mentioned in Iuv. 5,
143-

feminalibus et tibialibus, woollen
wrappers (/asciae) for the thighs and
legs, generally only worn by invalids.
Hor. Sat. 2, 3, 254 ponas insignia
(morbi, fasciolas, cubital, focalia. Petron.
40 fasciis cruralibus alligatus. Cic. Alt.
2, 3 (of Pompey) caligae etus et fasciae
eretatae non placebant. Val. Max. 6, 2,
7 (Pompeio) candida fascia crus alhi-
gatum habenti. Quint. 11, 3 palliolum
sicut fascias quibus crura vestiuntur...
sola excusare potest valetudo.

in peristylo (collat. form with ferz-
stylio). The bedrooms would open into
the peristylium. saliente aqua, a foun-
tain in the garden of the atrium. Cp.
Statius Sz/v. 1,3, 36 an picturata lucentia
"marmora vena Mirer, an emissas per
cuncta. cubilia lymphas? id. 1, 2, 154
excludunt radios siluis demissa vetustis
Frigora, perspicui vivunt in marmore
fontes.

ventilante. The use of fans was
ancient, though usually confined to wo-
men. Ter. Eun. 595 cape hoc flabellum
et ventulum huic sic facito dum lavamur.
Mart. 3, 82, 10 et aestuanti tenue venti-
lat frigus Supina prasino concubina
Jffabello. Propert. 3, 18, 11 pavonis
caudae flabella superbi. Anthol. 11, 101

83.] DIVUS AUGUSTUS. 149

hiberni quidem patiens, domi quoque nonnisi petasatus sub
divo spatiabatur. Itinera lectica et noctibus fere, eaque lenta
ac minuta faciebat, ut Praeneste vel Tibur biduo procederet;
ac si quo pervenire mari posset, potius navigabat. Verum
tantam infirmitatem magna cura tuebatur, in primis lavandi
raritate (unguebatur enim saepius) Aut sudabat ad flam-
mam, deinde perfundebatur egelida aqua vel sole multo
tepefacta; aut quotiens nervorum causa marinis albulisque
calidis utendum esset, contentus hoc erat ut insidens ligneo

solio, quod ipse Hispanico verbo duretam vocabat, manus
A

ac pedes alternis iactaret.

Exercitationes campestres equorum et armorum statim 83

purl{wv év Ürvos Anwfrpus "Apremdwpay
Thy ANerriy, éx TOO Swyaros é£éBaXer.

petasatus, ‘ wearing a broad-brimmed
hat. Plaut. Amph. prol. 143—5; 1, I,
290: It was used generally in travelling.

he young man in Plautus [Pseud. 2, 4,
45] who has to dress up to represent a
new arrival says, e/1az opust chlamyde
et machaera et petaso. Cicero [ fa. 15,
17] says of the ¢adellariz, who come to
him ready to start, fetasati | veniunt.

minuta, ‘in short stages. Praeneste
vel Tibur. Seec. 72. Tibur is about
18 miles, Praeneste about 21 miles from
Rome.

lavandi raritate. The constant use
of hot baths was reckoned bad for the
health, especially to those subject to
fever, and after eating, Pers. 3, go—102.
Vopisc. Zac. 11 balneis raro usus est
atque validior fuit in senectute.

unguebatur. Seec. 76.

sudabat ad flammam, that is, ap-
parently, he did not go into the ca/-
darium, but heated himself at an oe
fire, or stove in the /epidarium or else-
where. The sudatorium on the other
hand was heated by air, Sen. Ef. 51 § 6
quid cum sudatorüs, in quae siccus vapor
corpora exhausurus includitur? egelida,
‘lukewarm.’ Catull. 46, 1 ia; ver egeli-
dos refert tepores. In the uécos olkos or
tepidarium even the oil was to be warm
[ró éAaw» Eorw xrapiy Galen Meth.
Med. 724].

albulis calidis, ‘warm sulphur baths,’
at the sulphur springs (4/óulae aquae)
between Rome and Tibur. Mart. 1,12
Jtur ad Herculeas gelidi qua Tiburis
arces, Canaque sulphureis Albula fumat
aquis. Strabo (5, 3, D] talks of the
waters as ‘cold,’ xal rà " AMgovAa kaAoU-

peva pet bara, y/vxpà [? xdepd.] ex oXA Gy
wryywv Tpós $owlXas vósovs kal lvovot
kal éykaÜ"nuévow bywewá: but in fact
they are lukewarm, Pliny W. 4. 3 $ 10
iuxta Komam Albulae aquae volneribus
medentur egelidae. Thermae were built
on them, and the waters are still used
for medical purposes in the same way.
The sulphurous lakes drain into the
Anio by a small stream which is some-
times called A/bula, see Stat. ziv. 1,
3, 75 tlic sulphureos cupit Albula mer-
gere crines.

solio, ‘a bathing tub,’ see Strabo 4. c.
éyka0npgévoss. Pliny [.N. Z. 33 § 152]
speaks of sola argentea among the
luxuries of some women. Festus s. v.
solia : a/ve quoque lavandi gratia insti-
tuti, quo singulz descendunt, solía dicun-
tur,quae a sedendo potius dicta videntur,
quam a solo. ;

alternis, ‘alternately.’ Common in
poetry (especially Lucretius), and in
prose from Livy onwards, but not so
used in Cicero.

83. exercitationes campestres. The
exercises on the Campus Martius de-
tailed by Horace Odes 1, 8. Cp. Ovid
Tr. 3, 12, 19

usus equi nunc est, levibus nunc Iudi-

tur armis,
nunc pila, nunc celeri volvitur orbe
trochus ;

nunc, ubi perfusa est oleo labente,

tuventus
defessos artus Virgine tinguit aqua.
Strabo 5, 3, 8 Kal yap rà uéyeÜos ToU
vreólov Üavuacróv d da, kai ras d.pua.r 0d po-
plas kal rip a&dAnv iwraclay axwdurov
wapéxov ré roroiro TARE Tav 0 alpg

kai kplkw kal wadalorpe "yvuvatouérvov.

150 SUETONI [83—

post civilia bella omisit et ad pilam primo folliculumque
Exercise thansiit, mox nihil aliud quam vectabatur et deam-
andamuse- bulabat, ita ut in extremis spatiis subsultim decur-
ments. reret, segestria vel lodicula involutus. Animi laxandi
causa modo piscabatur hamo, modo talis aut ocellatis nuci-
busque ludebat cum pueris minutis, quos facie et garrulitate
amabilis undique conquirebat, praecipue Mauros et Syros.
Nam pumilos atque distortos et omnis generis eiusdem, ut

ludibria naturae malique ominis abhorrebat. _
Eloquentiam studiaque liberalia ab aetate prima et cupide

et laboriosissime exercuit.
mole rerum et legisse et scripsisse et declamasse
Nam deinceps neque in senatu

Study of
elocution. rd .
cotidie traditur.

pilam...folliculum, Mart. 14, 45—47.
Becker's Gallus, p. 398 sq. The large
inflated ball (fo//1s) is said to have been
introduced by a gymnast for Pompey,
see Athenaeus 14 F. The word 2:/a in-
cludes all sorts of balls, and the games
were played either (1) by simply throw-
ing and catching the balls under various
conditions ; or (2) by throwing the ball
against a wall and striking it back like
our Fives [expulsim ludere, Nonius p.
104]. The game of /ollis was like
football, only that the hand is used
instead of the foot, see Rich, Comp.
5. 7. Marq. 15, p. 516.

deambulabat, ‘he took walks.’ The
compound verb is generally used when
the notion is not merely of walking as
opposed to sitting, running etc., but
of walking for exercise. See Terence,
Haut. 5838 abi deambulatum. Cic. de
leg. 1 8 14 cum satis deambulatum erit
quiescemus, cp. de Or. 2 8 256. But
Pliny £p. 3, 1 8 4 mane lectulo conti-
netur, hora secunda calceos poscit, am-
bulat milia passuum tria.

segestria, a carriage rug, Varro Z. Z.
5 § 166 qui lecticam involvebant, quod
fere stramenta erant e segete, segestriam
appellarunt. lodicula is much the same.
It was made of wool [Mart. 14, 152]
and was used as a coverlet for a bed
[Iuv. 6, 195; 7, 66], or as a rug to lie
upon [Petron. 20].

talis, see on c. 71. ocellatis seem
to be some sort of marbles of variegated
stone or agate. Varro ap. Non. s. v.
margaritam: altera exorat patrem
libram ocellatorum...altera virum semo-
dium margaritarum. Some shells

Mutinensi bello in tanta

picked up by Caligula on the shore
were called aympharum lumina, from
similar marks I suppose, Aurel. Vict.
Caes. 3.

nucibusque. Some of the games
played by children with nuts are de-
scribed in [Ov.] Vaux 73—86, such as
splitting them with a blow of the hand,
guessing odd or even number, rolling
them down a sloping board into their
proper receptacles, and others. Thus
nucibus relictis is an expression for
giving up childish things, Mart. 5, 81;
Pers. 1, 10. See p. 136.

Syros. On the number of Syrians in
Rome, see Iuv. 3, 62 iampridem Syrus
in Tiberim defluxit Orontes.

pumilos, see on c. 43, p. 96. distor-
tos, often artificially, Longin. desublim.
44 8 5 deep obv...Tà yAwrréxopa, év ols
ol ruypatot, kaNoUuevoc 0à vavor rpédor-
Tat, ob vov Kee, TOV ÉvykekNeu uéyov
Tas avijoes, dAAd Kal cuvapet ded Tàv
vpokeljevov Trois cwuact decpudsy...quoted
by Mayor on Iuv. 8, 32. For the form
pumtlus see Stat. Silv. 1, 6, 64 casurae-
que vagis grues rafinis Mirantur
pumilos ferociores.

84. eloquentiam...exercuit, cp. Suet.
de Rhet. 1 declamandi consuetudinem...
Augustum ne Mutinensi quidem bello
omisisse. See also p. 16 notes. Augus-
tus is recorded to have delivered /auda-
tiones on his grandmother Iulia in B.c.
51 [c. 8]; on Marcellus B.c. 23 [Dio 53,
3o]; on Agrippa B.c. 12 [Dio 54, 28];
on Octavia B.C. 11 [c. 61]; on Drusus
B.C. 8 [Suet. Claud. 1].

Mutinensi bello, c. 9, p. 18.

85.]

DIVUS AUGUSTUS.

I51

neque apud populum neque apud milites locutus est umquam
. nisi meditata et composita oratione, quamvis non deficeretur

ad subita extemporali facultate.

Ac ne periculum memoriae

adiret aut in ediscendo tempus absumeret, instituit

s recitare omnia. Sermones quoque cum singulis atque

Written
discourses.

etiam cum Livia sua graviores nonnisi scriptos et e

libello habebat, ne plus minusve loqueretur ex tempore. Pro-
nuntiabat dulci et proprio quodam oris sono, dabatque assidue
phonasco operam; sed nonnumquam, infirmatis faucibus, prae-
ro COnis voce ad populum concionatus est.

Multa varii generis prosa oratione composuit, ex quibus 85

nonnulla in coetu familiarium velut in auditorio re-

citavit, sicut Rescripta Bruto de Catone, quae volu-

mina cum iam senior ex magna parte legisset,
r5 fatigatus Tiberio tradidit perlegenda; item Hortationes ad

non deficeretur...facultate, ‘he was
at no loss for ability.’ For the meaning
of this passive or middle, cp. Cic.
Cluent. 8 184. mulier abundat audacia,
consilio et ratione deficitur. Ovid,
Heroid. 5, 150 deficior prudens artis ab
arte mea; id. F. 3, 873 quod sibi de-
fectis illa tulisset opem. Of the style of
Augustus, Tac. Ann. 13, 3 Augusto
prompta ea profluens quaeque. deceret
principem eloquentia fus.

sermones, ‘discussions,’ important
discourses. Hence Dio may probably
have had some written authority both
for the elaborate report of his conversa-
tions with Livia on the proper treatment
of conspirators [55, 15—-21], as well as
for the discourses of Agrippa and Mae-
cenas, which probably were presented
in the form of state papers [lib. 52].
Tac. Ann. 4, 39 Seianus...componit ad
Caesarem codicillos; moris quippe tum
erat quamquam praesentem scripto adire.

phonasco, ‘teacher of declamation,’
‘trainer of the voice.’ Suet. Mer. 25
neque quicquam serto tocove egerit, nisi
adstante phonasco qui moneret parceret
arteriis ac sudarium ad os applicaret.
Quint. rr, 3 § 22 communiter et pho-
nascis et oratoribus necessaria exercitatio.

infirmatis faucibus, *from weakness
of the throat.’ Cic. 2 Phil. 8 63 tu istis
faucibus istis lateribus. Dio 54, 25
ocuvayaywv...7d Bovreurhprov avros ovder
elrev urd Bpdyxov...

praeconis voce. So Nero to pre-
serve his voice seque milsles unquam

nist absens aut alio verba pronuntiante
appellaret [Suet. Ner. 24].

85. in coetu familiarium, Hor. 5.
I, 4, 73 fto" recito cuiquam nisi amicis,
idque coactus.

auditorio, a room built or hired for
recitations, Tac. Or. 9 domum mutuatur
et auditorium extruit et subsellia con-
ducit et libellos dispergit. Tuv. 1, 125 7,
40. Though more public places were
also used. See Mayor on luv. 3, 9.

Rescripta Bruto de Catone. Though
Cato Uticensis neverexerciseda practical
influence equal to that of other leaders
at the end of the republic, his character
for probity and consistency was so high
that the Caesarean party were exceed-
ingly anxious to prove him to have been
politically wrong and impracticable. A
paper war therefore had long gone on
over him. Cicero composed a /azdutio
of him, which Iulius Caesar with the
assistance of Hirtius answered [Cic.
Alt. 12, 43 12, 405; I2, 44—5; I3,
50—1; Zofi. 25, 94; Pliny, EP. 3,
I2; Gell. 3, 16; 13, 19; Plut. Cic. 39;
Caes. 39, 54). Another /audafzo was
composed by M. Fadius Gallus, Cos.
in B.C. 45 [Cic. ad fam. 7, 24], and
another by Munatius [Plut. Cat. 37].
M. Brutus, who was his nephew, pub-
lished his in B.C. 45, which Cicero
criticises as giving an inexact account
of the debate in the Senate as to the
Catilinarian conspirators [ad 444. 12,
21; cp. 13, 46].

152

SUETONI

[85—

philosophiam, et aliqua De vita sua, quam tredecim libris

Cantabrico tenus bello nec ultra exposuit.
Unus liber extat, scriptus ab eo hexametris

matim attigit.

Poetica sum-

versibus, cuius et argumentum et titulus est Szcia; extat
alter aeque modicus Epigrammatum, quae fere tempore

balinei meditabatur.

Nam tragoediam magno impetu ex-

orsus, non succedenti stilo, abolevit quaerentibusque amicis,
quidnam Aiax ageret, respondit, Aiacem suum in spongeam

incubuisse.

Style of
oratory.

de vita sua. These unfinished
memoirs are quoted by Suetonius fre-
quently, see /u/. 55; Aug. cc. 2, 7, 27;
42, 62, 74,86; de Gramm. 16; Plutarch,
Brutus 27, 41; compar. Demosth. et
Cic. 3 ev rots wpós ’Ayplrray bropyjpua-
ow; Digest 48, 24, 1 [see p. 26]. Suidas
5. V. Abyoveros Kaicap* Éypaye Tepl roi
ldlov Blov kal rà» wpátewv BiBMa cy’
kal rpaywolay Alayrés re kal ' AyaAMéuws.
Collections of his letters also once
existed. See Suet. vi/a Horatii; Ma-
crob. .Sa£. 2, 4, 12; Seneca, Dialog. 10,
4 8 3; Quintil. 1, 6, 19; supra cc. 7,
69, 71, 76, 86; Claud. 4; Tac. dia.
13; Servius ad Verg. den. 8, 530.
Tiberius [c. 61], Claudius (c. 41], Ha-
drian [Spart. 16] and Severus [Spart.
18) all wrote memoirs of their lives;
and this had been prevalent in a pre-
vious generation. Q. Catulus, Sulla,
P. Rutilius Rufus had done so, and
Tacitus [Agric. 1] says: Ac plerique
suam ipsi vitam narrare fiduciam potius
morum, quam arrogantiam | arbitrati
sunt.

va tenus bello, see c. 20,
p. 46.

poetica summatim, ‘slightly,’ ‘su-
perficially.! 77. 61 commentario,
quem de vita sua summatim breviterque
composuit. One epigram is preserved
by Martial, 11, 20. ;

tragoediam. Suidas /. c. mentions
two tragedies, 47ax and Achilles. suc-
cedenti, cp. Cal. 53 solebat...accusa-
tiones defensionesque meditari ac, prout
sttlus cesserat, etc.

quaerentibus amicis. Macrobius
[Sat. 2, 4, 2] gives the name of the
friend, L. Varius, himself an author
of tragedies.

in spongeam, cp. Mart. 4, 10 curre
sed instructus: comitetur Punica librum

Genus eloquendi secutus est elegans et tempera-
tum, vitatis sententiarum ineptiis atque concin-

Spongea; muneribus convenit illa meis.
Non fossunt nostros multae, Faustine,
liturae Emendare tocos: una litura

potest.

86. ineptiis...reconditorum. Of the
affectations of language and style which
were coming into fashion, see Sen. £f.
I14 8 10 cum adsuerit animus fastidire
quae ex more sunt et illi pro sordidis
solita sunt, etiam in oratione quod
novum est quaerit et modo antiqua verba
et exoleta revocat ac profert, modo fingit
et ignota ac deflectit, modo, td quod
nuper increbuit, pro cultu habetur audax
translatio et frequens. See also Persius
I, 80—106. uintil. 2, 9 $ 20 sermo
rectus et secundum naturam enuntiatus
"nihil habere ex ingenio videtur; illa
vero, quae ubicumque deflexa sunt, tam-
quam exquisitiora miramur. Cp. Pliny,
Ep. 3, 18, 10.

sententiarum ineptiis atque con-
cinnitate, a hendiadys for s. inepta
concinnitate, ‘the vanity of an artificial
style’ (arrangement). Cicero uses con-
cinnitas (1) of words in a good sense,
Orat. § 149 forma ipsa concinnitasque
verborum conficiat orbem suum. i0. $881
collocata verba habent ornatum, si aliquid
concinnilalis efficiunt, quod verbis mu-
tatis non maneat manente sententia. In
a bad sense of affectation, Brut. § 287
at quid est tam fractum tam minutum,
tam in ipsa, quam tamen consequitur,
concinnitate puerile? id. Orat. 8 84 illa
quidem fugienda. sunt... paria paribus
relata et similiter conclusa et eodem pacto
cadentia et. immutatione literae quasi
quaesttae venustates, ne elaborata con-
cinnitas el quoddam aucuptum delecta-
tionis manifesto deprehensum appareat.
(2) Of sententiae, Brut. § 325 sententits
non tam gravibus et severis quam con-
cinnis et venustis. de Clar. Or. § 271

ea. Se . uS

86.]

DIVUS AUGUSTUS.

153

nitate et veconditorum verborum, ut ipse dicit, fetoribus;
praecipuamque curam duxit, sensum animi quam apertis-

sime exprimere.

Quod quo facilius efficeret aut necubi

lectorem vel auditorem obturbaret ac moraretur, neque
s praepositiones urbibus addere neque coniunctiones saepius
iterare dubitavit, quae detractae afferunt aliquid obscuritatis,

etsi gratiam augent.

Cacozelos et antiquarios, ut diverso
genere vitiosos, pari fastidio sprevit, exagitabatque
nonnumquam; in primis Maecenatem suum, cuius

Dislike of
pedantic

1 myrobrechis, ut ait, cincinnos usque quaque perse- iind

quitur et imitando per iocum irridet.

Sms.
Sed nec

Tiberio parcit et exoletas interdum et reconditas voces au-

cupanti.

M. quidem Antonium ut insanum increpat, quasi

ea scribentem, quae mirentur potius homines quam intelle-
1s gant; deinde ludens malum et inconstans in eligendo genere
dicendi ingenium eius, addit haec: Zwgwue dubitas, Cimberne
Annius an Veranius Flaccus imitandi sint tibi, tta ut verbis,

concinnae acutaeque sententiae. It may
refer therefore to (1) artificial arrange-
ment, (2) elaborate selection of words,
(3) a sententious style.

reconditorum verborum fetoribus,
‘the affectation of using far-fetched
words.’ This metaphorical use of /e-
tores is not elsewhere found. Augus-
tus meant to use a strong term of the
style elsewhere indicated by the words
putidus and putide.

praecipuam...duxit, ‘made it his
chief care,’ cp. c. 41 rationem duxit.

praepositiones urbibus. Cicero [ad
Att. 6, 9 § 1] wrote in Piraea cum exis-
sem. He was blamed for this, and ac-
knowledged that he should have written
Piracum, but maintained that in was
correct, non enim hoc ut oppido prae-
posui sed ut loco [ad Att. S 10].

cacozelos, ‘ pedants,’ ‘affected writers,’
Quint. 8, 3 8 58 cacoselon vero est quod
diitur alter quam se natura habet et
quam oportel et quam sat est.

antiquarios, ‘fond of archaic forms,’
Quintilian [7 c. 88 24—30] approves of
this to a certain extent, sed utendum
modo, nec ex ultimis tenebris repetenda.
Sallust was the chief offender in this
respect [8 29].

exagitabat, ‘violently attacked.’ Cae-
sar, D. ctv.1, 2 ht omnes convicio consulis
correpti exagitabantur. Of criticism, Cic.
Orat. § 27 cum etiam Demosthenes ex-

agitetur ut putidus.
Maecenatem...myrobrechis (uupofpe-
xets) cincinnos. The luxurious and effe-
minate habits of Maecenas were noto-
rious. SeeIuv. 1,66 (with Mayor's note);
I2, 39: Vell. Pat. 2, 88 § 2 otto ac mol-
litiis paene ultra feminam fluens. The
‘scented curls’ are used as an emblem
of his affected style, cp. Tac. Orat. 26
malim hercle Gai Gracchi impetum aut
Lucti Crassi maturitatem quam calamis-
tros Maecenatis aut tinnitus Gallionis.
imitando. See Macr. Sa£. 2, 4, 12
Augustus quia Maecenatem suum no-
verat stilo esse molli et dissoluto talem
se in epistulis quas ad eum scribebat sae-
pius exhibebat... ‘vale mi ebenum Me-
dulliae, ebur ex Etruria, lasur Arre-
ünum, adamas Supernas, Tiberinum

margaritum, Ctlntorum — smaragde,
taspi Jguviorum,. berulle Porsennae,
Carbuncule Hadriae.’

Antonium...intellegant. Cicero fre-
quently laughs at Antony's style. See
2 Phil. § 95; 3.8 95; 3 88 21—2 ; 13
8 43; Plut. Avt. 2 éxpijro 0é Tq. kaXov-
pévy uày 'Aauwq (Po Trav Ayer, ár-
Ooüvr. pddtora Kar’ éxeivov Tov xpóvov,
Exovre dé rod duotsryra xpos Tov Blov
avrot Kourwdn kal ppvayparlay ovra kal
KevoU *yavpiápaTos kal gidoriyulas ayw-
páNov ueaTóv. See p. 154.

Cimberne Annius. C. Annius Cimber
was a partisan of Antony's in B.C. 44—

154 SUETONI [86-

quae Crispus Sallustius excerpsit ex Originibus Catonis, utaris ?
an polius Asiaticorum oratorum inanis sententiis verborum
volubilitas in nostrum sermonem transferenda? Et quadam
epistola Agrippinae neptis ingenium conlaudans, Sed opus est,
inquit, dare fe operam, ne moleste scribas et loquaris.
Cotidiano sermone quaedam frequentius et notabiliter
usurpasse eum, litterae ipsius autographae ostentant,

Favourite, ; : !
phrases. in quibus identidem,

3, and as such is attacked by Cicero and
accused of having murdered his brother
[PhU. 11 § 14 C. Annium Cimbrum
Lystdici filium, Lysidicum ipsum Graeco
verbo, quoniam omnia iura dissolvit :
nisi forte ture Germanum Cimber occi-
dit. Cp. id. 13 8 26 ; ad Att. 5, 13].
Quintilian (8, 3, 38] quotes an epigram
of Vergil, referring to this charge, and
his inflated style of oratory :

Corinthiorum. amator iste verborum

Thucydides Britannus, Atticae febres,

Tau Gallicum, min, al, spinae male

uli sit,

ita omnia ista verba miscuit fratri.
Cimber hic fuit, a quo fratrem necatum
hoc Ciceronis dicto notatum est, * Ger-
manum Cimber occidit.

Crispus Sallustius...ex Originibus.
Suetonius [Ze Gram. 10] quotes Pollio
as saying that Ateius antigua verba et
figuras solitum esse colligere Sallustio...
vide(que maxime obscuritatem Sallustii
et audaciam in translationibus. ib. 15
Lenaeus calls Sallust préscorum Catonis-
que verborum ineruditissimum furem.
Quintil. [8, 3, 29] quotes an epigram:

Et verba antiqui multum furate Ca-

tortis,
Crispe, Iugurthinae conditor his-
toriae.

Fronto calls him /reguentem sectatorem
Catonis. Seneca Ef. 114 8 17 Sallustio
vigente amputatae sententiae et verba
ante exspectatum cadentia et obscura bre-
vitas fuere pro cultu, For an able dis-
cussion of Sallust's archaisms, sometimes
perhaps derived from colloquial Latin
surviving from ancient writers, see Intro-
duction to Sallust Cat. by A. M. Cook.
For the Origines of Cato see Fragments
in Jordan's edition, pp. 1—30. Cicero
[Brut. 88 65—68] speaks of the unde-
served neglect of Cato's Origines, but
owns antiquior est huius sermo et quae-
dam horridwra verba. Ita enim tum
loquebantur. Corn. Nep. Cat. 3 senex
(Cato) historias scribere instituit. Earum

cum aliquos numquam solu-

sunt libri septem. Primus continet res
gestas regum. populi Romani, secundus
et tertius unde quaeque civitas orta. sit
Jtalica ; ob quam rem omnes Origines
videtur appellasse. In quarto autem
bellum Punicum est primum, tn quinto
secundum...reliquaque bella part modo
persecutus est sque ad praeturam Servii
Galbae (B.C. 151—150).

Asiaticorum. Of the distinction in
point of style between the <étici and
Asiani (orators in the Greek cities of Asia
Minor), see Quint. 12, 10 88 1, 16—20,
Attici limati quidam et emuncti nihil
inane aut redundans ferebant, Asiana
gens tumidior alioqui atque iactantior
vaniore etiam dicendi gloria inflata est.
A kind of intermediate style was that of
the Rhodian School. z¢@.§ 18. Cicero
himself was accused by some of the
faults of the Asiatic School, ;Z. § 12;
and had attended Rhetors both in Asia
and Rhodes, see Plut. C. 4; while
Antony adopted this style openly, see
p. 153. Cicero distinguishes two genera
Asiaticae dictionis, guorum unum sen-
tentiosum et argutum...: the other had
admirabilis orationis cursus, ornata sen-
tentiarum concinnitas non erat, Brut.
8 325. But it had lost omnem illam
salubritatem | Atticae dictionis. | Hinc
Asiatici oratores non contemnendi quidem
nec celeritate nec copia, sed parum pressi
et nimis redundantes. id. 8 51. They
also pitched their voices too high, i4.
Orat. § 27 cum vero inclinata ululan-
tique voce more Asiatico canere coefisset,
quis eum ferret? See Mayor on luv. 3,

3°

moleste, so as to offend against good
taste, ‘with affectation.’ Catull. 42, 8
mimice et moleste ridentem, ‘with a
studied and affected smile.’

Agrippinae neptis, daughter of Iulia
np Agrippa, and wife of Germanicus.
c. 64.

87. autographae, autographs of Au-
gustus may well have been preserved

[*)

87.] DIVUS AUGUSTUS. 155

turos significare vult, ad Kal. Graecas soluturos ait; et
cum hortatur ferenda esse praesentia, qualiacumque sint,
contenti simus hoc Catone; et ad exprimendam festinatae rei
velocitatem, celerius quam asparagi cocuntur ; ponit assidue
et pro stulto daceolum, et pro pullo pulleiaceum, et pro cerrito
vacerrosum, et vapide se habere pro male, et betizare pro
languere, quod vulgo J/achanizare dicitur; item sitmus pro

sumus, et domos genitivo casu singulari pro domus.

Nec

umquam aliter haec duo, ne quis mendam magis quam con-

suetudinem putet.

Notavi et in chirographo eius illa praecipue: non dividit
verba nec ab extrema parte versuum abundantis

NE ; a : e
litteras in alterum transfert, sed ibidem statim ship.

in the Library of the Palatine, but
Quintilian (1, 7, § 22] is more cautious,
in epistulis Augusti, quas sua manu
scripsit aut emendavit.

ad . Graecas. This expression
for ‘never,’ though it has survived in
common language, does not appear to
occur elsewhere. Interest was due on
the ¢ristes Kalendae. (Hor. Sat. 1,3,8.]

praesentia...Catone. In his graver
years Augustus naturally came to look
on loyalty to the existing state of things
as the mark of a good citizen. Macrob.
Sat. 2, 4, 18 Strabone in adulationem
Caesaris male existimante de pervicacia
Catonis, ait, quisquis praesentem. sta-
tum civitatis commutari non volet et civis
et vir bonus est.’ But here the point of
the emperor's phrase seems to be *don't
expect too much,'—using Cato as the
synonym for the best attainable, as
Valer. Max. 2, 10, 8 quae quidem effecit
ut quisquis sanctum et egregium civem
significare velit, sub nomine Catonis
definiat. See luv. 2, 40.

baceolum seems connected with 8ax-
dos, which Hesychius explains by
avénros, cf. Suidas uéyas uv avénros 5é.
Others have suggested d/aceolum from
BXá£ ‘stupid’ or ‘lazy,’ Plato Gorg. 488
A. But cp. the Italian daccelléne and
baciócco *dolt.'

et pro pullo pulleiaceum, ‘and for
dark he wrote darkish(?).’ No satis-
factory explanation of the last word can
be given. It looks like some local
dialect form. The Mss. mostly have
baceolum apud pullum pulleiaceum; but
the change is not great between &p
[=et pro] and ap [=apud].

cerrito, ‘insane,’ Hor. S. 2, 3, 78.

nman-

The word is generally derived from
cerebrum as though it were cerebritus.
But it seems better to take it from Ceres,
comparing vuudóXyrros, as though con-
tracted from Cereritus.

vacerrosus from vacerra=stipes ‘a
stock,’ ‘a dolt,’ Liv. Andr. fr. 7 [Rib-
beck] vecorde et malefica vacerra. See
Festus 5. v.

vapide, cp. Pers. 5, 117 vapido sub
pectore, ‘in your disordered breast. It
is a metaphor from flat stale wine, 7d.
6, 17 et signum in vapida naso tetigisse
lagena. Both betizare [dcfa ‘a vege-
table’] and lachanizare [(Aaxavifeo0a«
*to gather vegetables'] are unknown to
literature. We may assume from this pas-
sage that they were used colloquially.

simus pro sumus. Other purists
such as Messala, Brutus, Agrippa, used
the same form, Mar. Victor. 9, 5k.
C. 7. L. 9, 3473, 14. Priscian 1, 6
1 ec u quando mediae sunt inter se
Sonos videntur confundere, cp. el-pl,
el-n sz-em, Ital. siamo. See Lindsay’s
Latin Language p. 29.

domos for domzs may perhaps have
arisen from the ancient genitive in
-uos [cp. senatuos, Sctum de Bacch.,
Bruns p. 151). There was an old con-
troversy as to the genitive and dative
of the fourth declension, see Aul. Gell.
4, 16, Ramsay, Latin Language pp. 380
and 384.

versus, of a ‘line’ in writing, Cic.
Att. 4, 16 primus versus epistulae, id.
de Or. 1 8 26 Demosthenes multos versus
uno spiritu pronunciabat. Plin. Ef. 3,
5 decem amplius versus hac tua interpel-
latione perdidimus.

156 SUETONI [88—

88 subicit circumducitque. Orthographiam, id est formulam
rationemque scribendi a grammaticis institutam, non adeo
custodit ac videtur eorum potius sequi opinionem, qui
perinde scribendum ac loquamur existiment. Nam quod
saepe non litteras modo sed syllabas aut permutat
aut praeterit, communis hominum error est. Nec
ego id notarem, nisi mihi mirum videretur tradidisse ali-
quos, legato eum consulari successorem dedisse ut rudi et
indocto, cuius manu zzz pro 2st scriptum animadverterit.
Quotiens autem per notas scribit, B pro A, C pro B ac
deinceps eadem ratione sequentis litteras ponit; pro X autem

Spelling.

duplex A.

Ne Graecarum quidem disciplinarum leviore studio tene-

Study of batur.

Greek,
which he
did not
write
easily.

In quibus et ipsis praestabat largiter, magis-
tro dicendi usus Apollodoro Pergameno, quem iam
grandem natu Apolloniam quoque secum ab urbe
iuvenis adhuc eduxerat, deinde eruditione etiam
varia repletus per Arei philosophi filiorumque eius
Dionysi et Nicanoris contubernium;

non tamen ut aut

loqueretur expedite aut componere aliquid auderet; nam et

circumducit, ‘draws a loop round.’

88. per notas, ‘in cypher,’ Zw.
56, cp. Aul. Gell. 17, 9 88 1—5 iri
sunt epistularum C. | Caesaris ad C.
Oppium et Balbum | Cornelium, qui
rebus eius absentis curabant. In his
epistulis quibusdam in locis inveniuntur
literae singulariae sine coagmentis sylla-
barum, quas tu putes positas incondite ;
nam verba ex his literis confici nulla
possunt. Erat autem conventum inter
cos clandestinum de commutando sity
literarum, ut in scripto quidem alia
aliae locum et nomen teneret, sed in
legendo locus cuique suus et potestas
restitueretur. Dio 51, 3 éwéoredre de
kal éxelvas kal rots dAAots pidots, ómóre
TL. Ócovro. bt’ dmopprjTuv occ SynrAwWoa,
7d Sevrepov del aTouxetov ToÜ TQ püuart
wpoonxovros avr’ éxelvou avreyypapew.
This should be distinguished from Steno-
graphy in which certain »o£ae were used
for words. Cic. 4/7. 13, 32; Plut. Caz.
Min. 3; supr. c. 64. Weichert, August.
Sr. pp. 146—7.

89. Apollodoro Pergameno. Apollo-
dorusof Pergamus wastheauthor ofa sys-
tem of rhetoric and founder of a sect or
school called after his name, opposed to
that of Theodorus Gadareus, Strabo 13,

4, 3 HdNora be étope Tov "AwodNbdwpov 1j
ToU Kaloapos d«Ma ToÜ LeBacrod, dda-
oxadov TOv» Néywv -*yevónevov. Quint.
3, 1, 17 Apollodorus Pergamenus qui
praeceptor. Apolloniae Caesaris Augusti
fuit...Sed Apollodori praecep'a magis ex
discipulis cognoscas...nam ipsius sola
videtur Ars edita ad Mattium, quia
ceteras missa ad Domitium epistula non
agnoscit, cp. id. 2, 11 § 2; Tacitus de
Orat. 19 calls the books of Hermagoras
and Apollodorus aridisstmz.

Apolloniam, see c. 8, p. 16.

Arei. For Areius of Alexandria see
Dio 51, 16. Augustus spares the Alex-
andrians partly on account of “Apecov
Tov worltny Q wou duXocodoüvri rc kal
cuvéyre ol Éxpyro. It was he who ad-
vised against sparing Caesarion [Plut.
Ant, 81]. He is mentioned by Quinti-
lian with approval [2, 15, 36; 3, 1, 16];
and his grandson Catilius, s. of Nicanor,
is identified by some with the author
of the epigram in praise of the Caesars,
C. I. G. 4923. He wrote a consolatio
to Livia on the death of Drusus [Senec.
Dial. 6, 4—6]. Nicolas mentions also
another teacher of Augustus, Alexander
of Pergamus [c. 17]. Zonaras [10, 38]
mentions Athenodorus of Tarsus.

fae e

89. ] DIVUS AUGUSTUS. 157

si quid res exigeret, Latine formabat vertendumque alii
dabat. Sed plane poematum quoque non imperitus, delecta-
batur etiam comoedia veteri et saepe eam exhibuit spectaculis
publicis. In evolvendis utriusque linguae auctoribus nihil

s aeque sectabatur, quam praecepta et exempla publice vel

privatim salubria, eaque ad verbum excerpta aut ,,..

ad domesticos aut ad exercituum provinciarumque choice of
rectores aut ad urbis magistratus plerumque mitte- s
bat, prout quique monitione indigerent. Etiam libros totos

10 et senatui recitavit et populo notos per edictum saepe fecit,

ut orationes Q. Metelli de prole augenda et Rutili de modo
aedificiorum, quo magis persuaderet utramque rem non ab se

primo animadversam, sed antiquis iam tunc curae fuisse.
Ingenia saeculi sui omnibus modis fovit; recitantis et

vertendumque, 'to be translated into
Greek.’ Yet Dio [51, 16] represents
him as addressing the Alexandrians
éAAgruo Tl Ümws civwow abro.

poematum, i.e. Greek poetry.

comoedia veteri, Hor. S. 1, 4, 1
Eupolts atque Cratinus Aristophanesque
poetae. We do not hear elsewhere of
the representations of the old Greek
Comedy in the time of Augustus. But
the representation of Graeci /udi occa-
d took place, Cicero ad Aft. 16,

5; 15 fam. 7, 1, 3.

Mer pta. Making selections from
books read was & common practice.
Plin. Zp. 3, 5 § 10 /iber legebatur,
adnotabat excerpebaique; nihil enim
legit quod non excerperet. Pliny him-
self did the same, e.g. with Livy, posco
librum Titi Livi et quasi per otium lego
atque etiam, ut coeperam, excerpo, Ep.
6, 20, 5. Thus Brutus the night before
the battle of Pharsalia was engaged in
his tent ouvrarrwy émrcrouhy ToAvBlou
[Plut. Brut. 4). To this habit we owe
the collections of Photius and Porphy-
rogenitus.

orationes Q. Metelli. Livy £f. 59
Q. Metellus censor censuit ut cogerentur
omnes ducere uxores liberorum crean-
dorum causa. — Extat oratio eius, quam
Augustus, cum de maritandis ordinibus
ageret, velut in haec tempora scriptam
in Senatu recitavit. According to
Aulus Gellius [1, 6, 1—2] this was
Metellus Numidicus, Cos. B.C. 109,
Censor 102. But according to Livy it
was Q. Caecilius Metellus Macedonicus,
Cos. B.C. 143, Censor B.C. 131. Gellius

preserves a few sentences of the speech...
quoniam itla natura tradidit, ut nec
cum ilis sates commode, nec sine tllis
ullo modo vivi possit, saluti perpetuae
potius quam brevi voluptati consulendum
est.

Rutili de modo aedificiorum. PP.
Rutilius Rufus was Cons. in B.C. 105,
when this speech was probably delivered.
He was a man of great integrity, but
was ruined by a conspiracy of the
equestrian publicant, because as Jegaus
in Asia (B.C. 95) he had resisted the
extortions of the tax-gatherers [Livy
Ep. 70; Vell. 2, 13]. For his style of
oratory, which was painstaking but not
brilliant, see Cicero Brut. § 110
(Scaurus et Rutilius) etéamst maximi
ingenii mon essent, probabiles tamen
industria. He left a biography of him-
self [Tac. Agric. 1]. The measure
seems to have concerned the height of
the houses, which was dangerous. See
Iuv. 3, 269; Cic. de leg. agr. 2 § 96
Romam...cenaculis sublatam et suspen-
sam non optimis viis, angustissimis
semitis, and other passages quoted by
Mayor. The regulation of Augustus
was that houses were not to exceed 70
feet, Strabo 5, 3, 7 mpds dé ras cupwri-
ces Ta Dj» Tov Kavady olkoóounuáruv
kabedow, kal xwAócas éfalpew moday
éBdounxovra 7d wpós ais óóois rais
Syuoclas. Nero repeated the regula-
tion (Tac. Ann. 15, 43].

ingenia, for men of genius cp. Vesp.
17 ingenia et artes vel maxime fovit.
Tac. Agr. 2 monumenta clarissimorum
ingeniorum. Suetonius no doubt means

158

SUETONI

[89—

benigne et patienter audiit, nec tantum carmina et historias,

Patronage

sed et orationes et dialogos.

Componi tamen

ofliterary aliquid de se nisi et serio et a praestantissimis,

men.

offendebatur admonebatque praetores, ne paterentur

nomen suum commissionibus obsolefieri.

Circa religiones talem accepimus.
paulo infirmius expavescebat, ut semper et ubique
pellem vituli marini circumferret pro remedio, atque
ad omnem maioris tempestatis suspicionem in ab-

His feeling
toward
portents.

Tonitrua et fulgura

ditum et concamaratum locum se reciperet, consternatus olim
per nocturnum iter transcursu fulguris, ut praediximus.

Somnia neque sua neque aliena de se neglegebat.
pensi acie quamvis statuisset non egredi tabernaculo
propter valitudinem, egressus est tamen amici somnio

Dreams.

to compare the practice of Augustus
with that of Nero and Domitian.

recitantis. Of this practice the full-
est illustration is given in Mayor's
monumental note to Iuv. 3, 9. All
the various kinds of recitation here men-
tioned, —orations, history, dramatic and
lyric poetry, —are enumerated by Pliny,
Ep. 7, 17.

nisi...a praestantissimis. Hence no
doubt Horace’s abstention from giving
possible offence [Od. 1, 6, 10] tmdbellis-
que lyrae Musa potens vetat Laudes
egregii Caesaris et tuas Culpa deterere
ingeni.

commissionibus, ‘displays,’ ‘speeches
for prizes’ (éwcdeltecs). Caligula said of
Seneca [c. 53] commtsstones meras com-
ponere. The term, drawn from the
contests in the games, was applied to de-
clamations made for display or for prizes,
and not for a practical object, like the
Greek Adyou wavnyupexol. Cp. Suet. vit.
Zuven., Et tamen diu ne modico quidem
auditorio quidquam commuttere est ausus.
Pliny Panegyr. 54 cum laudes Imperato-
rum ludis etiam et commisstonibus celebra-
rentur, saltarentur, et in omne ludibrium
effeminatis vocibus, modts, gestibus fran-
gerentur. ‘For such contests of oratory
see the accounts of those at Lugdunum,
Calig. 20, luv. 1, 44.

obsolefleri, ‘to be discredited.’ Cic.
2 Phil § 105 tn homine turpissimo
obsolefiebant insignia dignitatis.

90. circa: for this post-Augustan
use see Roby Z. G. § 1867. religiones,
‘superstitious feelings.’

tonitrua. This was perhaps physical

Philip-

fear as well as superstition. Tiberius
(though holding the Epicurean view of
the gods) ¢onitrua tamen supra modum
expavescebat, et turbatiore caelo nunquam
non coronam lauream capite gestavit, quod
fulmine afflari negetur id genus frondis
[c. 69]. Caligula [c. 51] is said ad zi-
"nima tonitrua et fulgura conivere, caput
obvolvere, ad vero matora proripere se e
strato sub lectumque condere.

pellem vituli marini. Pliny W. Z.
2 § 146, among the ways of escaping
lightning, mentions fabernacula pellibus
beluarum quas vitulos appellant, quo-
niam hoc. solum animal ex marinis non
percutiat. Cp. Plut. Sympos. 5, 9 rap
yap rovovrwy ov doxodcw émOcyydvew ol
kepavvol xaOdwrep ovdé ris puns rob
dépparos ovdé ris valyys. loann. Lyd.
de Ost. § 45 9 66 $ókq ws darhpavros
éwtBoky Kepauvod paprus % weipa dmo-
3édwxe* Tov yap veww ra iorla, & als
ol Bactdets wAdéovor, duwxelos elOcorac
drodipbepodcba Séppaccy.

in abditum...reciperet. Seneca JVaf.
Q. 6, 2 8 6 quid enim dementius quam
ad tonitrua succidere et sub terram cor-
repere fulminum metu ?

praediximus, c. 29. This is a curious
use of praedico, and some MSS. give a
variant supra diximus.

91. Philippensi, c. 13, p. 26 n.
Velleius [2, 70] says that it was his
physician Artorius who urged him to
leave the camp. See also Orosius 6, 18,
I5. An inscription at Verona records
the respect of his fellow-countrymen of
Smyrna for Artorius. C. 7. G. 3285
Mápkov 'Aprópwr "AoxAnmiddny, 0€co0

92.] DIVUS AUGUSTUS. 159

monitus; cessitque res prospere, quando captis castris lectica
eius, quasi ibi cubans remansisset, concursu hostium con-.
fossa atque lacerata est: Ipse per omne ver plurima et
formidulosissima et vana et irrita videbat, reliquo tempore
srariora et minus vana. Cum dedicatam in Capitolio aedem
Tonanti Iovi assidue frequentaret, somniavit, queri Capito-
linum Iovem cultores sibi abduci, seque respondisse, Tonan-
A tem pro ianitore ei appositum; ideoque mox tintinnabulis
! — fastigium aedis redimiit, quod ea fere ianuis dependebant.
ro Ex nocturno visu etiam stipem quot annis die certo emendi-

cabat a populo, cavam manum asses porrigentibus praebens.
Auspicia et omina quaedam pro certissimis observabat:

si mane sibi calceus perperam ac sinister pro dextro Auspices
induceretur, ut dirum; si terra marive ingrediente 3ndomens.
15 se longinquam profectionem forte rorasset, ut laetum maturi-
que et prosperi reditus. Sed et ostentis praecipue movebatur.
Enatam inter iuncturas lapidum ante domum suam palmam
in compluvium deorum Penatium transtulit, utque coalesceret
magno opere curavit. ^ Apud insulam Capreas veterrimae
ilicis demissos iam ad terram languentisque ramos con-
valuisse adventu suo, adeo laetatus est, ut eas cum re publica

Kaloapos ZeBaoToU larpóv, 7?) BovdAh kal
ó Ófuos Tay Zpuvwpralw» ériunoay Tjpwa
voAupuaÜlas xápw. He was drowned
after Actium, Hieron. de vir. tll. a 725.

Tonanti Iovi. See c. 29, p. 63.

tintinnabula. Bells at Roman house-
doors do not seem to have been common.
A porter (iazlor, ostiarius) was close at
hand, and the visitor knocked [ pulsare,
see Livy 6, 34; Plaut. Asi. 382; Pliny
N. H. 72 $ 112 etc.]. Marquardt [r4,
p. 278] supposes that where there were
tintinnabula they were rung by the
porter to inform his master of an im-
portant visitor. Seneca de ira 3, 35, 3
quid miser expavescts ad clamorem servi,
ad tinnitum aeris aut ianuae impulsum?
Dio [54, 4] in his account of the dream
thinks of the xdów» carried round by
the night watchmen, ol yap rds evvowlas
voxtwp pudrdo corres kwiwvogpopotow Saws
onpalvey odlow, órórav BovdrAnPw«t,
Sbvwv rat.

stipem...emendicabat. Dio [54, 35]
tells the same story, but does not seem
to believe it, —xal roüro pév, ef ye TQ
migtév, otrw wapadédora. It may be

a confusion with the habit of Caligula,
—edixit et strenas ineunte anno se
receMurum stettique in vestibulo aedium
Kl. Jan. ad captandas stipes (Cal. 42).
It is very unlike the usual dignity and
reserve of Augustus. cavam manum,
bent to receive the coins, cp. Arist.
Equit. 1083 EuBade kvAMg.

92. calceus perperam. See Pliny
N. H.2 824 divos Augustus prodidit lae-
vom sibi calceum pracpostere inductum
quo die seditione militari prope adffictus
est.

rorasset, ‘drizzled.’ Varro Z. LZ. 7,
58 rorarü dicti ab rore, qui bellum
committebant ante, tdeo quod ante rorat
quam pluit.

palmam, an omen of victory. Pliny
AN. H. 128 244 simil modo Trallibus
palma in bast Caesaris dictatoris circa
bella civilia eius: nec non et Romae in
Capitolio in capite Jovis bello Persei
enata palma victoriam triumphosque
portendit, Cp. id. 15 $88 136—7.

Ca presas, see c. 22.

permutaverit. Strabo 4, 5, 9 Nea-
woNtrat 6¢ kal radrny (Capreas) karéoxov,

160 SUETONI [02—

Neapolitanorum permutaverit, Aenaria data. Observabat et
dies quosdam, ne aut postridie nundinas quoquam proficis-
ceretur, aut Nonis quicquam rei seriae inchoaret; nihil in
hoc quidem aliud devitans, ut ad Tiberium scribit, quam
Svegdnpuiay nominis.

Peregrinarum caerimoniarum sicut veteres ac praeceptas
reverentissime coluit, ita ceteras contemptui habuit.
Namque Athenis initiatus, cum postea Romae pro
tribunali de privilegio sacerdotum Atticae Cereris
cognosceret et quaedam secretiora proponerentur, dimisso
consilio et corona circumstantium solus audiit disceptantes.
At contra non modo in peragranda Aegypto paulo deflectere
ad visendum Apin supersedit, sed et Gaium nepotem, quod
Iudaeam praetervehens apud Hierosolyma non supplicasset,

Foreign
religions.

conlaudavit.

Portents
accom-

voAXéjup 6à droBaddévres Tas IIc9nkovocas
dxéNaBov TáM», 0óvros avrois Kalcapos
ToU LeBacrov, ras Óé Kompéas ldcov
wownoapévoy Krijua kal Kkarotxodomijoay-
Tos. The exchange took place in B.C. 29
[Dio 52, 43].

Aenaria (/schia), also called Pithe-
cusae, opposite Misenum.

postridie nundinas. The day after
one of bad omen was avoided as well
as the day itself. dzes Postridie Calendas
Nonas Idus appellati atri, Varro L. L.
6, 29; cp. Gell. 5, 17. Why the sun-
dinae should be unlucky is not clear.
But Macrobius [.Sa4. 1, 13, 17] says
that if they ever fell on the 1st day of the
year, that year was observed to be one
of disaster to the state. Perhaps, as
B.-Crusius suggests, its etymological
connexion with novendtales, the feast
of the dead, was held to give the word
an ill-omened sound.

nonis. The Calends, Ides and Nones
were all days on which it was unlucky
to begin any business [Plut. Q. A. 25],
but the Nones were particularly so.
Ov. Fast. 1, 57 Nonarum tutela deo
caret. See Becker’s Gallus, p. 167.

Svogynplay nominis, the unlucky
sound of the word Nonis (non ts). Cp.
the story of the starting of Crassus from
Brundisium, and the man selling rushes
from Caunus and crying Cawreas (in-
terpreted as cave ne eas), Cicero de

Et quoniam ad haec ventum est, non ab re
fuerit subtexere, quae ei prius quam nasceretur et

Div. 2§ 84. And the unlucky Hostilius
Mancinus who, on embarking for Spain,
heard a voice calling mane, mane,
Manceine [Valer. 1, 6, 7]. So Laodamia
is afraid to say anything as her husband
starts [Ov. E. 13, 86], substitit auspicit
lingua timore mali.

93. Athenis initiatus, i.e. at Eleusis,
in B.C. 31. Dio 51, 4 rá re év rp EA-
Adde deyixnoe kai TOv Toiv Ücoiv uvargpluv
peréNaBev. For Augustus at Athens
see C. 7. G. 477.

ad visendum Apin. Dio 51, 16 káx
Tis a/rijs ravrns airlas ovdé TQ “Amide
évrvxeiy H0éAnae Aéywv Oeovs GAN’ obxl
Bots rpooxuvety el0lo0a.. For the sacred
bull kept to represent the god, see
Herod. 2, 38, 153; 3, 28—29. Pliny
NN. H. 8, 184 Bos in Aegypto etiam nu-
mints vice colitur : Apim vocant...non
est fas eum certos vitae excedere annos,
mersumque tn sacerdotum fonte necant,
quaesituri luctu alium quem substituant,
et donec invenerint maerent derasis etiam
capttzbus. But see Rawlinson's note,
Herod. vol. 2, p. 356, as to the burial-
place of the Apis.

supersedit, with infin., cp. 724. 7
spectare omnino in publico coetu super-
sedit. The conduct of Gaius may have
been dictated by respect for the well.
known feelings of the Jews as to the
entrance of Gentiles into the Temple.
Orosius[7, 3, 5] attributes it to contempt.

»"
e

-— TY OE NET ms,
—É——— ^ ee ee °c rene E m impetus üt m ren

SSeS

DIVUS AUGUSTUS. 161

94-]

ipso natali die ac deinceps evenerint, quibus futura ponying
magnitudo eius et perpetua felicitas sperari animad- ana child-
vertique posset. ‘hood.

Velitris antiquitus tacta de caelo parte muri, responsum est
eius oppidi civem quandoque rerum potiturum ; qua fiducia
Veliterni et tunc statim et postea saepius paene ad exitium sui
cum populo Romano belligeraverant; sero tandem documentis
apparuit, ostentum illud Augusti potentiam portendisse.

Auctor est Iulius Marathus, ante paucos quam nasceretur
menses prodigium Romae factum publice, quo de- ,....
nuntiabatur, regem Populo Romano naturam par- pected
turire; senatum exterritum censuisse, ne quis illo EI;
anno genitus edücaretur; eos qui gravidas uxores haberent,
quod ad se quisque spem traheret, curasse ne senatus con-
sultum ad aerarium deferretur.

94. Velitris. Seec.r.

tacta...responsum est. An appeal
to an aruspex would be the natural
sequel to such a disaster, Obsequens
c. 116 Piraeum Sulla cum oppugnaret
unus miles eius aggerem ferens exant-
matus fulmine, aruspex respondit... For
the various prophecies founded on acci-
dents by lightning, see Seneca W. Q. 2,
49. Among other names given to fulgura
is regalia, cum forum tangitur. vel
comitium aut principalia urbis liberae
Joca, quorum significatio re,
minatur. Iohann. Lyd. de Ostentis 51
Stray de cxopmiwyévynra:...el xara Snuoolov
Torou évoxh we kepavvós, veavlas avacd7s
ris Baodelas émeAdByrat.

saepius...cum P. R. belligeraverunt.
The rebellions of the Veliterni are re-
corded by Livy, in B.C. 384 when they
assisted the Volscians [6 13]; in B.c.
382 when they were joined by the
Praenestines [6, 22], the city being
stormed in B.C. 379 [6, 29]. But in
B.C. 375 we find them taking the of-
fensive, invading the Roman ager [6,
36], assaulting Tusculum, and in conse-
quence being again besieged by the
Romans [6, 37—8, 42]. In B.C. 358
another incursion into Roman territory
is recorded [7, 15], till at last in B.c.
337 by the Sctum de Latinis they were
severely dealt with, their walls thrown
down, their senators forced under penal-
ties to live beyond the Tiber, and fresh
colonists sent to occupy the lands of
which their Senators had been deprived,

um cvitati —

quibus adscriptis speciem antiquae fre-
quentiae Velitrae receperunt [8, 14].

Iulius Marathus. See c. 79.

regem ...parturire. That various
prophecies as to a king at Rome were
current seems certain. They had pre-
ceded the hirth of Iulius according to
Suetonius [Serv. ad Verg. Aen. 6, 799].
They do not however seem to have
made much stir as early as B.C. 63. In
B.C. 45 it was reported that L. Au-
relius Cotta (Cos. B.C. 65) intended to
propose that the title should be given
to Iulius [Cic. ad Att. 13, 44; de divin.
2854] But as this was grounded on
a real or supposed Sibylline verse, it
may have been common talk before.
It has been of course connected with
the Messianic hopes of the Jews, and
there is reason to believe that the
writings of the Septuagint were known
to some at least of those who composed
or circulated such verses at Rome. But
how far this or the 4th Eclogue of

Vergil can be thus connected is an un-

solved problem.

ne...ad aerarium deferretur. The
Senatus-consulta were from early times
in the custody of the Consuls. In B.c.

446 Livy says these were ordered to be

deposited by the Aediles in the temple
of Ceres [Livy 3, 55]. Subsequently
however they were deposited in the
aerarium Saturni, and at some time (it
is not ascertained exactly when) this
formality became necessary for their
validity. Livy 39, 4; Cicero 5 PA.

162 SUETONI

[94.

In Asclepiadis Mendetis eoXoyovyuévov libris lego, Atiam, .

cum ad sollemne Apollinis sacrum media nocte venisset,
posita in templo lectica, dum ceterae matronae dormirent,
obdormisse; draconem repente irrepsisse ad eam pauloque
post egressum ; illam expergefactam quasi a concubitu mariti
purificasse se; et statim in corpore eius extitisse maculam
velut picti draconis, nec potuisse unquam exigi, adeo ut mox
publicis balineis perpetuo abstinuerit ; Augustum natum mense
decimo et ob hoc Apollinis filium existimatum. Eadem Atia
prius quam pareret somniavit, intestina sua ferri ad sidera
explicarique per omnem terrarum et caeli ambitum. Som-
niavit et pater Octavius, utero Atiae iubar solis exortum.
Quo natus est die, cum de Catilinae coniuratione ageretur
in curia et Octavius ob uxoris puerperium serius affuisset,
nota ac vulgata res est P. Nigidium, comperta morae causa,

$8 12; 12 Phil. $8 12; 13 Phil. 8 19;
Cat. 1 8 4; Ios. Ant. 14, 10 § 10 mepl
Gv Soyudrwy cvykMjrov láios Katcap
beep "lovdalwy Ékpwe kal els Td Tapsetov
ok EdpOacey dvevexPivar. Willems Ze
Sénat 11, p. 216.

Asclepiadis...Qeodoyoupévev. Ascle-

piades of Mendes in Egypt is quoted by
Athenaeus [3, 83 c] as the author of
Alyurriaxd, a history of Egypt. Suidas,
$.U. ‘Hpdioxos, says that he also wrote
Hymns and a regular treatise (wpay-
parela) nv wpunoe ypddew weptéxovoay
TOV Deotoyiay arachy Thy cunpuwvlay.
The plan of this work, ‘a harmony of
all religions,’ would account for his
quoting supposed marvels in Italy.

For Mendis, ‘ of A/endes,’ the capital of
a mome in the Delta, see Herod. 2, 42,
46; Strabo 17, 1, 19 rov roy Tava
Tyndot kal TOv Sywy rpdyor. The regu-
lar adjectival form would be Mendaeus
(St. Byz. Mevdaios). Suetonius has fol-
lowed the analogy of such words as
Magnes (Mdyv7ns).

Atiam. See c. 4. Dio [45, 1] at-
tributes the story to Atia herself... dewds
loxuplfero ék rod 'AwóAAwvos aóTàr
kekvmkérat Ür. karabápÜovsa xk.T.A. A
similar story was current as to the birth
of Scipio Africanus [Gell. 7 (6). 1].

media nocte. See on c. 78. But
this night visit of the matrons to the
temple would seem (if it did take place)
rather connected with the healing powers
of Apollo, like the visits to the temple
of Asclepius described in Aristophanes

Plutus [653—734], and as still practised
in various shrines in the Greek islands.
quo natus...de Catilinae. We have
no record of a debate on the Catiline
conspiracy on the 23rd of September;
but there had been many rumours con-
cerning Catiline's designs throughout
the summer, and if, as there is some
reason to think (in spite of much that
has been said to the contrary), the
elections were put off till about this
time, there would be good reason for
meetings of the Senate. The first of the
well-known meetings (at which Cicero
delivered the first Catilinarian speech)
was not till the 7th of November. Dio
(45, 1) telling the story does not men-
tion the occasion of the meeting. —
P. Nigidium. P. Nigidius Figulus
was, according to Aulus Gellius [(4, 9],
the most learned Roman next to Varro,
with whom he classes him as chief
props of learning of the age, though the
obscurity of his subjects or style had
caused him to fall into neglect [18, 14].
Gellius repeatedly quotes his works, the
titles of some of which have come down
to us, de animalibus [Macr. Sat. 3, 16,
7}, de dis [:d. 3, 4, 6), de extis [Gell. 16,
6], commentarii grammatici [id. 19, 14],
de auguriis [id. 7, 6 § 10] and others.
His 4osnztruale survives in a Greek ver-
sion by Ioannes Lydus, and the frag-
ments of his works have been collected
by J. Rutgers. He was a Senator in
B.C. 63, and one of those selected by
Cicero to take the confessions of the

94.]

DIVUS AUGUSTUS.

163

ut horam quoque partus acceperit, affirmasse dominum terra-
rum orbi natum. Octavio postea, cum per secreta Thraciae
exercitum duceret, in Liberi patris luco barbara caerimonia
de filio consulenti, idem affirmatum est a sacerdotibus, quod
sinfuso super altaria mero tantum flammae emicuisset, ut
supergressa fastigium templi ad caelum usque ferretur, uni-
que omnino Magno Alexandro apud easdem aras sacrificanti

simile provenisset ostentum.

Atque etiam sequenti statim

nocte videre visus est filium mortali specie ampliorem, cum
1: fulmine et sceptro exuviisque lovis Optimi Maximi ac
radiata corona, super laureatum currum, bis senis equis can-

dore eximio trahentibus.
C. Drusum extat, repositus

Catilinarian conspirators [Cic. pro .Su//.
8 42; Plut. Cic. 20]. He was praetor
in B.C. 59, and afterwards a /egatus in
Asia Minor [Cic. 77m. 1]. is ad-
herence to the aristocratic party pro-
cured his banishment, and though Cicero

in writing a consolatory letter to him '

[/am. 4, 13] gave him reason to think
that Caesar would soon be induced to
recall him, he died shortly afterwards
in exile; Hieron. Chron. a. 709, 710
(B.C. 45—4) Nigidius Figulus Pythago-
ricus el magus in exilio moritur.
horam. So as to cast his horoscope,
founded on the sa/aZis hora [Hor. Od.
2,17, 19].
per secreta Thraciae ‘through remote
partsof Thrace.’ As governor of Mace-
donia he had been engaged in war with
the Thracian Bessi. See c. 3, p. 5.
in Liberi patris luco. Herodotus
tells us of a temple and oracle of
Dionysos on Rhodope which, though in
the country of the Satrae, was under
the management of the Bessi, where the
answers were given by a girl as at
Delphi [7, 111]. Macrobius .Sa£. 1, 18,
11 describes the round temple of Zi/er
or Sabazius. Some equivalent of Lider
Pater seems to have been common in
the East as far as India, Q. Curt. 8, 10.
tantum...emicuisset, a favourable
omen, Verg. G. 4, 385, Ec. 8, 105,
where Servius says Aoc sxori Ciceronis
dicitur contigisse; cum peracto sacrificio
libare vellet in cinerem ex ipso cinere
flamma surrexit, quae flamma
anno consulem. futurum ostendit. eius
maritum, sicut in suo testatur poemate.
Magno Alexandro. Alexander passed

Infans adhuc, ut scriptum apud
vespere in cunas a nutricula

through this district on his way to Asia,
but his visit to the oracle is not recorded
by Arrian.

exuviis Iovis O. M. The sceptre,
tunica ficia, and palmata, taken from
the Capitol for the use of magistrates
(consul or praetor) celebrating a tri-
umph. See Iuv. 10, 38. Livy 10, 7
Jovis optimi ornatu decoratus, curru
aurato per urbem vectus in Capitolium
ascenderit. — Lamprid. 4x. Sev. 40
practextam et fictam togam nunquam
nisi consul acceptt, et eam quidem quam
de Jovis templo sumptam alii quoque
accipiebant aut fraetores aut consules.

radiata corona. See coin on p. 145;
cp. Verg. Aen. 12, 161

ingenti mole Latinus

quadriiugo vehitur curru, cui tempora

circum
aurati bis sex radii fulgentia cingunt.
The laurelled chariot and the white
horses are also prognostics of a triumph,
although some difficulty has been made
as to this decoration of the triumphal
chariot, which is usually confined to the
hands and heads of the victors, the
fasces of the lictors, or the despatch an-
nouncing the victory. Statius indeed
[ Ze). 8, 128] has énterea vittis lauru-
que insignis opima Currus, of the chariot
of Amphiaraus; and it seems probable
that the chariots were so decorated, even
though it is not otherwise mentioned.

apud C. Drusum. No writer of this
name is known. Some have d Less
the reference to be to the /audatio of
Drusus, son of Tiberius, at the funeral of
Augustus. See c. roo. But the prae-
nomen of Gaius is nowhere else given

II—2

164 SUETONI [94-

loco plano, postera luce non comparuit, diuque quaesitus
tandem in altissima turri repertus est, iacens contra solis
exortum. | '

Cum primum fari coepisset, in avito suburbano obstre-
pentis forte ranas silere iussit, atque ex eo negantur
ibi ranae coaxare. Ad quartum lapidem Campanae
viae in nemore prandenti ex inproviso aquila panem
ei e manu rapuit, et cum altissime evolasset, rursus ex
inproviso leniter delapsa reddidit. | '

Q. Catulus post dedicatum Capitolium duabus continuis
noctibus somniavit: prima, Iovem Optimum Maximum e
praetextatis compluribus circum aram ludentibus unum se-
crevisse, atque in eius sinum signum rei publicae quam manu
gestaret reposuisse; at insequenti, animadvertisse se in gremio
Capitolini Iovis eundem puerum, quem cum detrahi iussisset,
prohibitum monitu dei, tanquani is ad tutelam rei publicae
educaretur; ac die proximo obvium sibi Augustum, cum
incognitum alias haberet, non sine admiratione contuitus,
simillimum dixit puero, de quo somniasset. Quidam prius
'somnium Catuli aliter exponunt, quasi Iuppiter compluribus
praetextatis tutorem a se poscentibus, unum ex eis demon-
strasset ad quem omnia desideria sua referrent, eiusque

A mira-
culous
child.

osculum delibatum digitis ad

him, and therefore it has been proposed
to read Caesarem for C. There is no
means of deciding the question. The
story itself may be compared with the
fanciful tale of Horace’s childhood [Odes
3, 4, 9—20], and with such as that told
of Sir Thomas More [see Life by his
great-grandson, p. 6].

coaxare, onomatopoeia from xóa£.
Spart. Geta 5 § 5 elephanti barriunt,
ranae coaxant, equi hinniuni, etc.
. Campanae viae seems to be another
name for the zia Afia, for it led by
the temple of Feronia on the border
of the Pomptine marshes [Hor. .S. 1, 5,
23] The name does not occur except
in an inscription, C. Z. Z., 1, 1291 [ Wil-
manns, 2727] ITVS * ACTVSQVE * EST *
IN * HOCE * DELVBRVM * FERONIAI «
EX * HOCE * LOCO * IN * VIA * POPLICAM »
CAMPANAM * QVA * PROXSIMVM * EST «
P (pccx.

Q. Catulus post dedicatum. The
temple of Capitoline Jove was burnt on

os suum retulisset.

the 6th of July B.c. 83. Quintus Luta-
tius Catulus (Cos. B.c. 78) was at the
head of the commission for its restora-
tion, an office of which Iulius Caesar as
Praetor in B.C. 62 in vain tried to de-
prive him, Suet. /u/. 15. He had
formally dedicated it in B.c. 68, but
was still engaged in the interior decora-
tion [Cic. Verr. 4 §§ 69, 82]. He died
in B.C. 60 [pro Cael. § 59] when
Augustus was not three years old. The
story therefore does not hang together.

rei publicae...gestaret.. That is a
statuette of Rome. Dio [45, 2], who
translates the account of these marvels
from Suetonius, gives eikóva tuwd rijs
‘Pdéyns. Such figures representing cities
must have been common, just as the
conventional figures on coins. At
Rhodes we hear of a colossal statue of
the Roman people [Polyb. 31, 15].

osculum=os. dellbatum digitis,
lightly touched by his fingers.

mt
9

DIVUS AUGUSTUS.

94.] 165

M. Cicero C. Caesarem in Capitolium prosecutus, somnium
pristinae noctis familiaribus forte narrabat: puerum
facie liberali, demissum e caelo catena aurea, ad fores
Capitoli constitisse eique Iovem flagellum tradidisse ;
deinde repente Augusto viso, quem ignotum plerisque adhuc
avunculus Caesar ad sacrificandum acciverat, affirmavit ipsum
esse, cuius imago secundum quietem sibi obversata sit.

Sumenti virilem togam tunica lati clavi, resuta ex utraque
parte, ad pedes decidit. Fuerunt qui interpretarentur, non

Cicero's
dream.

wo aliud significare, quam ut is ordo cuius insigne id esset

quandoque ei subiceretur.

-Apud Mundam Divus Iulius, castris locum capiens cum
silvam caederet, arborem palmae repertam conservari ut
omen victoriae iussit; ex ea.continuo enata suboles adeo in
paucis diebus adolevit, ut non aequiperaret modo matricem,
verum et obtegeret frequentareturque columbarum nidis,
quamvis id avium genus duram et asperam frondem maxime

vitet.

Illo et praecipue ostento motum Caesarem ferunt, ne

quem alium sibi succedere quam sororis nepotem vellet.
In secessu Apolloniae Theogenis mathematici pergulam
comite Agrippa ascenderat; cum Agrippae, qui prior con-

M. Cicero...prosecutus, that is, when
Iulius celebrated his triumphs in B.c.
46, in which the young Octavius shared
[see c. 8; Nic. Dam. 8].

flagellum, cp. Iuv. to, 109 ad sua gui
domitos deduxit flagra Quirites, symbol
of slavery, as citizens might not be flogged.

sumenti virilem togam, see c. 8.

tunica lati clavi, see c. 73. The
wearing of this must have been granted
by special favour, as it was ordinarily
reserved for Senators; but certain egustes
were /aticlavit, as has been shown p. 85.

resuta. Dio 45,26 xerov wepreppdyn
éxarépwev. It may have been a slit tunic
such as that figured in Rich, Dict. of
K. Antig. p. 697. :

is ordo, i.e. the Senate.

apud Mundam, c. 8, p. r4. Dio 43,
41 kalmep obdév obxl...karampá£ew éXrl-
cas oid Tre TdAÀa kal oíx AKioTa Sr
BXaorós ris ék dolvexos ev Tq Tis udxns
xwplp byros evOds éwl ry viky éiédw.
kal o0 Aéyw pev Ere ovK Epepé woe robTo,
GAN’ obn éxeivy ye Ert GANA TY Tis aded-
dis abrod éyyévy TQ 'Oxraouly.

arborem palmae, a genitive in appo-

sition, as vox Jibertatis etc.

in secessu Apolloniae, c. 8.

Theogenis...pergulam, ‘the studio
of Theogenes the astrologer.’ pergula
(pergo) is (1) anything jutting out from
a house, as a balcony or verandah, (2)
a booth or studio, see Mayor on Iuv.
IO. 137, (3) a school, Iuv. Z.c. sed nec
structor erit, cut cedere. debeat. omnis
FPergula. Here it seems some loft at
the top of the house used by the as-
trologer for taking observations of the
stars, such as used to be called a ‘ garret.'
For mathematici casting the horoscope,
see Iuv. 14, 248 mota mathematicis
genesis tua. — Cp. 1d. 3, 423 7, 2003 9, 32.
Elsewhere called CAa/4aei [Cato, 3 R.
5 84], and astrologi [Cic. divin. 1 § 132].
See also Suet. 735. 14 de tnfante mathe-
maticus preclara spopondit. For the
number and influence of the astrologers
in Rome during the Early Empire, see
passages quoted by Mayor on Iuv. 14,
248.

Agrippa. Octavian was accompanied
to Apollonia by Maecenas, Agrippa, Q.
Iuventius and others, Nic. Dam. c. 31.

[94—

sulebat, magna et paene incredibilia praedicerentur, reticere
ipse genituram suam nec velle edere perseverabat, metu
ac pudore, ne minor inveniretur. Qua tamen post multas
adhortationes vix et cunctanter edita, exilivit Theogenes
adoravitque eum. Tantam mox fiduciam fati Augustus
habuit, ut thema suum vulgaverit nummumque argenteum
nota sideris Capricorni, quo natus est, percusserit.

Post necem Caesaris reverso ab Apollonia et ingrediente
Potens, €9 urbem, repente liquido ac puro sereno circulus
occuring ad speciem caelestis arcus orbem solis ambiit, ac
to himself. subinde Iuliae Caesaris filiae monimentum fulmine
ictum est. Primo autem consulatu et augurium capienti
duodecim se voltures ut Romulo ostenderunt, et immolanti
omnium victimarum iocinera replicata intrinsecus ab ima fibra
paruerunt, nemine peritorum aliter coiectante quam laeta per

166 SUETONI

haec et magna portend

Quin et bellorum omnium eventus ante praesensit.

Con-

tractis ad Bononiam triumvirorum copiis, aquila tentorio eius

genituram. The hour and time of
his birth, by which Theogenes could
form his horoscope.

thema, technically used for a *horo-
scope,' the map or plan of the stars at
any given moment. Pitiscus quotes
Sidonius, Zpist. 8, 11 quos (ut verbo
matheseos utar) climactericos esset. habi-
turus, utpote quibus themate oblato quasi
sanguinariae geniturae schema paruisset.
Augustus neglected his own rule as to
the astrologers wore ék Tpoypadíjs vào.
T)» TO» dorépwr didratw id’ jv éyeyév-
vro pavepdca Dio 56, 25.

nummum...Capricorni. Hor. Od. 2,
17, 17 seu me Scorpius aspicit. Formido-
losus, pars violentior Natalis horae, seu
tyrannus Hesperiae Capricornus undae.
For coins of Augustus with the sign of
Capricornus, see Eckhel pt. II nos. 134,
198—9, 293. The sun enters Capri-
cornus on the 21st December, and there-
fore it is impossible to reconcile this
statement with the birth of Augustus,
without allowing for the full error of 9o
days in the old Calendar, which does not
seem to have been the case in B.C. 63,
see p. 9. Yet Manilius[2, 497] alsosays

contra Capricornus in ipsum

convertit visus, quid enim mirabitur ille
maius, in August: felix qui fulserit

ortum ?

95. ingrediente eo urbem, at the
beginning of May B.C. 44, see Cic. aZ
Att. 14, 20.

Iudae. Iulia the wife of Pompey
the Great who died in B.C. 54. Her
tomb was in the Campus Martius, see
Suet. 714. 84.

augurium capienti, see on c. 78.
duodecim voltures, Livy 1, 7; repli-
cata, ‘double.’ Dio relates this of the
war of Mutina, [46, 35] @aAws Te xal
8re Übovr. arg Sre Tov kÓcpor kal rip
é£ovcía» ToU orparnyod édaBe, Serra ra
qmwara év waot rots lepelas dwdexa ovow
edpéOn. Pliny [.V. A. 11 § tgo] places
the occurrence at Spoletium, and adds
responsumque duplicaturum intra an-
num imperium. The absence of one
lobe of the liver was a bad sign, Cic.
div. 2 cc. 15—17, while a lobe of un-
usual size was a good one, Valer. Max.
1, 6, 9 quae prima hostia ante foculum
decidit, eius tecur sine capite inventum
est ; proxtma caput tocinoris duplex
habuit. Quibus inspectis aruspex tristi
vultu non placere sibi exta, quia prima
tam tristia, secunda nimis laeta appa-
ruisseni. paruerunt for apparuerunt
not used by Cicero.

96. contractis ad Bononiam. In
November of B.C. 43 when the tri-
umvirate was formed, which took place

DIVUS AUGUSTUS. 167

97.]

supersedens duos corvos hinc et inde infestantis afflixit et ad
terram dedit; notante omni exercitu, futuram quandoque inter
collegas discordiam talem qualis secuta est, et exitum praesagi-
ente. Philippis Thessalus quidam de futura victoria nuntiavit
s auctore Divo Caesare, cuius sibi species itinere avio occurrisset.
Circa Perusiam, sacrificio non litanti cum augeri hostias
imperasset, ac subita eruptione hostes omnem rei divinae
X apparatum abstulissent, constitit inter haruspices, quae peri-
culosa et adversa sacrificanti denuntiata essent, cuncta in
10 ipsos recasura qui exta haberent; neque aliter evenit. Pridie
quam Siciliensem pugnam classe committeret, deambulanti in
litore piscis e mari exilivit et ad pedes iacuit. Apud Actium
descendenti in aciem asellus cum asinario occurrit, homini
Eutychus, bestiae Nicon erat nomen; utriusque simulacrum
ts aeneum victor posuit in templo, in quod castrorum suorum
locum vertit.

Mors quoque eius, de qua hinc dicam, divinitasque post 97
mortem evidentissimis ostentis praecognita est. Cum TE
lustrum in campo Martio magna populi frequentia prophetic
conderet, aquila eum saepius circumvolavit trans- eng
gressaque in vicinam aedem super nomen Agrippae
ad primam litteram sedit; quo animadverso vota, quae in
proximum lustrum suscipi mos est, collegam suum Tiberium
nuncupare iussit: nam se, quanquam conscriptis paratisque

év ynodly Twl ro rorapod rot rapa Thy
Bovwvlay rapappéovros Dio 46, 54. The
same tale of the eagle is told by Dio 47, 1.

cutus sibi species. See Dio 47, 41.

non litanti, dat. ‘not getting a favour-
able omen.’ Zare, to get a favourable
omen from a sacrifice, is used (a) of the
sacrificer, Plaut. Poen. 2. 41 ut semper
sacrificem nec umquam litem, cp. Otho
8 victima Diti patri caesa litavit, cum
tali sacrificio contraria exta potiora ir
(2) of the victim itself, Mart. 10,

n Greek the distinction is elk by
the active and middle voices: the victims
are said kaXXepéew [Herod. 6, 76], the
sacrificer caANepéer Oat 25. 82.

subita eruptione. For the dan
of Augustus at Perusia see c. 14 ad fin
pridie quam. Dio 49, 5, who says
that it occurred after the defeat near
Messene, cp. Pliny V. 4.9 § 55.
exilivit for exi/ui!, a recurrence it
seems to an ancient form. Fest. 206 M.;

cp. sakere Verg. G. 2, 384.

asellus. The same story is told by
Plutarch, Anion. 65.

templo, see c. 18.

97. in vicinam aedem...Agrippae.
The Pantheon, see P. 65.

collegam, that is in the censorial
office for holding the census (though
not as censors but with imperio consu-
lari). M. A. c. 8 tertium consularé
cum imperio conlega Tiberio Caesare
fiio (A.D. 14). See p. 60.

vota...nuncupare...soluturus. Cp.
Val. Max. 1, 1 £xt., 8 solvere vota pro
tncolumitate exercitus ab ipso nuncupata.
Cic. 3 Phil. 8 11 neglectis sacrificiis so-
lemnibus ante lucem vota ea quae num-
quam solveret nuncupavit. Livy 31, 9
vovit in eadem verba Consul praeeunte
maximo fontifice, quibus antea quinquen-
nalia vota suscipi solita erant. nuncu-
pare (omen capere) is ‘to put into
express words,’ ‘to solemnly name.’

98 tudinis contraxit ex profluvio alvi.

168 SUETONI

[97—

iam tabulis, negavit suscepturum quae non esset soluturus.
Sub idem tempus ictu fulminis ex inscriptione statuae eius
prima nominis littera effluxit; responsum est, centum solos
dies posthac victurum, quem numerum C littera notaret,
futurumque ut inter deos referretur, quod aesar, id est reliqua

pars e Caesaris nomine, Etrusca lingua deus vocaretur.
Tiberium igitur in Illyricum dimissurus et Beneventuni
usque prosecuturus, cum interpellatores aliis atque

His last aliis causis in iure dicendo detinerent, exclamavit,

days.

. quod et ipsum mox inter omina relatum est, zon, sz

omnia morarentur, amplius se posthac Romae futurum ; atque
itinere incohato Asturam perrexit, et inde, praeter consuetu-
dinem de nocte, ad occasionem aurae evéctus, causam vali-
Tunc Campaniae ora
proximisque insulis circuitis, Caprearum quoque secessui
quadriduum impendit, remississimo ad otium et ad omnem
comitatem animo.

Forte Puteolanum sinum praetervehenti vectores nautaeque
de navi Alexandrina, quae tantum quod appulerat, candidati
coronatique et tura libantes fausta omina et eximias laudes
congesserant, per ilum se vivere, nee tllum navigare, “ibertate

tabulis, in which the vows were
recorded. See Festus s. v. nuncupata
.. Vota nuncupata dicuntur quae Con-
sules Praetores, cum in provinciam
proficiscuntur, faciunt, Ea in tabulas
praesentibus multis referuntur.
aesar. Dio 56, 29 xal rà Aourür
way Üvoua, Gedy wapd rois Tuponvots vocet,
Hesych. alcool: deol, bà Tuppnvayv. See
Buck Vocalismus der Oshischen Sprache
p. 146, who holds that the Etruscans
borrowed azsar from other Italian
dialects,—Oscan aw ‘sacrum,’ aisusis
‘sacrifictis’ ; Umbrian esono ‘sacrifici-
um,’ cesona ‘divinas’; Marrucinian azsos
‘dis’; Volscian esaristrom ‘sacrificium.’
in Illyricum, Tac. Aun. 1, & vixdum
ingressus. Allyricum Tiberius ‘properts ma-
tris literis accitur ; neque satis comper-
tum est spirantem adhuc Augustum afud
urbem Nolam an exanimem reppererit.
Dio 56, 31 ov uévro. cudavyns evOds 6
Oávaros avbrob évyévero* 7) yàp Acoula $oBn-
Geioa wh rob Tigeplov év ry Aeuarlg Er’
Üvros vewrepicOy Ti, ouvéxpuper addy
péxpis ob ékeivos dplxero. His mission,
according to Paterculus [2, 123], was a

pacific one ad firmanda pace quae bello
subegerat. Tiberius had subdued Dal-
matia in A.D. 9, and celebrated a triumph
over it in A.D. 12 [Dio 55, 29—323 56,
I1—17; Vell. 2, 110—115].

Asturam. Augustus goes by sea and
rests at Astura, a small islet between
Antium and Circeii, on which he, as
many others, seems to have had a villa,
cp. 714. 72 rediens ergo propere Cam-
paniam Asturae in languorem incidit,
quo paulum levatus Circetos pertendit.

de nocte, ‘before daybreak,’ for the
sake of coolness (it was late July or
early August). Vespas. 21 in principatu
maturius semper ac de nocte evigilabat.
Cic. Att. 4, 3 im comitium | Milo de
nocte venit, Metellus cum prima luce in
campum currebat.

98. Caprearum, see c. 92. Cam-
paniae ora, a favourite yachting voyage,
see Vero c. 27.

tantum quod, ‘only just,’ see c. 63.

per illum navigare, Hor. Od. 4» 5:
19 pacatum volitant per mare navitae.
Prop. 3, 9, 71 44 tu sive fetes portus
seu navita linques Caesaris in toto sis

98.] DIVUS AUGUSTUS. 169

atque fortunis per illum frui. Qua re admodum exhilaratus,
quadragenos aureos comitibus divisit iusque iurandum et
cautionem exegit a singulis, non alio datam summam quam
in emptionem Alexandrinarum mercium absumpturos. Sed
et ceteros continuos dies inter varia munuscula togas insuper
ac pallia distribuit, lege proposita ut Romani Graeco, Graeci
Romano habitu et sermone uterentur. Spectavit assidue
exercentes ephebos, quorum aliqua adhuc copia ex vetere
instituto Capreis erat; isdem etiam epulum in conspectu
suo praebuit, permissa, immo exacta iocandi licentia diripi-

endique pomorum et obsoniorum rerumque missilia.

Nullo

denique genere hilaritatis abstinuit.
Vicinam Capreis insulam Apragopolim appellabat, a de-

memor Jonio. M. A. c. 25 mare pacavi
a praedonibus.

aureos. The denarius aureus, said
to have been introduced by Iulius in
B.C. 48, was equal to 25 silver denarii
or 100 sesterces (about § of £1).

Alexandrinarum mercium. The
commerce of Egypt had greatly revived
under the Imperial government. There
was a large trade with Italy in corn
and salt fish, but also in articles of
luxury. Aurel. Vict. Zpit. 18 2 Auins
tempore ex Aegypto urbi annua ducenties
centena millia frumenti inferebantur.
Puteoli was the regular port for the
ships from Alexandria. Seneca [Z/.
77 88 1—2] speaks of the ‘ade/lariae,
‘despatch boats,’ that regularly precede
the arrival of the Alexandrine fleet.
Augustus laid up in the docks at
Puteoli the ship that had brought the
Egyptian obelisks [Pliny M. H. 36 8
70]; nine days’ sail from Alexandria to
Puteoli was an extraordinarily good

.voyage, 7d. 19 8 3.
togas..

pallia, 3 he distinctive Roman
and Greek dresses, see c. 40.
sermone. Forthe wideknowledge and
use of the Greek language by educated
Romans, see passages quoted by Mayor
on Iuv. 18, 110; cp. supr. c. 89.
ephebos...vetere instituto. Capreae
had, till its interchange with Augustus,
been a part of the domain of Neapolis
[c. 92], where Greek customs survived
longerthan anywhere in MagnaGraecia.
Strabo 5, 4, 7 mwAetora Ó' lxv» Tis
"EAAgructs d'ywyíüs évrat0a cofera,
yupvdowd re kal é$mBeia xal pparpla

kal óvóuara. EAMqruá.... The Greek
ephebi were youths between the end of
boyhood (18) and the age of full citizen-
ship, a period expressed in ‘Athens
by éxi &erés é$»8ü» Pollux 8, 105,
part of which was regularly devoted
to physical training in gymnastics.
"A0n». TOÀ. 42 Xetporovei 0e wardorplBas
avrots Sto kal didacxadous ofrives ómo-
paxe» xal rotevew xal dxovritew xal
kararéArny üduévac Qibáokovow.
missilia. Vero 11 sparsa et missilia
omnium rerum per omnes dies. Macrob.
Sat. 2, 4 § 22 Curtius eques Romanus
deliciis difffuens, cum macrum turdum
sumpsisse tt convivio Caesaris, interro-
gavit an‘ mittere liceret! — Responderat
princeps * quidni liceat?’ ille per fenes-
tram misit. The scenes in which this
strange custom of throwing things at
table sometimes ended are described by
Iuv. 5, 25 sq. Cp. Horace Odes 1, 27.
vicinam Capreis insulam, ‘the neigh-
bouring island Capreae,’ lit.‘at Capreae.’
Casaubon seems right in regarding Ca-
prets as a locative; there is no island
‘near Capreae.’ Cp. Cassius in oppido
Antiochiae Cic. ad Att. 5,18. Albae
constiterunt in urbe opportuna 4 Phil.§6.
It may be compared to the manner of
naming towns and islands in later Greek
by adding és ri» (‘in’) before the name,
thus és ray Kà became Stanko, és Tay
TÓM» Stamboul. The expression here
used shows the writer to be regarding
Augustus at Naples, from which the
members of his family slip off for a
holiday at Capreae. An old commen-
tator on Iuv. 10, 93 read Cafzeas; but

170

sidia secedentium illuc e comitatu suo.

SUETONI

| [98—

Sed ex dilectis

unum, Masgaban nomine, quasi conditorem insulae x«riornv

vocare consuerat.

Huius Masgabae ante annum defuncti

tumulum cum e triclinio animadvertisset magna turba multis-
que luminibus frequentari, versum compositum ex tempore s

clare pronuntiavit:

KrícTov 0é rÓuÉov eicopó mupovpevor

conversusque ad Thrasylum Tiberi comitem, contra accu-
bantem et ignarum rei, interrogavit cuiusnam poetae putaret
esse; quo haesitante, subiecit alium:

ac de hoc quoque consuluit.

"Opás $áeco. Maoayáfav ripmpevor ;
Cum ille nihil aliud responderet

quam, cuiuscumque essent optimos esse, cachinnum sustulit

atque in iocos effusus est.

Mox Neapolim traiecit, quanquam

etiam tum infirmis intestinis morbo variante; tamen

Tiberius
sent for.

et quinquennale certamen gymnicum honori suo

institutum perspectavit et cum Tiberio ad destina-

tum locum contendit.

Sed in redeundo adgravata valitudine,

tandem Nolae succubuit revocatumque ex itinere Tiberium
diu secreto sermone detinuit, neque post ulli maiori negotio

animum accommodavit. .

Supremo die identidem exquirens, an iam de se tumultus

Last
words.

an XIth century catalogue of Papal
estates has insulam Capris cum Mo-
nasterio S. Stephani. Gregorovius 4.
of Rome in the Middle Ages 11. p. 247
(Engl. Tr.).

Masgaban, probably a freedman of
African race employed by Augustus to
superintend the improvements on the
island. He calls him ‘founder’ in jest:
there was no ‘colony’ in the technical
sense on Capri.

frequentari, apparently on the anni-
versary of his death. For the custom
of these torches in commemorating the
dead see Ov. F. 2, 561.

Thrasylus was one of Tiberius’
favourite mathematict, see Suet. 735.
cc. 14, 62; Cal. 19.

consuluit...responderet: the words
show that Augustus was making a play-

ful trial of the prophetic powers of

foris esset, petito speculo, capillum sibi comi ac
malas labantes corrigi praecepit, et admissos amicos

Thrasylus.

quinquennale...gymnicum. Strabo
5; 4, 7 vuvl dé wevrernpixds lepds dyàv
cuvredeira: wap avrois, uovowós Te kal
yuuvexds éwl wAelovs djuépas erdysddros
Tos émipaverrdros ray xara Thy 'EA-
Adda. honori suo, see on c. 59, Vell.
Pat. 2, 123 Znterfuturus certamini lu-
dicro, quod eius honort sacratum a
Neapolitanis est.

ad destinatum locum, ‘to the place
to which he had resolved to accompany
him,’ i.e. to Beneventum, on his way to
Brundisium to embark for Illyricum.
Vell. Pat. 2, 123 ¢amen obnitente pro-
secutus filium digressusque ab eo Bene-
vents ipse Nolam petiit, et ingravescente
tn dies valetudine, cum sciret, auis vo-
lenti omnia post se salva remanere
accersendus foret, festinanter revocavit
filium. See also 7:5. 21. Velleius 7. c.

100. ]

DIVUS AUGUSTUS.

171

percontatus, ecquid iis videretur. mimum vitae commode trans-

egisse, adiecit et clausulam:

et dé TL

&yot KAA@S TO Traiyyiov, kporov Sore
Kal mdvres Has pera yapas mpotréupare.

Omnibus deinde dimissis, dum advenientes ab urbe de Drusi
filia aegra interrogat, repente in osculis Liviae et in hac
voce defecit: Livia, nostri coniugi memor vive, ac vale!

sortitus exitum facilem et qualem semper optaverat.

Nam

1: fere quotiens audisset cito ac nullo cruciatu. defunctum
quempiam, sibi et suis ev@avaclay similem (hoc enim et

verbo uti solebat) precabatur.

Unum omnino ante efflatam

animam signum alienatae mentis ostendit, quod subito pave-
factus a quadraginta se iuvenibus abripi questus est. Id
15 quoque magis praesagium quam mentis deminutio fuit, siqui-
dem totidem milites praetoriani extulerunt eum in publicum.

also affirms that Tiberius arrived in time
to be with him at his death. Tacitus
[Ann. 1, 5) says that there was a doubt
on the subject, neque satis compertum
spirantem adhuc Augustum apud urbem
Nolam an exanimem reppererit. And
Dio [56, 30] says that Livia was sus-
pected of hastening his end by means
of a poisoned fig; a slander repeated
by Aur. Vict. ef. 1, 27.

99. mimum. The mime or farce had
been long known at Rome, but had not
perhaps taken its place as literature till
towards the end of the Republic. See
Suet. 7t. 39. The comparison of life
to a drama is a common one, see Cic.
de Sen. 88 4, 50, 64, 70, 86. Sen. Ef.
80 nec enim ull effcactus exprimitur
hic humanae vitae mimus, qui nobis
partes has quas male agamus assignat.
It may have some pathetic appropriate-
ness to the career of Augustus, but it
can hardly have been meant cynically
by him, as Dio supposes, [56, 30] xpórov
dé 0j rwa wap abrav dpolws Tots "yeAw-
Toros ws Kal éml pluouv Twós redeuT]
alricas xal wduravy Távra tov TÓV
dvOpwrwy Blov dcéoxwyev.

clausulam, the usual appeal at the
end of the play for applause. Cic. de
Sen. 8 70 neque enim histrioni ut placeat

agenda fabula est...nec sapienti us-
2i ad : umido" veniendum est. Hor.
A. P. 155 donec cantor ‘vos plaudite!

dicat. The word clausula (c/audo) was
the technical expression for it. Cic.
Cael. 8 75 in quo mimo cum clausula
non invenitur.

& & m. The restoration of these
Greek lines is due to Roth.

Drusi filia, Livilla, daughter of
Drusus and Antonia, and sister of Ger-
manicus and Claudius, see Suet. C7. 1 fin.
She afterwards married Drusus, son of
Tiberius. For her tragic fate see Dio
58, 1t; Tac. Ann. 2, 43, 84; 4, 405 6, 2.

defecit, ‘died,’ Quint. 5, 10, 79 deficit
omne quod nascitur.

memor vive ac vale. Cf. Iuv. 3,
318 vale nostri memor. Hor. Od. 3,
27, 14 et memor nostri, Galatea, vivas.

evOavaclav. Cic. ad Att. 16, 7 § 3
iud admirari satis non potui, quod
scripsisti his verbis : * veni igitur tu, qui
evdavaclav. veni. relingues patriam’ ?
The word is rare and late (see L. and
Sc.). Polybius (5, 38) uses ev@avarety of
a noble death. A sudden and painless
death was desired by Iulius, Plut. Caes.
63 duwecdvros Aóryov wotos dpa TOv Üará-
TU» puros, dravras $0ácas éflónsev 6
dm poo déxnros.

practoriani, see pp. 52, 106. quo
pater Octavius. Tac. dun. 1, 9 mul-
tus hinc ipse de Augusto sermo...quo
Nolae in domo at cubtculo, in quo pater
eis Oclavius, vitam finivissel.

172 SUETONI [ 100.

Obiit in cubiculo eodem, quo pater Octavius, duobus
His death : à :
at Nola Sextis, Pompeio et Appuleio, cons. XIIII. Kal. Sep-
Ip ugue temb. hora diei nona, septuagesimo et sexto aetatis
anno, diébus V. et XXX. minus. ©

Corpus decuriones municipiorum et coloniarum a Nola
Bovillas usque deportarunt, noctibus propter. anni
tempus, cum interdiu in basilica cuiusque oppidi
. vel in aedium. sacrarum maxima reponeretur. A
Bovillis equester ordo suscepit, urbique intulit atque in vesti-
bulo domus conlocavit. Senatus et in funere ornando et in
memoria honoranda eo studio certatim progressus est, ut inter
alia complura censuerint quidam, funus triumphali porta du-
cendum, praecedente Victoria quae est in curia, canentibus
neniam principum liberis utriusque sexus; alii, exequiarum
die ponendos anulos aureos ferreosque sumendos ; nonnulli,
ossa legenda per sacerdotes summorum collegiorum. Fuit et

Funeral
honours.

100. duobus Sext....cons. A.D. 14,
Dio 56, 29; Tac. Avn.1,7. XIIII. Kal.
Sept. 19 August. The calculation as
to the length of Augustus’ life is based
on the supposition that his birthday (23
September) was according to the recti-
fied Iulian Calendar, A. W. Zumpt Com-
mentatio Chronologica de Imp. Aug. die
natali, p.547. decuriones, see c. 2, p. 3.

a Bovillis equester ordo. The equites
demanded this as a privilege from the
consuls, commissioning the future Em-
peror Claudius to make the request
[Suet. C/. 6]. Bovillae was 12 miles
down the via Appia. Dio 56, 31 76 3’
otv copa TÓ ToU Auyotocrou éx uv rijs
NóXys ol wpwroe ka0' éxdorny wodw ék
diadoxfs éBdoracay’ wpds 00 93) rj Pug
yevóp.evov ol Urmets mapaXafórres vuxrds
és 7d doru évexomoay.

triumphali porta. The funeral pro-
cession was to leave-by the gate through
which triumphal processions entered.
Its exact position is uncertain. Prof.
Lanciani [Ramsay’s Antig. p. 1o] says
that it spanned the modern via della
bocca della Verita, which, running
between the Palatine and the river,
enters the Campus near the 7heatrum
Marcelli. This would suit Josephus’
description of the triumph of Vespasian
who entered from the Campus, first
riding da rv 0cárpwv [B. Lud. 7, 5, 4].
See also Suet. Wer. 25 (Nero entere
through the Velabrum and Forum on
his way to the Palatine). Tac. Anz.

1,8. The porta triumphalis is mentioned
by Cicero £s Pes. § 55.

Victoria quae est. in curia. The
figure which Augustus had himself
placed in the curia Julia. Dio gr, 22
7d Bovdreurhpoy 7d 'lovMetov...kaÜtépo-
cev’ évéornce 06 és atbrd 7d Ayadya 7d
THS vucijs 7d kal viv by.

ponendos...aureos. This would a-
mount to a pretty general mourning.
The gold ring was not a special mark
of the Senators. Originally it was given
at the public expense to those Senators
who were going on a foreign mission
[Isid. orig. 19, 32 annuli de publico
dabantur] It was then adopted by all
the »obiías, but was not obligatory,
for Marius retained the ferreus till his
and consulship [Pliny A. Z. 33 88 11
—12]. Before the 2nd Punic war it
had become the special mark of the
ordo equester, and later on under the
Empire was allowed to all zsgenut.
Willems, Je Sénat, 1, p. 147. For the
laying aside of annul: aurei in public
mourning see Livy 9, 7 Jat? clavi, an-
nuli aurei positi. Cp. tb. c. 47.

ossa legenda. That is, from the
funeral pyre, the office generally of near
relatives, and in most cases of women,
Tib. 3, 2, 16

| 055a
incinctae nigra candida veste legant.

summorum collegiorum. Sc. fori-
fices, augures, septemviri, Epulones,quin-

—— —— — —— —— —— -—

I00:] :

DIVUS AUGUSTUS.

173

qui suaderét, appellationem mensis Augusti in Septembrem
transferendam, quod ‘hoc genitus Augustus, illo defunctus
esset ; alius, ut omne tempus a primo die natali ad exitum
eius saéculum Augustum appellaretur et ita in fastos refer-

retur.

Verum adhibito honoribus modo, bifariam laudatus

est: pro aede Divi Iuli a Tiberio et pro rostris 75445. ©
veteribus a Druso Tiberi filio; ac senatorum umeris ^^"^
delatus in Campum crematusque. Nec defuit vir praetorius,

decimviri. Dio 53, f xal aürg -pev-

(wxavipyupts) 5d wévre del érov uéxpc vov
éylyvero rats rTéogapot lepwodvacs éx wept-
TpoT)s uéNovaa * Aéyw dé robs re TovTi-
d«xas kal rods olwyurds, Tos re ÉTTÓ
«al rods wevrékalóéka Avdpas kaXov-
pépyovus. M. A. 9 quattuor, amplissima
collegia.

mensis Augusti. See c. 31.

adhibito... modo, i.e. by Tiberius,
whorefused extravagant funeral honours,
see Tac. Ann. 8. Thus Tiberius’ pane-
gyrist Velleius [2, 124) says post reddstum
caelo patrem, et corpus eius humanis
Aonoribus, nomen divinis honoratur.

bifariam laudatus. The /awdatio
preceded the burning. The cortége
was stopped opposite the place at which
the oration was to be delivered, the
wax figures of the ancestors carried in
it were arrayed on curule seats round,
and then some relation of the deceased
mounted the rostra to deliver the speech.
Polyb. 6, 53, 9. In case of public
funerals the duty of delivering the
speech was frequently entrusted by the
Senate to some magistrate (Quint. 3, 7
82]. It was in fact a contio, an address
to the citizens at large, Cic. de leg. 2 8
61 reliqua sunt in more: funus ut indi-
catur,...honoratorum virorum laudes in
contione memorentur. Originally it was
an honour reserved for magistrates for
some special services, and even when
the patriciate at large assumed the right
for each of its members, it seems to
have required some authorisation of the
Senate or the Emperor. Marq. 14, p.
420, see Tac. Ann. 3, 76.
- pro rostris veteribus. The Rostra
standing between the Forum and the
Comitium had been removed by Iulius
when he was restoring the Curia (B.c.
44). : Dio 43, 49 7d Bfjua 7d & péow
Tov Tpórepov Tíjs dyopas Ó» és rà» viv
rémov ávexcwplio05. Dr Middleton [AZe-
mains of Ancient Rome, vol. 1. p. 252]
holds that the Rostra thus rebuilt were

still called vera as opposed to the
Rostra Julia, a podium of the ZZeroon
Julium, built by Augustus, to which
were affixed the beaks of the ships taken
at Actium [Dio 51, 19 rjv ve kpyriba
rod ‘IovAcelou hpyouv rois TOv alyuaXw-
TlÓwv véwy KoounOijva...eyvwoav]. The
rostra as made by Caesar were not quite
a reproduction of the older rostra, for
some of the statues were removed. See
Cic. 9 Phil. 8 4. (An old emendation
was a Tiberio pro rostris ; sub veteribus
a Druso. The expression sub veteribus,
sc. labernis, was the designation of a
street along one side of the Forum.)

in Campum, as being outside the
pomoerium, Cic. de leg. 2 8 58 hominem
mortuum in urbe ne sepelito neve urito.
The burning of the bodies of Clodius
and Iulius Caesar in the forum was
illegal and done in a popular riot. The
exceptions were the Vestal virgins and
certain families (vzrZwis causa) such as
the Valerii and Fabricii, who however
soon ceased to avail themselves of the
privilege. Even on the Campus it
was only allowed on special occasions.
Again, to have a monument on the
Campus or elsewhere in the city was an
honour rarely granted and required a
SCtum or a lex. See C. 7. Z. 1, p. 186.
C * POPLICIO * L * F * BIBVLO * AED» PL «
HONORIS * VIRTVTISQVE CAVSA * SENA-
TVS * IVSSV * LOCVS * MONVMENTO e
QVO * IPSE POSTEREIQVE * EIVS « IN-
FERRENTVR * PVBLICE * DATVS * EST.
Cic. 9 Phil. § 4 maiores nostri statuas
multis decreverunt, stpulcra paucis, |
t6. 8 17 utique locum sepulcro in campo
Esguilino C. Pansa cos. seu quo in loco
videbitur fedes xxx quoquo versus ad-
signet, quo Ser. Sulpicius inferatur,
quod sepulcrum ipsius liberorum poster-
orunmque eius essel, uti quod optimo ture
publice sepulcrum datum esset. The
reason was that ‘public’ land could not
be alienated without a law. The Ves-
tals and the Emperors however were

SUETONI [100—

174

qui se effigiem cremati euntem in caelum vidisse iuraret.
Reliquias legerunt primores equestris ordinis, tunicati et
The Mau. discincti pedibusque nudis, ac Mausoleo condide-
solum. runt. Id opus inter Flaminiam viam ripamque
Tiberis sexto suo consulatu extruxerat circumiectasque
silvas et ambulationes in usum populi iam tum publicarat.

1010 — Testamentum, L. Planco C. Silio cons. III. Non. Apriles,

ante annum et quattuor menses quam decederet,

ne will
sign

2 April
A.D. 13.

factum ab eo ac duobus codicibus, partim ipsius
partim libertorum Polybi et Hilarionis manu, scrip-
tum depositumque apud se virgines Vestales cum
tribus signatis aeque voluminibus protulerunt.

Quae omnia

in senatu aperta atque recitata sunt. Heredes instituit primos :
Tiberium ex parte dimidia et sextante, Liviam ex parte tertia,

above the law, Servius ad Verg. Aen.
II, 206 Jmperatores et virgines Vestae,
qui legibus non tenentur, in civitate ha-
bent sepulcra. Marq. 14, p. 422.

vir praetorius, Numerius Atticus;
see Dio 56, 46, who says that Livia

resented him with 25000 denarii for

is report. Cp. Seneca, de Mort. Claud.
8 2 Appiae viae curator est qua scis et
divum Augustum et Tiberium Caesarem
ad deos isse. Cp. Dio 56, 42 derds dé
vis CE abrijs (wupas) dpeOels áviraro ws
kal 3h rh» yuxhy abrod és rov obpavydy
dvadépwy.

reliquias legerunt. Dio /.c. 4 d¢ dh
Acovia xara xopa» wévre T"épau$ perd
TU» TpOTUOP lrréwy pelvaca Tá Te ÓoTG
abTOoÜU cvreMtaro kal és rd pynpetov karé-
Gero. Vergil Aen. 6, 227 reliquias vino
et bibulam lavere favillam Ossaque lecta
cado texit Corynaeus aeno. Cp. c. 97.

tunicati...nudis, ‘without their saga,
ungirt, and with bare feet. These
seem special marks of mourning on the
part of soldiers, see c. 24. They are
not mentioned elsewhere as ordinarily
used at funerals.

Mausoleo. The Mausoleum Augusti
. was a great mound of earth [¢ssulus

Verg. Aen. 6, 874: Tac. Ann. 3, 9] on
a base of white marble 220 feet in
diameter, surmounted with a colossal
bronze statue of Augustus. Strabo 5,
3, 8. It now forms the Zeatro Correa,
used as a kind of circus. Suetonius
Cal. 15; Nero 46; Vesp. 23. It was
filled by the time of Hadrian's death,
Dio 69, 23 (A.D. 138). For Mausolus,
the Carian Prince, whose monument

erected by his wife Artemisia supplied
this word, see Dem. de lib. Rhod. 191.
Diodor. 15, 36. He died in B.c. 353.
Plin. WN. A. 36 8 47.

sexto suo consulatu. B.C. 28.

publicarat, see on c. 29, p. 63.

101. IL. Planco, C. Silio cons., i.e.
B.C. 13.

virgines Vestales, who frequently
were intrusted with wills. See Zu.
83; Tac. Ann. 1, 8; Plut. Anton. 58.
So also with other important documents,
see Dio 48, 12 (the agreement between
Antony and Augustus in B.C. 41): App.
B. Civ. 5, 48 (the treaty of Misenum in
B.C. 39). Marq. 13, p. 27.

in senatu, Tac. dan. 1,8 nihi] primo

senatus die agi passus est nisi de supremis
Augusti, cutus testamentum inlatum per
Virgines Vestae Tiberium et Liviam
heredes habuit. The Senate had been
summoned by Tiberius ture tribuniciae
potestatis, Tib. c. 23.

recitata, per libertum, see 71. l.c.
Dio [56, 32] says that the freedman
Polybius read it, that being an office
looked on as unbecoming a Senator.

atque. The two rolls were signed
and sealed in the same formal manner
as the will.

Tiberium. In the life of Tiberius /.c,
he quotes the opening sentence Quonsam
atrox fortuna Gaium et Lucium filios
mihi eripuit, Tiberius Caesar mihi ex
parte dimidia et sextante heres esto.

primos...secundos. The primi are
the real heirs. The secund: only suc-
ceed in case the przmsi (a) refuse the in-
heritance, or (4) die before coming of

IOI.]

DIVUS AUGUSTUS.

175

quos et ferre nomen suum iussit, secundos: Drusum Tiberi
filium ex triente, ex partibus reliquis Germanicum liberosque
eius tres sexus virilis, tertio gradu: propinquos amicosque

compluris.

-e stricies quinquies sestertium, praetorianis militibus

Legavit populo Romano quadringenties, tribubus

Public

singula milia nummorum, cohortibus urbanis quin- legacies.
genos, legionaris trecenos nummos: quam summam reprae-
sentari iussit, nam et confiscatam semper repositamque

habuerat.

Reliqua legata varie dedit produxitque quaedam

1» ad vicies sestertium, quibus solvendis annuum diem finiit, ex-
cusata rei familiaris mediocritate, nec plus perventurum ad
heredes suos quam milies et quingenties professus, quamvis
viginti proximis annis quaterdecies milies ex testamentis
amicorum percepisset, quod paene omne cum duobus paternis
15 patrimoniis ceterisque hereditatibus in rem publicam absum-

sisset.

age. The being entered as secundi or
tertii was therefore often merely com-
plimentary, with the off chance of being
valuable. In this case the secundi are
the natural successors of the frs.
Hor. S. 2, 5, 47 Jeniter in spem Adrepe
offictosus ut et. scribare secundus Haeres.
Cic. fam. 13, 61 qui me cum tutorem
tum etiam secundum haeredem constitu-
erit. The haeredes took the residue (in
the assigned proportions) when the
legacies had been paid. Tiberius 3
(3-- 4), Livia 4. A woman could take
a legacy up to a half, but was still pre-
vented by the Voconian plebiscitum
(B.C. 169) from being an eres [Gaius
2, 274; Plin. panegyr. 42], but Gellius
[20, 1 $23] says that the law was obsolete
and neglected. It had always been
evaded by means of trusts or legacies.
Augustus is said to have asked for a
special exemption for Livia, Dio 56, 32
rapa ris BovAfs yriocaro TrocoÜrov airi
kal rapa Tov vóuov Karaderety ÓvvnOfjva:.

quos et ferre nomen. Tiberius al-
ready bore the name of Caesar from
adoption [A.D. 4], and is described in
monuments as 7iberius Caesar Aug. f.
FWilmanns 886, 887, 880b], whereas
before his adoption he is 7%. Claudius
Ti. f. Nero [Wilmanns 882]. He did
not adopt the name ‘ Augustus’ until so
called by the Senate [Dio 57, 2—3].
The inscription over him in the Mauso-
leum gives him his full titles: ossA*

Iulias filiam neptemque, si quid iis accidisset, vetuit

TI * CAESARIS * DIVI « AVG * F «
AVGVSTI * PONTIFICIS * MAXIMI *
TRIB © POT * XXXIIX * IMP * VIII «
COS «ve The will made no difference
to him in this respect, and Tacitus only
refers to Livia, [4£s55. 1, 8] Liviam in
familiam Iuliam nomenque Augustum
adsumebat. Henceforth she is Zu/ia
Augusta, whereas before she was Livia
Drusi f. uxor Caesaris (compare Wil-
manns 880 b and 9o6).

Drusum. Drusus the son of Tiberius
died in A.D. 23. The three sons of
Germanicus were Nero, Drusus and
Gaius (Caligula).

tribubus. For the two tribes with
which Augustus had been connected, cp.
c. 40, p. 89. See also Kubitschek de
trib, Roman. origine, p. 118. Tacitus
[Ann.1,8]seems to mean these ¢rzbules
by the term 2/ebs: populo et plebt quad-
ringentiens triciens quinquiens.

praetorianis. See pp. 52, 106. co-
hortibus urbanis, p. 105.

confiscatam, *kept under the head
of his private property.’ See c. 15,
P. 3r.
cum duobus paternis hereditatibus,
one from his father Octavius, which
had been badly or dishonestly managed
by his guardian [see p. 58]; and that of
his adoptive father Iulius, who left him

heres ex dodrante (Sths). Suet. Zu.
83, supr. c. 7.
Iulias. See on c. 64. si quid fis

176

sepulcro suo inferri.

SUETONI: DIVUS AUGUSTUS

[1o1.

Tribus voluminibus, uno mandata de

funere suo complexus est, altero indicem rerum a se ges-
Res gestae tarum, quem vellet incidi in aeneis tabulis, quae ante

Augusti.

Mausoleum statuerentur, tertio breviarium totius im-

perii, quantum militum sub signis ubique esset, quantum

pecuniae in aerario et fiscis et vectigaliorum residuis.

Ad-

iecit et libertorum servorumque nomina, a quibus ratio exigi

posset.

accidisset, ‘on their death,’ a common
euphemism, see Cic. 7usc. 1 § 104.

tribus voluminibus. Dio [56, 33]
adds a fourth, containing certain maxims
and principles of state which Augustus
thought it important to be observed, rà
réraprov évro\as xal émoxjyes TQ
‘TBeplp kal TQ kouq, dAXas re kal Srws
pr’ dwedevdepGor woddous, a 17) way-
ToÓaxoU ÜÓxyXov Thy wÓM» wANpwowsr’
finr’ ad cuxvods éyvypádocuw tva wodd 7d
Scdgopov avrots wpds rods Uwrnxdous 7.
TÁ T€ Kowd act Tots Suvauévas xal
elüéva, kal wpárrew éxirpéwew xal és
pndéva dvapray abrà vapjvecé adu,
Sxrus unre rupaveldos r« ExcOupjoy wíjr!
av wraloavros éxelvov T0 Snudorov o aq
yvwunv Tre abTois ESwke Tots Te TapoÜauw
adpecOnvac kal pndapwds él TAetor T]
ápxi» évavzfea €0€\noa’ BvooUAakróv
T€ yap abr)» Écea0a« kal xwdvvetoew Ex
ToUTOv kal rà Órra aroddoa Edn.

index rerum, that which, with its
official Greek translation, has been pre-
served for us in the temple at Ancyra,
and to a small extent at Apollonia.
See Appendix A.

breviarium. Tacitus [4z». 1, 11]
seems not to distinguish clearly between
the two rolls any more than Suetonius:

opes publicae continebantur, quantum
civium sociorumque tn armis, quot
classes, regna, provinciae, tributa aut
vectigalia et necessitates ac largitiones,
quae cuncta sua manu prescripserat Au-
gustus, addideratque consilium coercendi
intra terminos imperii, incertum metu
an per invidiam. Seneca Ep. 69 objects
to the word dbreviarium, saying that the
true Latin word is summarium. For
breviarium for an abstract of accounts
see Galb. 12.

vectigaliorum residuis, ‘arrears of
taxes,’ ‘balances still in the hands of
the receivers,’ as is shown by the defi-
nition in the 2g. 48, 13, 2 (L. and Sh.)
lege Iulia de residuis tenetur qui publs-
cam pecuniam. delegatam in usum ali-
Coi retinuit neque in eum consumpsit.

or the form vectigaliorum cf. c. 53
sponsaliorum. See Macrob. Sat. 1, 4
8 12 Asinius Pollio vectigaliorum fre-
quenter usurpet, quod | vectigal non
minus dicatur quam vectigalia, by which
Macrobius seems to mean that vectigal
(a shortened form for vectigale) follows
the rule of such adjectives used sub-
stantivally, many of which have the
gen. plur. in -orum, e.g. baccanalia,
compitalia etc. Roby ZL. G. 8 425.

(Portrait of Livia.)

APPENDIX A.

I. MONUMENTUM ANCYRANUM.

Or the three vo/umina left by Augustus the second was an tndex
rerum a se gestarum (c. 101; Dio 56, 33) which he wished to be
engraved on bronze tablets to be affixed to the front of the Mausoleum.
This was no doubt done, but these tablets have long disappeared.
Fortunately a copy was also it seems commonly engraved on temples
of ‘Augustus and Rome’ in the provinces with a Greek version as
the cow?) diddexros. Of these copies one remains fairly complete
on the walls of a temple at Ancyra in Galatia [Agora], and some
fragments at Apollonia in Pisidia. The first partial copy of the Latin
version was made by a Dutchman, Augerius Busbequius, when on a
mission to Soliman in 1555, and was printed by Andrew Schott in
an edition of Aurelius Victor (1577). This however was a mere
fragment of the whole; and since that time various attempts have
been made to obtain a complete copy, as by Daniel Cosson, Dutch
Vice-consul at Smyrna (in the 17th century), and the Frenchman
Paul Lucas by the order of Louis XIV. At length in 1861 Napoleon
III. obtained a complete transcript by the exertions of G. Perrot
and E. Guillaume. Finally, in 1882, C. Humann obtained a plaster
cast of the whole, both Greek and Latin, in a series of plates which
were safely deposited in the Museum at Berlin. This is the founda-
tion of the text as restored and revised by Mommsen in 1883.

S. I2

178 APPENDIX A.

Rérum gestárum díví Augusti, quibus orbem terra[ru»s] ímperio
populi Rom. subiécit, et inpensarum, quas in rem publicam
populumque Ro[ma]num fecit, incísarum in duabus aheneís pílís,
quae su[7]t Romae positae, exemplar sub[;]ectum.

s.c. 44 Annós undéviginti natus exercitum priváto consilio et privata impensá 1

Ard comparávi, per quem rem publicam [do]minatione factionis
p sr oppressam in libertátem vindicá[v;. Ob quae sen]atus decretís

honor[s# ]cís in ordinem suum m[e adlegit C. Pansa A. Hirti]o
consulibu[s, c]on[sv/z]rem locum s[/;5 dans sententiae ferendae,
et im]|perium mihi dedit. Rés publica n[e guid detrimenti
caperet, tie] pro praetore simul cum consulibus pro[zidere tussit.
Populus] autem eódem anno mé consulem, cum [cos. uterque bello
ceci]disset, et trium virum reí publicae constituend[ae creavi?].

Quí parentem meum [znfezfecer]un[7, eó]s in exilium expulf iudicifs 2
(ex Pedia) —— legitimís ultus eórum [ /a]cin[vs, e]t posted bellum inferentís ref
publicae víci b[zs a]cie.
[Bella terra et mari c[zvila exter|naque tóto in orbe terrarum 3
(Wars) s[uscepé| victorque omnibus [swperstizib]us cívibus peperct.
Exte[rnas] gentés, quibus táto [ignosci por]ui[7, cv]nserváre quam
excídere m[a/v:]. Millia civium Róma[zorum adaca] sacramento
meo fuerunt circiter [gwingen ta. Ex quibus dedü[xi :;»
(Veterans) coloni|as aut remísi in municipia sua stipen[Zzs emeri|tis millia
aliquant[wm plura qujam trecenta et ifs omnibus agrós a [me
emptos| aut pecuniam pró p[raedsis a] me dedi. Naves cépi
sescen[/as praeter| eds, si quae minóre[s guam ¢rirjemes fuerunt.

[Bis] ováns triumpha[z, tris eg c]urulís triumphós et appellá[Zws sum 4

(Honours) videns se|mel imperátor. [Cum deinde pliéjris triumphos mihi
se[natus decrevisset, eis su]persedi . I[tem saepe Jaur]us deposuf,

in Capi[/o/o votis, guae] quóque bello nuncu[ paveram solu)t{s.

Ob res 4 [me aut per legatos| meds auspicís meis terra

m[arzgu]e pr[o]spere gestás qu[izquagiezs e quiz ]quiens decrevit

senátus supp[/ca|ndum esse dís immo[z/aZi?ws. | Dies autem, pe]r

quós ex senátás consulto [s]upplicátum est, fuere nc[cczxxxx.

In triumphis meis] ducti sunt ante currum m[e]um regés aut

r[eg jum lib[er novem. Consul fueram terdeciens, c[v]m [seri2e2-]

I. MONUMENTUM ANCYRANUM. 179

MecOnppyvevpévar breypddyocav mpdges re xal Swpeat YeBacrod «o9, ds
dréXurev éri "Pops éveeyapaypevas xaAkats ornAats Ova.

l'Eróyv Sexae[v]véa dv 73 orpdrevpa épjj yrouy Kat pois ày[aX]ópacw
roi paca], 9 ob rà Kowa mpáypara [éx 72]s 7[9]v evvo[uoca]puévov
Sovdjas [gAev]8d[peco. "Ed? o]fs x ovveAnros émawécooá [pe
V7$ipaes:] mpocxaréAefe Trj fovXj Tolo Ld[vo]a [A?Ao 'Iprío
$]w[d]ro[i]s, ev vj rage rdv $war[w«óG]v [dua 7]ó o[vuffov]Aecew
Sotoa, paBSor[s] T époi &Boxev. [Tlep]i rà Sypdora mpdypara py re
BXafj, &poi e| à trav ind rwv mpovoety. érérpejev ávri otpatryo[d].
ETT 'O 6j $[2]kos TQ a)rQ £viavrà, &pdorépov [trav trdrwv
m joAépo merro[x]ó[| r]jov, ene vralrov &réóe£]ev kal ryv Tv Tptv
ayópav éxov[ra apynv éri] rfj xaraaráce àv 9[n ]uoocov pal yprov]
(à Jaz[o}.

2 [Tois róv Tarépa Tóv épóv dovei]o[av]r[a]s é£dpwra. xp(oeow evdi]xors
rey p|yoduelvjos atrav ro [dcéBuuo x]ai [ne]rà tatra avrovs
móAepov él ridépovtas Tjj Ta }r[ pide dis éveikgoa maporá£e.

8 [TloAguous kal xara y5v] xai xarà 0dXaccaav éudr[Aiovs xai efwrixors]
év Ody TH olkovuéyg ToAX[Aobs áveDOefápsw, vew]joas Te mavrov
éjewrápqv [riv mepivrov moAraray. tla evn, ofs áo$aAis jv
cw|[yvopqv éxew, towoa aid 1 éCéxoja. Mvpiddes "Popatov
Prpar| ev jejag pa br|ó ró]v ópkov Tov épóv tyévorr[o] évyis vr evrijn]-
o[vr]e: [é]6 dy xary[y]ayoy eis vas] Ld. 7 iod els Tas]
als) woAets pati ; ms

& Ais ez wins éÓpiip eva], Tpis [é]d' dpuaros. ^ Eixoca[xus

xai drag mpoonyopevOny abro|kpárop. THs [ovveAyrov] ......
—— T es Pe apuro yd

[Ad ua Ta boob planes 4
[abre 7 à Tov peo Pevriy dpáv] koropÜoca, [evr yxovraxis
[xoi] wevrd[xis ey]ypicaro 4 ov[vxAnrlos Oeois Bev] OverGar
['Hu]ép otv at[re] ex ov]v[xMjrov] 8[d]yzar[o]s éyévovro
éxra[x]dcvat évery[xovra]. “Ev [rots éuois [8puíp]Bow [vpó ro]?
énod &pp[aros Bact]Acis 7. [Bacwréwv wailses [mapyx0]gsav évvéa.

12—2

180 APPENDIX A.

afm] haec, [e agebam se|p[timum et trigensimum annum tribu]-
niciae potestatis.

B.c.22 [Dsctatura|m et apsent[i e? Praesenti mihi datam....... a populo et 5
( ded senatu M. Marce]llo e[t] L. Ar[runtio consulibus non accepi. Non
gne) recusavt im summa frumenti p\enuri[a c]uratio[ze]m | an[monae,
gujam ita ad[muinéistravi, ut... .. paucis diebu|s metu et per[z]c[Zo
quo erat. populu]m univ[ersum mets impensis liberarem). Con-

[sudatum tum daf]um annuum e[/ perpetuum non accepi].

nc.19 [Consulibus M. Vinucio et Q. Lucretio et postea P.] et Cn. L[entulis et 6
B.C. 18 tertium Paullo Fabio Maximo et Q. Tuberone senatu dide [e
B.C. II Romano consentientibus] zc ES oin es tos 2d :

(Morum

regimen)

(0 m 20s « s [Princeps senatus fui usque ad eum diem, quo scrips]-
held) eram [hacc, per annos quadraginta. Pontifex maximus, augur,

quindecimviru|m sacris [ faciundis, septemvirum epulonum, frater
arvalis, sodalis Titius, fetiali|s fut.

s.c-29 Patriciórum numerum auxí consul quintum iussá populi et senátüs. 8

B.C. 28 Senatum ter légi. Et in consuldtti sexto cénsum populi conlegá
(The M. Agrippá égf. Lástrum post annum alterum et quadra-
census) À . ;

A.D. 14. gensimum féc[;]. Qué lástro civium Románórum censa sunt
capita quadragiens centum millia et sexag[z]nta tria millia.

B.C. 8 [Jteru}m consulari cum imperio histrum [s]élus féci C. Censorin[o
et C.] Asinio cos. Qué lüstro censa sunt civium Romanóru[»
capita] quadragiens centum millia et ducenta triginta tria m[zZa.

A.D. 14 Tertiu})m consulári cum imperio lástrum conlegá Tib. Cae[save

filio feci] Sex. Pompeio et Sex. Appuleio cos. Qué histro ce[zsa
sunt civium Ro|manérum capitum quadragiens centum mill[zz e
nongenta fr|iginta et septem millia. Legibus noví[s Jdatis
complura e|xempla maiorum exolescentia iam ex nost[ro usu
reduxi et ipse] multárum rér[us exe]mpla imitanda pos[/eris
tradidi).

[Vota pro valetudine mea suscipi per cons]ulés et sacerdotes qu[zm4o 9

Jl. MONUMENTUM ANCYRANUM. 181

(“Yaar ]e[v]ov pis xal Oéx[aro]v, dre r[o?]ra &ypadov, xoi npaly
vpux]k[ocó]v xai tBàop[ov onpapx weis éfoucias.

5 Ajbrefovcióv pou dpynv xai amOvr. kal Tapóvr. Sidopevnv [$]ró re Tob
Sypov kai THs cuvKAnTov M[dpx]o [M]apxéAAw xal. Aevxiw "Appovr-
Tip trdros oft $5]efápmv. Ov rapyrycdpny & Tf peylorn
[rov] e[eér]ov omdver rjv émuséAeiay. TAS ayopas, v ov[ros érerj-
Sevjoa, dor’ év óAcyaus yuépalts To]Ü Tapóvros $óffov xoi kq[v8]ivov
rais épais Óamavois tov Syuov éXevÜepoca|i]. "Ywareíav TÉ poe
tore &d8 ]oévgv kai é[v]vasotov xa[t 8][a] Biov obx eegdunv.

6 “Yrdrows Mápke Otwovkip kal Koivro A[ovkp]rr[ép] xol pera To[v]ra
IlorAip xai Naío AévrAous kai rpirov IIavAAo baBiy Magipy koi
Koiv[t] TovBépwve | rs [re o]uvxAqrov kai ro) Sypov Tod Popatov
ópoAoy|o]ivrov, iv[a émue]Xwrüs Tdv T€ vópuov Kal Tov TpóTov
(ri 7j pelyiorn [é£]love[(g pld[vo]s xewporovq6Q, dpx3v ovde-
plia]y ve[pà và wá]ro[w] d[0]m Sidopevyy avedefdpnv: à 8
Tore St épo0 » aivkAgros oikovop.eigÜa, éffovAero, rs 99papxucis
éfo[v]eías àv éréAeoa. Kai ravrys airs ris dpyys ouvdpxovra
[a?r]ós dad ris VENTION a[ev|raxis airyoas [éA]aBov.

7 Tpwiv dvÓpdv éyevóumv Sypooiwy wpaypáray oropBuris Gvexéa w
éregww — Óxa. Hpetor aeuonaros TÓTOV éoxov THS cwvidojrov
dxp. tavrys THs "pépas, 4S TalTa €ypadov, émi ery Tecc'apaxovra.
"Apxtepe’s, avyoup, TGv Oexamévre avipwv tav iepomou»v, TOV
érrà dv8pwv ieporowv, d[0e]A$ós dpovadrs, éraipos Tírtos,
$yruiAs.

8 Tóv [var]owíov tov apiüpóv evfyoa épmrov vTar[os émwr]ayyj Tov
ve Sypov xai trys cvuvkAQrov. [Tv ov]vkAwrov pis éméAefa.
"Exrov vraros Tiv ax[olreiunow tod Sypouv cewápxov[r]e éxov
Mapxov 'Aypirrav éAaBov, aris ávo[reism]o«s peta [9o xai] reo-
gapaxoorov éviavrov [c]vve[x]Ae(o05. "Ev 5 drorepyoe 'Popatov
ére[ uno ja[iro] xeparal rerpaxd[ovar élEqxovra pr[putdes kai rpuc-
xum. Acdrepov i]|rarwj é[ovoig’ uóvos Taty Kyvowpivy xoi]
I'aíp [’Aowiw traros rv. droreiunow €&Xafgoy:] & [5] da[oreujoe
éreysnoavro "Popa(]ov rer[pakóot «(kot pets wupades xai 7]pdo ]-
xOuo. Kat rpírov bmarugj éfovaíg ras ároreu)]oe:]s &a[Bo]v,
[éxo]v [cuvapxovra TiBéprov] Kaioapa róv vióv poly Zéro IIonzyio
xai] ZXé£ro 'AmmovAq(o imárou: év 7 drorepyoe éreuujo avro
"Peuaiev rerpaxdoias évevikovra Tpeis puptades Kal émrakur xetduot.

Eicayayüv kawois vopovs moda 509 rGv apxaiov éOdv koraAvó-
peva SwwpAwodpnv kai abrós moÀÀóy TpaypdTov ueQqupua épavróv
TOS j.erér erro, TapéowKa.
9 Eixàs trip ris duns cwrypias avadapBavew du vv. trarwv kal lepéuy

182 APPENDIX A.

qu[ogue anno senatus decrevit. Ex iis] votis s[ae]pe fecerunt vivo
[me ludos aliquotiens sacerdofu]m quattuor amplissima collé[gza,
aliquotiens consules. Privat]im etiam et münicipatim (íniver[sz
cives sacrificaverunt sempe]|r apud omnia pulvínária pró vale[tudine

sea |.
[JVomen meum. senatus consulto inc\lusum est ín saliáre carmen et 10
(Sacred sacrosan[ctus uf essem....... et ut qg]uoa[Z] víverem, tribánicia
offices) potestás mihí [esset, lege sanctum est. FPontif\ex maximus ne

fierem in víví [c]onle[gae locum, populo id sace\rdotium deferente
mihi, quod pater meu[s Aaóuiz, recusavi. Cepi id] sacerdotium
aliquot post annós eó mor[/wo qué civilis motus o|ccasione
occupaverat, cuncta ex Italia [ad comitia mea . . . . tanta
mu titudine, quanta Romae nun[g]uam (antea fuisse fertur, coeunte]

B.C. 12 P. Sulpicio C. Valgio consulibu[s] .

[Aram Fortunae reduci iuxta? ae\dés Honoris et Virtutis ad portam 11
[ Capenam pro reditu meo se|nátus consacravit, in qua ponti[ fices ef
virgines Vestales anni]versárium sacrificium facere [zusszz, die quo
consulibus Q. Luc]retio et [AZ Vinuc]o in urbem ex [Syria redi,
et diem Augustali |a ex [c]o[gnomine nost]ro appellavit.

[-Senatus consulto eodem tempor]e pars [ praetorum et tri]|bunorum [ p/edt 12

B.C. 19 cum consule Q. Lucret]o et princi[27]bus [vzris o5]viam mihi

mis[s]a e[st ix Campan]ia[m, gui] honos [ad hoc tempus] nemini

praeter [w]e es[ decretus. Culm ex H[zsea]niá Gal(Ziague, rebus
B.C. I3 in his p|rovincís prosp[e]re [ges#]i[s], R[omam red?] Ti. Ne[7]one

P. Qui[n4ro consulibu]s — , dram [Pdcis A]u[g]just[ae senatus pro]

redi[/]á med cof[msacrari censuit] ad cam[ pum Martium, in qua

ma|gistratás et sac[erdofes et virgines] V(est]á[Jes anniversarium

sacrificium facer[e sussit].

die
nours)

[Janum] Quirin[um, guem cljaussum ess[e maiores nostri voluer]unt, 13

(Peace) (cum pier totum i[mperium polpuli Romani terra marzgue es]set
B.C. 29, parta vic[/ori? ]s pax, cum pr[zus, quam] náscerer, [a condita] u[r?]e
25,2

bis omnino clausum [/]uisse prodátur m[ezwzi]ae, ter me
princi[ pe 5eza]us claudendum esse censui[7].
(GussuR [Fil]ios meos, quós iuv[enes mz]hi eripuit for[tuna], Gaium et Lucium 14
Lucius) Caesares honoris mei caussá senatus populusque Romanus annum
B.C. 5, 2 quíntum et decimum agentís consulés designávit, ut [e]um magis-
trátum infrent post quinquennium. Et ex eó die, qué deducti
[s]unt in forum, ut interessent consilifs publicís decrevit sena[7]us.
Equites [z]utem Románi universi principem iuventutis utrum-
que eórum parmí[zs] et hastís argentefs donátum appelláverunt.

JL MONUMENTUM ANCYRANUM. 183

xa’ éxaoTyy wevrernpioa éyndicaro xj avvkXqros. éx rovrov TáV
eUxav TÀeoTákis éyévovro Oéar, tore pev éx THS cwvapxías rav
Tecoapwv lepéov, tore 5é¢ tard rdv trdrwv. Kai kar idlav dé xai
Kara moves acvmrayres oi modcirat ópoÜvpab|óv|] ovvexós ucay
tirép THs €uns owl |ypias.

10 To ov[oy d pou po Soypare tvm ei[s roi]; c'aAcov
Upvous. xai tva Lepós @ Sia [Biol []e rv Sypapyexyy exw é£ovoiav,
vol pup | ék|vpw0On. "Apxtepwovvny, qv 6 Torjp [u]ov [éox]j«es,
To) Sypov pot karadépovros els tov tod (G3vros Tómov, oU mpoc«üccá-
pm ]v. [?]v dpxtepareiay jerà tivas éviavrovs ámoÜavóvros Tov
mpoxareAnporos abrjv év moAevuxatis Tapaxais, aveiAnda, eis rà
épà ápxaipégua e& GAns THs lraA(aus rocoírov mAÀuÜovs cvvelgAv-
Odros, ócov ovdeis évrpoaÜev iotépyoey éri Puyns yeyoveva: IomAóp
Lovdmixiw kai Taiw Otaryiw vrarois.

ll Beuóv Tóygs cwrnpiov trép ras éuijs éravddov mpós rjj Karjvy widy
7 ovvKAnTOS á$uépocev: Tpós @ rovs lepets Kal Tas lepelas éyuavavoy
Óvaíay Towéty éxéAevoev év exeivy TH nuépg, év f) bmárow Koívro
Aovkpyrío kai Mapxw Obwovkio é« Xvpías eis “Pony émaveAqAv-
Oe[v], Tiv Te wxuépav ex Ts ymerépas émovvpiías Tpoawyópevaev
AtyovoraAta.

12 Adypart o[vlvxAyrov of tas peyioras àpxàs dpfayrels oliv pepe
otparyyav kai Snudpxwv pera vm|a]rov Kotvrov Aouxpyriou éréu-
POnoav pow travrycovres péxpt Kapravias, yris Texan péxpt rovrov
ovde évi ef py épol epydioOy. "Ore é£ ‘Iowavias koi Tadarias,
Tov éy ravrais Tais émapxelas TpaypaTwv KaTa Tas eüyàs TeAeaÜÉv-
Tov, eis ‘Puxnv éravjA9oy TiBepipy [Né]pwve xai IIomAép Kowrii
brarois, Bwpov E[ip]yvgs XeBaorgjs vrip ris épijs éravóOov aduepw-
Ojvat éjrqdíoaro 1j civKAnTos év wedi “Apews, mpós @ ToUs TE év rais
dpyxais xal roUs iepeis ras re tepeias evuavoious Oucias éxéXevce mouéty.

13 TIvAnv 'EvvaAtov, qv kexAtaÜac oi Tarépes yuwv 7OéAnoay eipnvevopevns
TAS Ud ‘Pwpalors macys yas TE Kat Gadacoys, Tpó pev epod, e£ ob
79 mods éxtiaOy, TO wavTi alov. dis povov KexAcioOar Gpodocyeirat,
éri 5é ép.o0 syyepóvos Tpis x) TUVKANTOS éjuicaro kre Hjvat.

14 Yiovs pou T'àtov cai Aeikov Kaio[a]pas, ots veavias dvyptacey 7 Tixn,
, ‘ $3 A 4 4 , ^ € ^ ^ e /
els riv épiv rew[7)]v 4 tLe] ovvKANTOS Kal ó dypos TOv “Pwpaiwy
mevreka.oexaerets Óvras vimarovs amédekev, iva pera Tévre Eryn eis
rijv Vraroy dpyyv eicé\Owow' xai ad ys àv npépals [eis rHv
á]yopàv [xar]ax6[Glou, tva [pelréxwow rijs ov|[v ]kXyrov épydicaro.
Urmets 5¢ “Pwpaiwy ovv[rjavres syeuóva. veórgros éxarepoy avrav
[7p loonydpevoay, doicw apyupéas kai 8ópaaw | ér|etunoay.

184 APPENDIX A.

Plebei Románae viritim us trecenos numeravi ex testamento patris 15

i meí, et nomine meo +s quadringenos ex bellórum manibiis
B.C. 29 consul quintum dedf, iterum autem in consulátá decimo ex [ /]a-
trimonio meo HS quadringenos congiári viritim pernumer[a |vf, et
B.C. 23 consul undecimum duodecim frámentátiónes frámento pr[;]vatim
B.C. II coémpto emensus sum, et tribuniciá potestáte duodecimum
quadringenós nummés tertium viritim dedí. Quae mea congiaria
p[e]rvenerunt ad [Aomi|num millia nunquam minus quinquaginta
B.C. 5 et ducenta. Tribu[zic]iae potestátis duodevicensimum consul
x11 trecentís et vigint[/] millibus plebís urbánae sexagenós
denariós viritim dedi. In colon[7]s militum meórum consul
B.C. 29 quintum ex manibifs viritim milla nummum singula dedi;
acceperunt id triumphale congiárium in colo[z]ís hominum
B.C. 2 circiter centum et viginti millia. Consul tertium dec[;]mum
sexagenós denáriós plebeí, quae tum frámentum publicum accipie-
ba[/], dedi; ea millia hominum paullo plára quam ducenta
. fuerunt.

B.c. 30 Pecuniam [fro] agrís, quós in consulátá meó quarto et posted con- 16
B.C. 14 sulibus M. Cr[asse e]t Cn. Lentulo augure adsignávi militibus,
(The solví muinicipis. Ea [s]u[sma ses?]ertium circiter sexsiens milliens
Fettnas) fuit, quam [2]ró Italicís praed(#s] numeravi, et ci[r]citer bis
mill{ze]jns et sescentiens, quod pro agrís próvin[c]ialibus solví.
Id primus et [s]olus omnium, qui [Z]edüxerunt colonias
militum in Italiá aut in provincís, ad memor[?]am aetátis meae
B.C. 7, 6, feci. Et postea Ti. Nerone et Cn. Pisone consulibus, — item[g]ue
t^» C. Antistio et D. Laelio cos, et C. Calvisio et L. Pasieno con-

sulibus, et L. Le[{#tu/o ef] M. Messalla consulibus, et L. Cánínio
et Q. Fabricio cofs.] milit[z2ws, zu]ós emeriteis stipendís in sua
municipi[a remts]i, praem[zz z]umerato persolví£, ^ quam in rem
seste[r/ium] q[uazer miillien[s Z]b[ez£e|r impendi.
(Aerari- Quater [7e]cuniá med iuví aerárium, ita ut sestertium míllien[s] et 17
um) quing[ez]t[zez»]s ad eos quí praeerant aerário detulerim. Et M.
A.D. 6 Lep|[;]do et L. Ar[z]unt[7]o cos. i[z] aerarium militare, quod ex
consilio m[eo] co[zszv/?]um est, ex [g]uo praemia darentur
militibus, qui vicena [aut plujra stil pendija emeruissent, HS
milliens et septing[e]nti[ezs ex pa|t[rzm jonio [Jeo detuli.

s.c.8 [Jade ab eo anno, g]uo Cn. et P. Lentuli c[ozs]ules fuerunt, cum 18
d[e]ficerent [vecZ]g[aZia, tum] centum millibus h[omé]num tu[»
4i ]uribus i[77]ato frulmento vel ad 2 jumma[rió]s t[ributus ex agro]
et pat[zimonio] m[e]o [opem £uii].

I. MONUMENTUM ANCYRANUM. 185

15 Axpo “Pwpaliwly xar dvópa éBSouyxovra [évr]e Syvapia éxaorw
ypiOpnoa xarà Sia0yKyvy tov matpos pov, Kal TQ ép ovopate éx
Aadvpwv [m]o[Aé]uov ava éxardv Syvapia mépsTov vraros édwxa,

wadw re déxaroly vrareiwy éx z[i\s euys vrapgews ava Syvapia

éxarov 3)p(O[ 1 |noa, Kai évOéxarov Umaros Swoexa cveroperpyoets
éx tov éuod Biov ámeuérpgoa, Kat Snuapyxexys efovoias ro dwoe-

xarov ékarüv Syvapia kar avdpa Suxa: air[i]ves euat émddceas
ovdérore Hocov 7A0[o]v ¢[i]s avdpas pupiadwv elkoor wévre. Sypalp]-
xixys éfovoias éxrwxadéxarov, vmar[os] 8{wdéxarov] rpiaxovra
rpw|i]| pupidow 6xAov woderix[od ElEqxovra Syvdpua Kar’ avdpa
éwxa, xai a7oixow oTparwrav euov wéurrov Uraros é[x] Aadipov
xara ayópa, ávà. Swaxdova. mrevrijkovra. Syvdpia | wxa]* &Aafdov rasrqv
Tiv Ówpeàv év rais amouiats dvOpurwv prpiddes mA[et]ov Buide xa.
v|raros r[p.]oxa48éka rov ava £&jkovra. Syvdpu TQ acrojer[pov]uévo
Sypw €w[xa- obro|s dp[e|Ou[ds wAciwv eixo][o]. [pv]puiómv. vmjp-
x|«e]v.

16 Xpypara év vmare(o Teraüpry épjj ko|i] pera ra)ra varo Mapko
Kpacow koi Naíp AévrAo avyoups Trois méAcow ypiOunoa vrép
aypdv, obs épép.za Tois otpar[w|rats. Kedadatov éyévovro év
Tradig pev popu T|[evraki]e[ x]e[ co. pulpiddes, [raly [Se &|rap-
xeruxdy dypdv [m]v[pidóes é€axroxiArln mev[raxó]o[wu]. Tovro
mpGros xai povos dzavrov émógca Tóv [xara]yayóvrov dzrotKias
crparuorGy év 'lraA(a 1j &v érapxeiats péxpe Tis és yAcKias.

xai perémevra TiBepiy Népov. xoi Naío Ieiown vmaTow kal
raAw T'ai 'AvÜcorio kai Aéxuw Aarti vrarots kai Taiw Kadouol
xai Aevxiy IIlaccujvo [v|raro|.]s [xoi A]ev«ép AévrAo xoi Mapxw
Mecoad[g] vaaros «(ali Aevkéo Kavo[i]o, [x]ai [K ]ofvrp dal B]pr-
kiy Umarots OTparwrats dToÀvopévows, ovs Karyyayov eis Tas idias
moA[es], pravOpurov évépare &oka. pvp ]uadas éyyvs [opta ]s.

17 Terpad[ xis xorip[a]ow épois [av]éAaBov To alpaptov, [eis] 9 [«larqvevxa
[x]etAtas [érr]axooías mevrüjkovra prupiadas. x[ai] M[d]pxp [Aero]
xai Aevxiw "Appovvríp v[maros elis 7/6] or[plalriwr|ixdy aipaproy,
à rà [4rd] y[v]9[pn] xaréory, iva [£]& abro? ai Sup[e]ai cio[érera
rois é]uots o[tparijwras Sidwvrar, oft exo]o:]v éwavro[v]s 7j
mAÀeíovas écrporevcavro, p[v|piada[s] rerpa[x]s xeAias diaxocias
mevryxovra [ex THs é|u[ys] vmáp£eos karyvevxa.

18 [Aw àx]eivov z[o]d éiavro?, d^] ob Natos xai IIozA«os [A ]évrAor varo
éyévovro, Gre vréAcrov oi Sy[pd]ovar mpóco8ot, dAXore piv déxa
pupraciv, dA[Aore] 8& mAe(omw cmevrikds Kai apyvpwàs avvrátes é
m™s éuns vrapfews Edwxa.

186 APPENDIX A.

Curiam et continens ef chalcidicum, templumque Apollinis in Palatio 19

(Build- cum porticibus, aedem divi Iulf, Lupercal, porticum ad circum
ings) Fláminium, quam sum appellári passus ex nómine eius quí pri-

órem eódem in solo fecerat Octaviam, pulvinar ad circum maxi-

mum, aedés in Capitolio Iovis feretrí et Iovis tonantis, | aedem

Quirinf, aedés Minervae et Iánonisreginae et Iovis Libertatis

in Aventíno, aedem Larum in summa sacra vid, aedem deuin

Penátium in Velia, aedem Iuventátis, aedem Matris Magnae

in Palátio fécf.

Capitolium et Pompeium theatrum utrumque opus impensá grandí 20
reféci sine ullá inscriptione nominis mef. Rívos aquarum
complüribus locis vetustáte labentés refécí, et aquam quae
Márcia appellátur duplicavi fonte novo in rivum eius inmisso.

Forum Ilium et basilicam, quae fuit inter aedem Castoris et
aedem Saturni, — coepta profligataque opera á patre meó perféci
et eandem basilicam consumptam incendio ampliáto eius solo
sub titulo nominis filiórum m[eorum ?]ncohavi ^ et, si vivus nón
perfecissem, perfici ab heredib[zs zwss]] Duo et octoginta

B.C. 28 templa deum in urbe consul sext[uz ex decrefo] senatus reféci,
nullo praetermisso quod e[o] temp[ore refici debebat]. Con[s]ul
B.C. 27 septimum viam Flaminiam a[^ urbe] Ari[minum fect et pontes]
(Via Fla- omnes praeter Mulvium et Minucium.
minia)

In privato solo Mártis Ultoris templum forumque Augustum [ex 21

(Butld- "ani |biís fecí. Theatrum ad aede[»;] Apollinis in solo magna ex
engs) parte 4 p[z]i[v]atis empto féci, quod sub nomine M. Marcell[;]
generi mei esset. Don[e e]x manibiís in Capitolio et in aede

divi Id[/]í et in aede Apollinis et in aede Vestae et in templo
Martis Ultoris consacrávi, quae mihi constiterunt Hs circiter
milliens. Aurí coronárí pondo triginta et quinque millia
münicipiífs et colonís Italiae conferentibus ad triumphó[s] meds
B.C. 29 quintum consul remisi, et posteá, quotienscumque imperátor
a[ ^2e]llátus sum, aurum coronárium nón accepi decernentibus
municipii[s] et coloni[s] aequ[e] beni[7]ne adque antea decreve-

rant.

T[e]r munus gladiátorium dedí meo nomine et quinquiens filiórum 22

(Spectacles) me[o]rum aut n[e]pótum nomine; quibus muneribus depugna-
verunt hominu[z;] ci[zc]iter decem millia. Bis [a7]hletarum
undique accitorum spec[/2]c[Zv» po|pulo pra[e?wi 7e] nómine
et tertium nepo[Zs] mef nomize. L[z]dos fecí m[eo »o]m[zze]

I. MONUMENTUM ANCYRANUM. 187

19 BovAcuryp[to]v kai ro wAnoiov air@ xaXibwóv, vaov te "AmoAXwvos év
IlaAaríp cvv oroais, vadv Oecd [| I]ovA/ov, IIavós tepov, wroay mpos
imrodpouw TQ Tpocayopevop.évo PXajuyio, Hv eiaca mporayopever Oar
é€ óvoparos éxetvov ‘Oxraoviay, ó[s] mpdros airav avéornoey, vaov
Tpos TQ peyaddw lrrodpopy, vaovs éy Kazirwiiw Ais rpotaio-
$ópov xai Ais Bpovryciov, vaóv Kupeiv[o]u, vaovs "AOnvas
xai"Hpas BaowriSos kai Aus 'EAevÜepiov év '"Aovevrívo, ypwwv ps
TH iepg 08g, Üeov Karoudiuv éy Ovedig, vadv Nedryro[s, va]óv

N [ 3 , > ,
payrpós edv ev IIaAarío éronoa.

20 KamrwA[to|vy kai rd Ilouzm(ov Óéarpov éxaTepov TÓ épyov avadupacw
peyioros érecxevaca avev érvypadijs ToU éuod Óvóparos. "Ayo-
yous voaruly év mAe(]oros réros Tj mwadawrntt ÓMwÜavov[vas
érjecxevaca kai ddwp rÓ xadovpevov Map[xtov éX]mAoca mopyrv véav
eis 70 petOpov [abro9 éroxerevo Jas. 'Ayopav "lovyAíav xat Baor-
[Aucjv Tiv peragy T]oO Tre vao? vàv Atocko|pov xai Kpovov xara]-

, » € a ^ bl , , b] A 3 * A
BeBdAnueéva Epya 9ró vo) [Tarpós éreAeioca. kali ryv avri» Baci
[xavÜcicav éri abfnbevri] edge airys é£ émcypadyis óvóparos trav
cuav vidv valypéayy|v xci ef py abrós rereAewk[o][jo, 7]eAe[«]o-
[Ójva. vro)] rdv éuav KAypovopwy éreéraga. A[v]o [xai dydo]-
Ld 4 , ^ , - «4 600 o
"kovra vaovs év TH woAler Exrjov vmrlaros Sdypalre avvk[A hjrov
érecxevac(a| ofd]déva m[elprA[uruv, ds] exetvp T xpdvy émoxevys
édeiro. ['Y]re[ros €]Bd{oluov dddv d[Xajuvíav ard] "Pops
> , / ^ 3, 3 ^ , » ^ ^ M
[ApQuvov| y[e$]ópas re tas év abr] macas ew dvetvy trav py
ér[t|Seouévwr d ]vorkevgs érdnoa. -

21 'Ev iówrwQ eddde: “Apews 'Apsvropos ayopav re YeBaoryv éx Aadipwy
> 7 / Q ^ , ^ 3 85 98^ -
éronoca. Oéarpov Tpós TQ ‘AmroAAwvos vag émi edadous éx
mÀeígTov j.épovs ayopacbeévros avyyeipa = éri óvouaros MapkéAXov
Tov yapjpoó pov. 'AvaÜéuara ék Aadipwv év Kamirwriy kai vag
lovA(p xoi vag ‘AmodAAwvos xol "Ecrías xoi “A[pew]s adptépwoa,
& éuot xaréory évyos pupuidely Oioxec]Aiov mevrax[ooéov]. Eis
xpvco)v orépavoy Aatpwv tpro[pupiwv| mevraxwr xev karadepov-
cats ralis év 'I]raAíg moXeweíos xai amowíats cvvexopy|c]a có
[ép Jmrrov vmareiov, kai Uarepov ócáxts [adr loxparwp mpoonyopedOyy,
tas eis róv orépavoly élrayyeAias oóx &Xafov Vw«dutonévov àv
T[oAere]üv xai dmowwv peta. THS abr?s Tpo0[vuías, xa]8a[ep
2 , ,
éyndicavro T ]po| repo].

22 [Tpis povol|uay[iav &3w|ka T éd Óvoport koi [mevrdxis rav viov pov 7]
vijevdv: év als povolmaxiars épaxécavro é]v[y?s p5]oqo]. Ais
a0Xqré[v] vavr[axo0ev] pe[razepd0évrov yuuvixoli aydvos 0éav
[T9 Syuw T]apécxov r[o élu@ óvópart kai rpír[ov] [oU viwvod pov.
@éas éxon|oa 9v é&o) rerpax(ts,] dua 8& rav dAAwy apxàv év pépe

188 APPENDIX A.

(Ludi) quater , aliorum autem m[agzsz]rátu[s»] vicem ter et vicie[zs]
[Pr]o conlegio xv virorum magis[ter con/]e[gi]{ collega]
M. Agrippa lud[os sjaeci[are]s C. Furnio C. [.S]ilano cos.
[/ec. C]on[sw xz;7] ludos Mar[Zia]les pr[imus fec], qu[os] p[os?
#]d tempus deincep[s] ins[eguen]ti[dus annjis......... [fecerunt
co\n[ sz les. [ Ven)ati{o|n[es] best[/z]rum Africanárum meo
nómine aut filio[zz]m meórum et nepotum in ci[r]co aut [#]n foro
aut in amphitheatris popul[o Z]edi sexiens et viciens, quibus
confecta sunt bestiarum circiter tria m[Z7/]ia et quingentae.

B.C. 17
B.C. 2

Navalis proelí spectaculum populo de[d# £r]ans Tiberim, in quo loco 23
nunc nemus est Caesarum, cavato [so/o] in longitudinem mille et
octingentós pedés, ^ in látitudine[z; »Z] e[7] ducentí. In quo
triginta rostrátae náves trirémes a[w/ 5irem ]és, plures autem
minóres inter se conflixérunt. Q[widus in] classibus pugnaverunt
praeter rémigés millia ho[;inuzn fia circiter.

In templís omnium civitátium pr[ovizc]ae Asiae victor ornamenta 24

(Statues, ^^ ' reposui, quae spoliátis tem[2Zis zs] cum qué bellum gesseram

offerings) privátim possederat: . Statuae [mea]le pedestrés et equestres et
in quadrigeis argenteae steterunt in urbe XXxc circiter, quas ipse
sustuli — exque ea pecuniá dona aurea in áede Apol[Z/]nis meó
nomine et illórum, qui mihi statuárum honórem habuerunt,
posui.

Mare pacávi a praedonib[z]s. E6 bello servórum, qui fugerant 4 25

(Pirates, dominis suis et arma contrá rem publicam céperant, triginta fere

ee) millia capta dominis ad supplicium sumendum tradidi. _Tura-
vit in mea verba tóta Italia sponte sua et me be[Z7], qué víci ad

(Actium) Actium, ducem depoposcit. Iuraverunt in eadem ver[2a
£rovi|nciae Galliae Hispaniae Africa Sicilia Sardinia. Qui sub
[szgmis mets tum] militaverint, fuerunt senátórés pláres quam ncc,
in ií[s gui vel antea vel pos|ted consules factí sunt ad eum diem
qué scripta su[z/ haec, Lxxxui, sacerdo ]tés ci[rc]iter cLxx.-

Omnium próv[zciarum populi Romani], quibus finitimae fuerunt 26

(Frontiers gentés quae n[o» parerent imperio nos]tro, fines auxi. Gallias et
secured) Hispaniás prévincia[s e Germaniam qua inclu\dit óceanus a Gádi-
bus ad óstium Albis flám[zzis pacavi. Alpes a re]gióne ea, quae
proxima est Hadriánó marí, [ad Zuscum pacari fec]i nullí gentí
bello per initiriam inláto. Cla[ss£s sea per Oceanum] ab dstio
Rhéni ad sólis orientis regionem usque ad filzes Cimbroru|m
navigavit, quó neque terra neque mari quisquam Romanus

JA. MONUMENTUM ANCYRANUM. 189

rpis kai elkocaxis. ‘Yrép trav Sexarévre [avdp|av, exwy ovvdp-
xovra Mápkov 'Aypírm[av, ras 0]éas [8]a éxaróv éràv yewopévas
dv[opalopévals o[at|xAdpes érdnoa Taiy Povpvi x[ai] Tatp Xe[:]-
Aavge vardros. "Ywaros tpirxadéxaroy [gas "Apews mp |uros
éronoa, as pet ékévo[v x]oóvov é£js [rots plerérera éviavrois

D: ds ole von Rt Ge oe aera GR ee OS aaa poc éronoay oi Uma-
POE | “oe 8 Sra eH Wee Ook des ite So ns Onpiwv «

23 Niavpaxias 6€av TQ Siw edw|xa Tép]av rod Ti Bépidos, dy à TOTO
éori vi] dÀcos Katod[pwlv, éxxexw[xas 7d ados] «i]s pyx[o]s
xev éxraxociwy mod dv, els mr]Adr[o]s xAfwv Saxo[o ]iov. v 7
vpuixo[v]ra vais éuBora 6xyovcat tpinpes 7j 9ixpor[ou, ai] 8€ yoooves
mA eíovs évavuaxnoay. "Ev r[ovro] TQ orddw syovícavro ew Trav
éperóv mpóam[o]v avdpes vp|[.]ex| €]i{A }eor.

24 [Ev vaoi]s z[ac]av moóAew|v] trys [A]o([e]s vemjoas ra avabd para
am joxaréornoa, [à clxev] [So] iepoovAyjcas 6 vm [éuod] 9[c]eyove-
aGeis woAd[puos|. "Avdptavres weCot kai épurmoi pov Kai é$' appacw
apyvpot clotyKecay éy TH wove evyds ÓyOorkovra, oUs abrés Hpa, éx
TovToU Te TOU xpyuaros avaÜéuara xpuoa ev TH vag Tov AmdAAwvos
TQ T€ éd dvdpatt kai éxeivwv, otrwés pe [T]ovrows rots avdpiaow
éreipyoav, avéOnxa.

25 GaAacco|v] meparevouévgv vró arocratav SovdAwy [eipnvievoa: é dv
Tpeis rov pupiddas rois Oeo rórat|s eis koAaow trapédwxa. — "Opnocey
[eis robs éuod]s Aoyovs ámaca y 'IraA(a éxodoa Kal ue moAéuov,] 9 ex’
"Acti eveli|xnoa, qyenova é&y[trycaro. wluoaay eis rovs [atrov]s
Adyous éxa[p]ye[tae T'aAa |ría ‘Ioravia AtBin Zi[xeXa Zop]ów. Ot
Um ép[ais onpéas Tó]re orparev[odpevoc Hoav avvkYri]| xot Aecovs
érr]a[xocí]ov- [é]v [adrots ot 7) wporepov 2] [perérevro] &y[évov]ro
[9m]e[To« eis éx]e[ ]v[yv 7v 7)]ué[ pav, &v f) tatra yéyparra|t, d[-ySo7-
ko]vra. rpe[?]s, tep[et]s mpos mov éxaróv EBdouy| x]ovra.

26 IIacóv érapxeiv Ojso[v “Pwluaiwy, als cpopa jv vy rà py vrorac-
o[dpleva Tjj Hperépg 'yyep.ovíg, rovs ópovs érei£[o ]a. TaAarias
kai ‘Ioravias, ópoíes 0€ kai l'epuavíay xafus ‘Oxeavds mepexdeler
az[6| l'aS«(p]ev péxpe oroparos “AABwos morapo[t év| cipyvy
xaréornoa, "AXmygs ax kAipatos ToU mAyoiov Eioviov xdAmou uéxpi
Tuppyvixys ÜaXdoaws elpyveiec Oar meroyxa, ovdevi €Üye. adixws
érevexOévros voAépov. Sroros ends 0ià ‘Oxeavod ard oroparos
‘Pyvov ws mpos avaroAas péxpt eOvous KivBpuv OvémAevorev, ot ovre

190 APPENDIX A.

ante id tempus adft, Cimbrique et Charydes et Semnones et
eiusdem tractás alii Germánórum popu[/]i per legátós amicitiam
meam et populi Románi petierunt. Meo iussá et auspicio
B.C.22,24 — ducti sunt [do] exercitiis eódem fere tempore in Aethiopiam et in
(Foreign Ar{a|biam, quae appel[/auz] eudaemón, [maxt»]aeque hos[/]ium
wars) gentís utr[/4]sque cop[/ae] caesae sunt in acie et [c]om[ p/ur]a
oppida capta. In Aethiopiam usque ad oppidum Nabata perven-
t[vz;] est, cuf proxima est Meroé. In Arabiam usque in finés
Sabaeorum pro|cess]it exerc[##]us ad oppidum Mariba.
Aegyptum imperio populi [o|mani adieci. Armeniam maiorem 27
(Africa interfecto rége eius Artaxe — c[z]m possem facere provinciam,
UC SIN málui maiórum nostrórum exemplo regn[z]m id Tigrani regis
B.C. 20 Artavasdis filio, nepoti autem Tigrdnis regis, per T[z. /Ve]ronem
. trad[er]e, qui tum mihi priv[zz]nus erat. Et eandem gentem
A.D. I posted d[esc]fscentem et rebellantem domit[2]m per Gaium filium
meum regi Ario[Za7z]ani regis Medorum Artaba[z;] filio regen-
dam tradidi — et post e[zzs] mortem filio eius Artavasdi. Quo
[/e]rfecto [Zigra|ne, qui erat ex régió genere Armeniorum
oriundus, in id re[gzu»] mísf. Provincias omnís, quae trans
Hadrianum mare vergun[/ a]d orien[zz]m, Cyrenásque, iam ex
parte magná regibus eas possidentibus, e[/ as/e]a Siciliam et
Sardiniam occu[2a/]ás bello servili reciperáv.
Colonias in Afri[ca Sicitta AM Jacedoniá utráque Hispániá Achai[a] 28
( Colonies) Asia S[ y]ria Galliá Narbonensi Pi[s7]dia militum dedüxfí . Italia
autem xxvii [eo/o]niás, quae vivo me celeberrimae et frequentis-
simae fuerunt, m[eis auspicis| deductas habet.
Signa mflitaria complur[a zer] aliós d[u]cés ámi[ssa] devictí[5 Aostibu]s 29

The
cheer re[ cifelravi ex Hispania et [Gallia et a Dalmlateis. Parthos
B.C. 20 trium exercitum Roman[o]rum spolia et signa re[{ddere] mihi sup-
plicesque amicitiam populí Romaní petere coegi. Ea autem

si[ ez ja in penetráli, quod e[s]t ín templo Martis Ultoris, reposui.

(Ilyri Pannonio[rum gentes, quas a|nte me principem populi Romaní 30

MR DE exercitus nunquam ad[7]t, devictas per Ti. [/Ve]ronem, qui tum
B.C. I1 erat privignus et legátus meus, fmperio populi Romani s[zdie]ci
protulique finés Illyrici ad r[;2?]am fhíminis Dan[v]i. Citr[a]

es quod [D]a[cor]u[m zr]an[s]gressus exercitus meis a[z]sp[zcis viz]us

profligatusque [e.z, e£] pos[£ea tran|s Dan[v]vium ductus ex[ercitus

me|u[s] Da[cor]um gentes im[ feria populi Romani perferre coegit].
Ad me ex In[Za regum legationes saepe missae sunt, numquam antea 31
Zndia) visae] apud qu[em]a[wa] Rlomanorum dujcem. Nostram

I. MONUMENTUM ANCYRANUM. 191

Kara ynv ovre kara Oadaccay “Pwpaiwy tis mpd To/TOV Tov Xpovov
mpocAÓev* kai KiuBpot kai XadvBes xai Zéuvoves dAAa T€ woAAa
£v Teppavav 9i mpeo Beuày Tijv éunv dMav xai rjv Sypov 'Popatov
5rjcavro. “By émirayy kai olevois aicios 0o otpareipara éréBn
Aiftoria xoi “ApaBia Ty eddaipove Kadoupévy peydAds Te Trav
moÀeuiov Svvapes Karéxowey év maparage. xai mdeloras odes
Soptadurous éhaBev kai mpoéBy év Aifowia péxpe woAEews NaBarns,
qnis eotivy évywora Mepon, dv "Apaffíg St péxpe woAews MapiBas.

27 Atyvrrov Sypov "Popaíov yyepovia mpooéOnxa. ' 'Apyevíav ryv p|eC|Cova
avaipeÜEyros tod Bacitéws Dvvápevos erapyxeiav mojoar padAov
éBovdyOnv xara. ta matpia nuav £05 Bacdrciay Trypavy ‘Apraovacdov
vig, vinvd S& Trypavov Baciréws S[oldv[a]e &à TiBepiov Népovos,
a a ^ , > Q P 3 No a , > A 38
Ss tor €400 mpóyovos 7]v* xai TO abrd EOvos adiorapevoy Kai avaro e-
povv Sapacbiy urd Tatou rod viod pov fac ‘ApioBaplaver,
Bacréws Myjóov 'AprafJatov vid, mrapédwxa xai pera rov éxetvov
Üávarov Trà vig abrod "Apraovdgóg- ov avatpebévros Trypavny, ds Tv
éx yévous "Appeviov BactAcxod, els rijv Baci eíay erepipa. "Exap-
xelas aracas, doa Tépav ToU Eiovíov xoArov Stareivovcr mpds ava-
ToÀàs, kal Kupyvyy éx peiolovos pépous vmó [JaciAéuv kareaxnuévas

, / * ^ , , ^
«ai eumpoobey ZSukeAay kai Zapdw mpoxareAynpévas woAduw 0ovAuo
avéAo[Jov.

28 'Amowías év AtBiy Sinedig Maxedovia év éxarépg re "Iomavíg 'Axaío
"Aoig Svpia Tadarig Tj rept NapBwva llwióg otparwrdv karj-

, ld ^ » 3 * 9 , ” € » 9 ^ ,
yayov. “Iradia O& eikoot Ókrà amowías exer vm époU karaxÜcíaas,
ai €uov repiovros mANOvovea érivyavov.

29 X«uéas orparwrixas [wAelovs $|ró dAXwev qyendvev droBeBAnpévas
[vexdv Tov|s woAeuíovs dré\aBov é§ 'lomavías koi Tadarias xai
mapa Aadparav. llapÜovs tpidy orparevpdrwv "Popaíov okÜXa kai
e«uéas arodotvas égoi ixéras ve didiav Sypov "Popaíov áf«ioa:
7váykaca. ravras Ó€ Tas onudas év TQ "Apeos ToU Apivropos
vaoU abvro áreÜéunv.

80 IIavvovíov €6vn, ols wpb éoU ayepovos orpdrevpa ‘Pwpaiwv od 7]vywev,
e , € , , a ^99 9 ^9 rq 3
9co70évra vro TiBepiov Népwvos, os rór éuod yv wpóyovos xoi
apeoBevrys, yyepovíg Sypov ‘Pwpaiwy vrérada td Tre IAÀAvpuob
ópu. péxpt "Iorpov rorapod mpoyyayov: ov €revra 96 Adxwy duaBaca

5 a7 9 Aa » ^ , ^ , € 4
voÀXx) Svvapis épots alciots oiwvois Karexory. Kal voTEpov peraxÜév
TO épàv oTparevpa Tépay "Iarpov rà. Aákav €Ovn mpoordypara. Sypou
"‘Pwpaiwy vropévew qváykaaev.
31 IIpós ene ef “Ivdias Bacirdwv mpeo Beta roddaxts drrectadynoay, odérore
4 , , 3 ^ x *P , € , x € ,
mpo rovrov xpóvov ódÜcisac mapa "Popaiov vryepóvi. Tv nuere-

(Client
kings)

B.C. 28, 27

(Augustus)

(Princi-
gatus)

B.C. 2

(Pater
patriae)

A.D. 13

192 APPENDIX A.

am[tcitiam petierunt| per legat[os] B[a]starn[ae Scythae|que et
Sarmatarum q[u£ sunt cra flujmen Tanaim [e] ultrá reg[es,
Alba |norumque réx et Hibér[oru» et Medorum].

Ad mé supplices confug[erun?] regés Parthorum Tirida[tes e£ postea] 32
Phrát[es] regis Phrati[s /£vs]; ^— Medorum [Artavasdes; Adia-
benorum A]|taxares ; Britann[oz]um Dumnobellau[zzs] et Tim
Tem ; [Sugambrjorum Maelo; Mar[cJomanórum Sueboru[»;
pinta rus] [Ad me rex] Parthorum Phrates Orod[#]s filius
filiós suds nepot[esgue omnes misit| in Italiam, non bello superá-
tu[s] sed amicitiam nostram per [4erorum] suorum pignora
petens. Plárimaeque aliae gentes exper[/ae sunt 5. &.] fidem
me principe, quibus anteá cum populo Roman[o nullum extitera]t
legationum et amícitiae [c]ommercium.

A me gentés Parthórum et Médóru[» fer /egatos] principes eárum 33
gentium régés pet[7]tós accéperunt Par[¢hi Vononem regis Phr]atis
fílium, régis Oródis nepótem ; — Médí Ar[zobarzanem] regis Arta-
vazdis filium, regis Ariobarzanis nep|[ofez].

In consulátá sexto et septimo, b[e/a urbi civi/jia exstinxeram per 34
consénsum tiniversérum [ 2o£ifus rerum omn]ium, rem publicam ex
med potestáte — in senát[ws populique Romani a]rbitrium trans-
tulf. Qué pro merito meó senatu[s consulto Aug. appe]llátus sum
et laureís postés aedium meárum viestiti publice coronag \ue civica
super iánuam meam fíxa est [c/upeusque aureu]s in [c]áriá Iulia
positus, quem mihi senatum [ populumgue Romanu]m dare virtutis
clem[ez£ia]e iustitia[e Pzefazis causa testatum] est pe[r elius clápei
[enscription jem. Post id tem[ pus Praestiti omnibus dignitate,
gotest|atis au[Zez z]ihilo ampliu[s Aaówz quam qui fuerunt m]ihi
quoque in ma[gis]tra[7]u conlegae.

Tertium dec[7]mum consulatu[m cum gerebam, senatus et egu]ester ordo 35
populusq[ze] Romanus tiniversus [appellavit me patrem platriae
idque in vestibu[/» a]edium meárum inscriben[dum esse e? in curia
elt in ford Aug. sub quadrig[;]s, quae mihi [ex] s. c. pos[zzae swzz,
decrevit. Cum scré\psi haec, annum agebam septuagensu [zzz
sextum .

Summary added after the death of Augustus.

Summa pecün[7]ae, quam ded[# in aerarium vel plebei Romanae vel 9I
di missis militibus : denarium se[xz]e[»s smiZens].

Opera fecit nova aedem Martis, [Zovis tonantis et feretri, Apollints, |
divi Iuli, Quirini, Minervae, [/unonis reginae, Jovis Libertatss, |

be ated

1L MONUMENTUM ANCYRANUM. 103

pav diriay nfiwcay da rpéoBeww Bacrapvat kal SxvPar xai Xappa-
TGy ol ériTdde Óyres TOU Tavdidos vorajo0 Kai oi Tépay 06 facies,
Kat Aou 86 xai IBypwv kai Mydwv Bacrées.

32 IIpós ene ikérac xarépvyov Bac eis IHapÜov péy Teipibárygs kal. perérecra
DPpadrns Bacréws Ppdrov [viós, M]yd[wv] 3€ 'Aprao[vácó]s,
"Aw [»]vàv ['A]ere[édpys, Bpvra]vvdv Aopvoed\Aadvos xoi T[u.

DEI" PT » Xo]v[yláupov [M]airwv, Maopkopáyov. [Xowjfjwv]
boskdea a het s pos. (I1pà]s di Baorreis IlapÜov Ppaldrns

"Dp vio[s v]iov?s [avrov] viwvods re mávras éreuev cis IraMav,
ob ToÀépo AeubÜeis, aAAG mv qplelrépay duXav a£fudv eri rékvov
évexópous, wAciora Te dÀXa yy meéipay. Oa]Bev Óyuov "Ponaíov
wiícreus ém' époU vLyegóvos, ols TO piv ob0egía Tv mpds Onuov
‘Pupaiov T[pe]o[2e«óv xoi pirias kowwva.

33 Tap’ épo) é6vy IIdpÜwy kai Myjóov did mpécBeov rv wap’ atrots mpwrwv
Baorreis airnodpevor éAaf[ov| IIápBo. Otovovgv Saciéos Ppdrov
v[i]óv, BaoA[éw|s ‘Qpwdov vievóv: Mido. "AproBaplavyy Bale ]UXévs
"ApraBalov vidv, Bacuéos "AptoBaplav[ov viw |vov.

84 ‘Ev irareia ékry koi EBSdopy pera. 7d robs évpvdcous CBéoar pe moAéuovs
[x]arà ras ebxàs ràv ép.v wode[t|rav évxparys yevópevos mávrov róv
Tpaypdrov, ex tis éuns éfovoías els tiv Tis cwvklifrov Kal TOD
Sypov Tdv "Pouaíev perjveyxa xvpujav. é£ Fs airías Sdypare
cwkXyrrov XeBaorós rpoo[yyope|vonv xai Sddvars Sypocia rà mpóTv-
A[a pou éorépO]y, 6 re Bpówos orépavos 6 dSiSopevos éri cwrnpia ràv
oÀevrüy vmepaly|w ro? muAdvos THs épijs olxias áveréÓm, — óv[A]ov
€ xpva'oüv éy TG Bo[v]Aevrgpio dvareO[é]v vmó re rijs avvkAMfrov Kat
Tod Sypov ràv ‘Pol[paliwv dia rs éreypadys áperijv kai érieixecay xa[i
8]ucasonóvgv. kai eioéBerav époi paprupe. 'Aéwp[a]r. — mávrov
Onjveyka, — éfovoías 8€ ovdey rc wAciov éaxov Tay avvap£ávrov pot.

35 Tpicxadexarny trareiav ayovrós pov 7 Te ovvKAnTos kal 76 Umrmixóv
Taypa Oo Te ouvTas O)Los rdv "Popaíev mpoocyydpevcé pe marépa
marpidos Kai roUTOo émi Tov mpomvAov rijs oixias prov Kal év TH BovAcv-
Typiy kai év rj &yopg rj SeBaorH td TQ dppari, 6 por Soypare
cuvKAyrov ayeréÜn, emcypadivar éfndicaro. "Ore éypadoy
tavra, Tryov eros EBSounKoorév Exrov.

36 SvurvKedhoraiwors — jptOpynpevov xpyparos els 7d aipdpuov 1) eis Tov Sypov
rov ‘Pw[pailuv 7 eis rods ároAeAvaévovs aTparwras — : t€ pupiddes
pupuddwv. "Epya xatyà éyévero bn’ abro) vaoi pév "Apeus, Aus
Bpovrnciov xal rpotravoópov, Ilavós, 'AzóAAovos, —— co 'IovAtov,
Kupeivov, 'A[6»]vás, ^ "Hpas BacwriSos, Ards 'EXevOepiov,

S. I3

194 APPENDIX A.

Larum, deum Penátium, — Iuv[em/a£is, Matris deum, Lupercal,
pulvina\t ad circum, — cüriam cum ch[aZidteo, forum Augustum,
basilica}m Iuliam, theatrum Marcelli, — [ plor[ticus
nemus trans T'iberím Caesarum.

Refécit Capito[Z/w sacra]sque aedes [mw]m[ero octoginta| duas,
thea[/]rum Pompeí, aqu[arum rivos, vi]am Flamin[:27].

mpensap....... [i spect]acul[a scaenica e? munera] gladiatorum
at(gue athletas et venationes ef naum)ach(tam] et donata pe[clunia
BP) oe due dup een so cat ee [/er]rae motu incendioque

consumpt(#s] a[s£ viritim] al mics senaf]oribusque, quórum census
explévit, ín[z]umera[2zZi ]s.

I. MONUMENTUM ANCYRANUM. 195

npwlwv, 0«óv wjarpiwy , Neoryros, Myrpos Gedy,
B[ovXevrjpiov] civ xadkidixg, áyopg SeBaory , Oéarpov
MapkéAXov, B[a«]e uc) "lovMa, dÀAcos Kawnapov, oToai
&{v] Warar{iJw, vrod év irrodpopw $Xajavío. "Ereoxevac6[7 10
Ka|mirwAuv, —— vaot dydoyxovra 9o, — Ódar]pov I[ op |arniov,
656s dAajuvía, — aywyoi vddrwv. [Aam]dvar dé cis Oéas Kai povo-
paxous kai dOAnTas kai yavpaxtay kal Onpopayiay Swpeai [re] darouxiars
wodeow éy ‘Iradig, rodeow dv érapxeias — aevi xa[t] évrupwrpois
emovgkviaus 7) kar’ dvdpa díAots kal cuvKAntiKois, Ov TAS Tepyoes
mpooegerAnpwoev: ameipov TA ij0os.

t3—2

Aug. 19.

Sept. 3.

Sept. 23.

Oct. 7.
Oct. 18.

Nov. 16.
Dec. 15.

Jan. 7.

Jan. 16.

Jan. 30.

Mar. 6.

Apr. 14.

Apr. IS.

May 12.

May 24.

July 12.

196 APPENDIX A.
II. DATES IN THE LIFE OF AUGUSTUS.
C. I. L. x. 8375 (at Cumae). Rushforth 38.
[XIII K. Septembr. co die Caesar pri]mum consulatum in[z.... .... ]

[744 Non. Septembr. co die exer|citus Lepidi tradidit se Caesari.
Suppli[c]a[Ze . .]

[74411 K. Octobr. n]atalis Caesaris. Immolatio Caesari hostia. Sup-
plicatio...

Nonis Octobr. Drusi Caesaris natalis. Supplicatio Vestae.

XV K. Novembr. eo die Caesar togam virilem sumpsit. Supplicatio
Spei et Iuve[nzu::].

XVI K. Decembr. natalis Ti. Caesaris. Supplicatio Vestae.

XVIII K. Ianuar. eo die a[z]a Fortunae Reducis dedicatast quae
Caesarem [ex transmari-|
nis provincis red[ux;/7]. Supplicatio Fortunae Reduci.

VII Idus Ianuar. e[o de Caesar] primum fasces sumpsit. Supplicatio
Iovi sempi[Zerzo].

[X7 ]III K. Febr. eo di[e Caesar Augustu}s appellatus est. Sup-
plicatio Augusto.
[744 K. Febr. eo die ara Pacis Aug(ustae) dedicata] est. Supplicatio

imperio Caesaris Augusti cust[odss]
[civium Romanorum totiusque orbis terrarum.

[.Prid. Non. Mart. eo die Caesar pontifex ma|ximus creatus est.
Supplicatio Vestae, dis pub(licis) P(enatibus) p(opuli) R(omani)
Q(uiritium).

[XVIII K. Mai. co die Caesar primum viat.
Augustae.

XVII K. Mai. eo die Caesar primum imperator app|ellatus est. Sup-
plicatio Felicitati Imperi.

[7477 Jd. Mai. eo die aedes Martis dedicatast.
Martis.

[VIII K. Lun. natalis Germanici Caesaris.

Suppit]catio Victoriae

Supplica|tio Molibus
Su?]licatio Vestae.
[7747 Jd. Ju. natalis divi uh.

Veneri [Genezrici ].
Suppli|catio Iovi.....

Supplicatio ov], Marti Ultori,

APPENDIX B.

THE ASSASSINS OF IULIUS.

To avenge his great-uncle’s murder was the first object of Octavian
[c. xo, M. A. 1]. The revenge took gradually a wider sweep, but it
was in the first place to be exacted from those who had taken actual
part in the murder. Of these men Suetonius [Caesar 80] says that
scarcely any survived their victim more than three years, or died a
natural death. All were condemned under the /ex Fedia, and were
either executed, or perished by shipwreck, or fell in battle, or killed
themselves. Dio [48, 1] says that all but a few met with the fate
which the murder of a benefactor deserved. Plutarch [Caes. 69]
declares that the Fortune which attended Caesar in his lifetime
became an avenging spirit after his death, pursuing and tracking his
murderers over land and sea till none were left. It is scarcely
possible to test this statement completely, for the number privy to
the conspiracy was large,—6o according to Suetonius [Caes. 80],
‘some obscure and some young’ [Cic. 2 ZZ. $ 26], and accordingly
many of their names are unknown to us; but with some exceptions
it is confirmed by what we learn of those whose names have been
preserved.
The most extensive list of names is that given by Appian Z. czv.
2, III— 113, but some are learnt from other sources. They are:
M. Iunius Brutus Caepio.
Killed himself at Philippi B.C. 42. App. 4, 131; Dio 47, 49.
Dec. Iunius Brutus Albinus.
Killed in Gaul B.C. 43. App. 4, 98; Dio 46, 53.
C. Servilius Casca.
P. Servilius Casca.
Cic. 2 Phil. $27. Publius was tribune in B.C. 43, and was con-
demned under the lex Pedia [Dio 46, 49; Cic. ad fam. 16, 15; 13 Phil.
$ 31], Sut escaped from Rome and fought at Philippi [B.c. 42. Plut.

198 APPENDIX B.

Brut. 45). He either fell there ov perished soon afterwards, but tt ts
not known which. Gaius seems to have been Tribune in B.C. 44 and
to have tried to disclaim any share in the murder [Dio 44, 52], dut
Cicero [2 Phil. 21] and Appian [.B. civ. 2, 113] speak of both brothers
being among the assassins, and Plutarch [Caes. 66] represents. Casca
(he gives no praenomen or nomen) exclaiming ddadé, Bonbea. His sub-
sequent fate is unknown.

Caecilius and Bucilianus.
Appian, 1c. Nothing is known of these two brothers. Buciltanus
accompanied M. Brutus and presumably shared his fate [Cic. ad Att.

15, 17,§ 2; 16, 4 $ 4].
C. Cassius.
Killed himself at Philippi, App. B. civ. 4, 113; Dio 47, 46.

Cassius Parmensis.
Put to death in B.C. 31 or 30, see note on p. 8.

Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus.

Jt has been questioned whether he was among the assassins.
He was however condemned under the \ex Pedia and was in the
proscription list. Cocceius, the legate of Antony in B.C. 40, denied that
he was an assassin [App. B. civ. 5, 62]; but Cicero [a Phil. $$ 27, 30]
names him emphatically, and Appian, though he does not mention him in
his account of the murder, speaks of him elsewhere [B. civ. 5, 59]
as a opayeds Tatov Kaícapos, as also does Dio [48,7 and 54). He
was in command of ships at the time of the battle of Philippi, and after
that joined Sext. Pompetus ; but after the treaty of Tarentum [B.C. 37]
became reconciled with Antony, by whose influence he secured the Consul-
ship in B.C. 32. Though on the rupture between Augustus and Antony
in that year he left Rome and joined the latter, he quarrelied with
Clopatra and joined Augustus before Actium, but died shortly after-
wards, prior tt seems to the actual battle [Dio 50, 13]. See p. 38.

Q. Antistius Labeo.
Father of the jurist [see c. 54]. He caused a slave to kill him
in his tent after Philippi (App. B. civ. 4, 135]. See Cic. Ep. ad
Brut, 1, 18; 2, 27.

Q. Ligarius.
Plutarch | Brut. 11] calls him Gaius. Cicero had defended him on
a charge of vis. With his two brothers he perished in the proscription of
B.C. 43—2. App. B. av. 4, 22 [Cic. pro Lig. 12; fam. 6, 13, 14;
Att, 13, 12, 19, 20, 44].

THE ASSASSINS OF IULIUS. 199

Minucius Basilus
was murdered by hes own slaves in retaliation for a barbarous
act on his part early in B.C. 43 [App. B. cv. 3, 98]. Zn the assassi-
nation he wounded Rubrius by mistake [Nic. Dam. c. 24]. He was a
Jriend of Cicero's [ Aff. 11, §], who wrote congratulating him on the
murder [ad fam. 6, 15].
Sextius Naso
perished in the proscription of B.C. 43—2 [Appian Z. civ. 4, 24].
Petronius.
Otherwise unknown. He was put to death by Antony at
Ephesus after Philippi B.c. 42 [App. B. civ. 5, 4].
L. Pontius Aquila.
He was legatus to Decimus Brutus in B.C. 43 [Dio 46, 38;
Cic. 11 Phil. § 14; 13 Phil. 27], and was killed in the battle at
Forum Gallorum, near Mutina, 15 April B.C. 43 [Dio 46, 40].

Rubrius Ruga.
App. J. civ. 2, 113; Nic. Dam. c. 24. és fate is not recorded.

Ser. Sulpicius Galba.

Great-grandfather of the Emperor Galla [Suet. Gal. 3]. He
wrote the well-known account of the battle at Forum Gallorum on the
15th of April [Cic. fam. 10, 3o]. Appian’s assertion that he was
among the assassins ts confirmed by a sentence in Antony’s letter to
the Senate, Cic. 13 Phil. 33. He probably fell in the course of the
campaign, as his name ts not mentioned among the proscribed.

M. Spurius.
Nothing ts known of him or his fate.

Statilius.
Perhaps L. Statilius, an augur [Cic. Att. 12, 13 $ 2; 14, 3].
He was killed at Philippi, Plut. Brut. 51. ,
C. Toranius.
See p. 58. He perished in the proscription, App. B. av.
4, 12, 18; Orosius 6, 18, 9. He was betrayed to the emissaries of
the triumvirs by his son. [Valer. Max. 9, 11, 5.]

L. Tillius Cimber.

Though a great friend of Julius [Cic. fam. 12, 13, 3; 2 PII.
$ 27], Ae struck the first blow [Jul 82). He brought a fleet from his
province of Bithynia to aid Brutus and Cassius in Macedonia B.C. 42
(App. B. civ. 4, 102, 105]. He either perished in the course of the war
or immediately after tt. He would meet with no mercy as being con-

200 ' APPENDIX B.

demned by the lex Pedia. We find the governorship of Bithynia vacant
in B.C. 41—o [App. Z. civ. 5, 63 jin. |.

C. Trebonius.
Killed by Dolabella in Asia B.C. 44—3, Cic. 11 Phil. 88 1—8,
13 Phil. § 22 ; fam. 12, 12, 14, 15.

P. Turullius
commanded a ship in the fleet of Cassius B.C. 44—3 [Cic. fam.
12, 13; App. B. ctv. 5, 2]. He afterwards joined Antony, but was
given up to Octavian with the hope of conchating him in B.C. 30, and
was by him put to death. Dio 51, 8; Valer. Max. 1, 1, 19.

Besides these, who seem to have taken an active part in the
assassination, Plutarch says that Gaius Octavius and Lentulus Spinther
joined them on their way up to the Capitol, feigning to have been
in the plot [Plut. Caes. 67, cp. Cic. 2 Phil. $25] Appian [Z. civ.
2, 119] adds to this category Favonius, Aquinius, Dolabella, Murcus
and Patiscus.

Of these Gaius Octavius is unknown to us. P. Cornelius
Lentulus Spinther, though he thus openly joined the conspirators
[Cic. Att. 13, 10; fam. 12, 14], and served at Philippi, managed to
escape, and was alive at least up to B.C. 27 [Eckhel 5, p. 185]. M.
Favonius was executed after Philippi [Dio 47, 49: see note on p. 27].
Aquinius may be the M. Aquinius pardoned by Iulius in B.c. 47
(dell. Afric. 57, 89], but we have no account of him after that.
Dolabella took advantage of the murder of Iulius to assume the
consulship, but he soon showed by his execution of Trebonius in
Asia that he was not at one with the assassins. He was driven to
suicide in Syria by Cassius, B.C. 43. How far he did at first openly
connect himself with the assassins is not clear, but for some time
Cicero was thoroughly satisfied with his speeches and actions [Cic.
Att. 14, 20—21; 15, 13; 16, 11]. L. Statius Murcus (once a /egatus
of Iulius) had been praetor in the year before the assassination, and
if he was in Rome at the time must have been on the point of start-
ing for his province (Syria). He afterwards did good service to the
cause of Brutus and Cassius with his fleet; but joining Sextus
Pompeius after Philippi he was assassinated, owing to the jealousy of
Menodorus [Dio 48, 19]. Patiscus was with Cassius as pro-quaestor
in command of a ship, B.C. 43 [Cic. fam. 12, 13, 15].

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204 APPENDIX C.

Thus on Nero's death, in A.p. 68, all those who could trace their
descent from Augustus or his sister had passed away, with the one
exception of Iunia Calvina. In A.D. 7 the expected succession in the
Imperial family as far as Claudius is shown by an inscription on an
arch at Pavia, which includes Gaius and Lucius, who had died a few
years before, Wilmanns 88o :

IMP - CAESARI | DIVI - F - AVGVSTO | PONTIFIC - MAXIMO | PATRI -
PATRIAE + AVG - XV - VIR: S + F - VII - VIR - EPVLON | cos -
XIII - IMP + XVII - TRIBVNIC - POTEST - XXX

LIVIAE | DRVSI - F | VXORI - CAESARIS - AVG —

TI - CAESARI | AVGVSTI - F | DIVI - NEPOT - PONT | AVGVRIQVE | COS -
TER - IMP - TER - TRIBVNICIAE - POT - VIIIZ

GERMANICO | IVLIO - Z1 - F | AVGVSTI - NEPOT | DIVI - PRON - CAESARI

Druso iulto ti. F | AVGVSTI - NEPOTI | DIVI - PRON - CAESARI | PON-
TIFICI

NERONI - IVLIO | GERMANICI - f | AVG - PRONEPOT | CAESARI

€. CAESARI | AVGVSTI - F | DIVI - NEPOT | PONTIFIC - COS | IMPERA-
TORI

7. CAESARI | AVGVSTI - F | DIVI - NEPOT | AVGVRI - COS - DESIGN
PRINCIPI - IVVENTVTIS

DRVSO - IVLIO | GERMANICI - F | AVG - PRONEPOT | GERMANICO

TI - CLAVDIO | DRVSI - GERMANICI - F | NERONI : GERMANICO

Tiberius is called AvGvsTI F. since his adoption in A.D. 4; of
those named none but the last, Claudius, survived Tiberius (A.D. 37).
Gaius died in a.p. 4; Lucius A.D. 3; Drusus, son of Tiberius, in
A.D. 23; and Drusus, son of Germanicus, was starved to death in
A.D. 33 [Tac. Ann. 6, 23—4], having been born it seems in A.D. 7
or the year previous [Tac. Anz. 4, 4]. It seems strange that his elder
brother Nero b. a.p. 1, and afterwards (A.D. 20) married to Iulia
daughter of Drusus s. of Tiberius, should be omitted [Tac. Anz. 3, 29];
he was starved to death in A.D. 29 [Suet. 737. 54]. Nero and Drusus,
as sons of Germanicus (adopted by Tiberius), would naturally come
before their uncle Claudius. Gaius (Caligula) was not born till five
years later (A.D. 12).

INDEX I.

PROPER NAMES IN THE TEXT.

[Numbers refer to Chapters.)

Actium 17, 18, 96; war of 9; triumph
of 22; victory of 18

Aegyptus 17, 18, 66, 93

Aemilius Aelianus 51

M.Aemilius Lepidus 8,1 2,13,16,27,31,54

Aemilius Papus 2

Aemilius Paulus 16, 19, 64

Aemilius, son of the triumvir 19

Aenaria 92

Aesculapius 59

Aeserninus Marcellinus 43

Aetolia 17

Africa 16, 47; Afer 4; triumphus Afri-
canus 8

Agrippa 16, 25, 29, 35, 42, 63, 64, 66,
94, 197

Agrippa Postumus 19, 51, 64, 65

Agrippina 64, cp. 73.

Ahenobarbus, v. Domitius

Ajax 85

Albanae columnae 7a

Albis 21

albulae aquae 82

Alexander the Great 18, 50, 94

Alexandria 17, 71

Alexandrinae merces et navis 98

pal triumph 22, 41

Achaia 4

Annius Cimber 86

Antistius Labeo 54

Antium 58

Antonii 17

C. Antonius 5

L. Antonius 9, 14, 15, 68

M. Antonius 8, 9, IO, II, I2, 13, 17,
20, 21, 28, 49, 62, 69; letters of 7;
to Augustus 69; on Augustus 1, 4,
10, 16, 28, 63, 68, 69

Antonius, s. of Marcus 17, 63

Antonius Musa 59, 81

Apis 93

Apollo 70, 94; temples of, at Actium
18; on the Palatine 29, 52

Apollo Sandaliarius 57, Tortor 7o

Apollodorus of Pergamum 89

Apollonia 8, 1o, 89, 94

Apollophanes 16

Appuleius, Sextus, 100

Apragopolis 98

Aquileia 20

Aquitania 21

Areus 89

Aricia 4, Aricinus 20.

Armenia 21

Asclepiades Mendes 94

Asia 3, 17, 26

Asiatici oratores 86

Asinius Epicadus 19

Asinius Pollio 29, 43

Astura 97

Athenae 93

Atia 4, (8), (61), 94

M. Atius Balbus 4

Attica Ceres 93

L. Audasius 19

Avernus lacus 16

Augustus, see Index II.

Augustus, derivation of the name 7

Augustus mensis 31, 100

Augustum saeculum 100

Baiae 16, 64
Beneventum 97
Bessi 3
Bononia 17, 96
Bovillae 100
Brundisium 17

206

D. Brutus 10
M. Brutus 10, 13

Q. Caecilius Metellus 89
Caesar, v. Iulia gens
Caesareae urbes 60
Caesarion 17

Caesarum nemus 43
Calagurritani 49
Campana via 94
Campania 72, 98
Cantabria 21, 81
Cantabrian war 20, 29, 85
Capita bubula 5
Capitolium 94, v. Iuppiter
Capreae 72, 92, -eis 98
Capricornus 94

C. Cassius 9, 10

Cassius of arma 4
Cassius of Patavium 51i
Cassius Severus 56
Castricius 56

Catilina 3, 94.

Cato (Uticensis) 13, 87
Q. Catulus Capitolinus 94
Celadus 67

Ceraunii montes 17
Ceres, see Attica
Cimbricum bellum 23
Circeii 16 (60)
Cleopatra 17,

Claudia 62 ;

P. Clodius 62
Cordubensis 51
Corinthia vasa 70
Corinthiarius 70

lex Cornelia 33
Cornelius, a centurion 26
Cornelius Balbus 29
Cornelius Gallus 66

L. Cornificius 29
Cosmus 6

Cremutius Cordus 24
Cotiso 63

Curtii lacus 57

Daci 8, 21

December 32, 71

Delmatia 21;
triumph 22

Demochares 16

Diale flaminium 31

Diana 29

Diomedes 67

Dionysius 89

Dioscurides 50

Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus 17; Ap-
pend. p. 198.

Drusus s. of Livia (71), 99

Drusus s. of Tiberius 100, 101

Delmatian war 20;

M. Egnatius 19

INDEX I.

Fabiani tribules 40
Fannius Caepio 19
M. Favonius 13
Flaminia via 30, 100
Fortuna 65

Fulvia 17, 62

Gallia 21
Galliae 79
Gallus 40
Q. Gallus 27
gil (Matris deum) 68
allus, v. Cornelius
Genius Augusti 60
Germani 21, 49
Germania 23
Germanicus, s. of Drusus 34, 64, 101
Getae 63
Gigantes 72
Glyco r1
Graeca bibliotheca 29; Graecus cliens
40; Graeci pugiles 45

Hadrianus (7)
Herculis Musarum aedes 29; Hercules
. Tiburi 72
aha 2

ierosolyma 93
Hilarion 1o: :
A. Hirtius ro, 11, 68
Hispania 68; Hispaniae 8
Homer quoted (ZJ. 3, 40) 65
Hortensius! house 72
Hylas 45

L. Icius 43

Illyricum 21, 25, 97; Illyrican army 19g
Inalpinae gentes 27

Indi 21

Inferum mare 49

Italia 13, 17, 45, 59

Ianus Quirinus 42; marmoreus 31
Iudaea 93 ; Iudaeus 76
IULIA GENS:

C. Caesar, grandson of Augustus

26, 29, (43) (56) 64, 65, 67,
L 9: M3 , a Of AGI.

26, 29, (s » 64, 65
Iulia, sister of the Dictator 4, 8
Iulia, d. of the Dictator à
Iulia, d. of Augustus r9, 63; 65. (73)
Tas nddaughter of Augustus

ulise 65 (bis \73)

c ap tc C ar 4; 8, 10, 17, 31,
35: 45» 68, 945 Divus 96
Divus Iulius 1, 15, 17, 31, 94, 100

PROPER

Iulius Marathus 79, 94

Iulius portus 16

Iunius Novatus 51:

Iunius Saturninus 27

Iuppiter, O. M. 23, 94; Capitolinus 26,
30, 91, 94; Olympius 60; Tonans 29,
91; Tragoedus 57

C. Laetorius 5

Lanuvium 72

Lares Cubiculi 7; kien pecu 31
Latina bibliotheca 29; Latine 89
Latinitas 47

Lepidus, v. Aemilius

Liber pater 94

liburnica 17

M. Licinius Crassus 21

Lolliana clades 2
Lucrinus lacus 1
lupercale and -ia 31
Lycia 65

‘Macedonia 3

Maecenas 66, 72, 86

Mallia 70

Marcellae 63

Marcelli ictum 2

M. Marcellus, s. of Octavia 63, 66

Marcius Philippus 8, 29

Mars 1,18; Ultor 21, Ne templum (96) ;
Martius Campus 43; (100)

Masgabas 98

Massilia 65

Mater Deum 68

Mauri 83

Mausoleum 100, 101

medici 42.

Mediolanium 20

Menas 74

Mendes 94

Misenum 49

L. Munatius Plancus 7, 29 [another,
C. Ior]

Mundus 94

Musarum Herculis templum 29

Mutina 10, 12, 775; war of 9, 84

Mylae 16

Mytilene 66

Naulochus 16
Neapolis 98; Neapolitans 92
Nepinnus 16, 18, (66)
N erulonensis. 4
Nicanor 89
Nicon 96
ge y I8
igidius 94
Nilus 18 ?
Nola 98, 100
Nonius Asprenas Torquatus 43, 56

NAMES. 207

November 32
Nursini 12

OCTAVIA GENS:
ia the elder sister of Augustus

Octavia the younger sister of Au-
gustus 4, 29, 61, 63, 73 ; Octaviae
porticus 29

Octavii proavus et avus Augusti 2

Octaviorum duplex familia 2

C. Octavius Div. Augusti pater 3,
7, 8, 27, 70, 94, 100

Octavius dux Veliternorum 1

C. Octavius Rufus 2

Octavius vicus 1—2

Orcini senatores 35
Oriens 13

Palatium 29, 72; Palatina domus 2d.
Pannonia 21; Pannonica bella 2d.
Pansa 10, I!
Parthi 8, 21, 43
Parthina gens 19
Patavinus 51
atricii 2, 10
eloponnesus 17
Penates 92
Perusia 14, 96
Perusinum bellum 9, 14
Philippi 96; battle of 91; war of 9, 13,

Phoebus 70

phonascus 84

Pinarius 27

Plautius Rufus 19

Pollio, v. Asinius

Polus 67

Polybius 101

Pompeius (Magnus) 31; statua Pompeii
i5. ; liberi 8

theatrum #4. ;
Sext. Pomp. 9, 16, 47: 74; attacks
Augustus 68
Sext. Pompeius cos. A.D. 14, 100

Praeneste 72, 82
Ptolemaeus (?) 18
Puteoli 44
Pylades 45

quatrus 71
cre Ianus 22

Raetia 21

Raeticum vinum 77

Ravenna 20, 49

Regium 16

Rhenus 21, 25

Romae et Augusti templum 52
Romani equites 40; Romana civitas i.
Romanum forum 72

Romulus 7, 95

208

Rufilla 69

Sabbata 76

aaa ludi 31
acpta 43

Salassi 21

C. Sallustius Crispus 86

Salutis augurium 31

Salvidienus Rufus 66

Samus 17, 26

Sardinia 47

Saturnalia 75

Scaptienses tribules 40

Scribonia 62, 63, 69

Scutarius 56

Scythae 31

Septa, the 43

P. Servilius Isauricus 62

Sextilis mensis 31

Sibyllini libri 31

Sicilia 2, 16, 35, 47; Sicilian war 9,

16, 22, 70,

Sigambri 21

C. Silius 71, ror

C. Sosius 17

Spartacus 3

Sphinx 5o

Statilius Taurus 29

Stephanio 45

Suetonius (7)

Superum mare 49

Surrentum 65

Syracusae (Augusti) 72

Syria 17; Syri pueri 83

Tarquinius Priscus 2
Tarraco 26

Tedius Afer 27

Telephus 19

Terentia 66; Terentilla 69

INDEX I.

Tertulla 69

Thallus 67

theatrum Balbi 29; Marcelli 39, 43;
Pompeii 31; theatra trina 45; thea-
tralis poena 40

Theogenes

Thessalus aida 96

Thraces 3

Thracia 94

Thrasyllus 98

Thurinus ager and pagus 2—3; regio 7

Thurinus Augustus 7

Tiberis 30, 37, 43, 100

Tiberius 40, 51; 63, 65, 71, 76, 85, 86,
7; 98, 100, 101

Tibur 72, 82

C. Toranius 27

triumphalis porta 100

Troiae lusus 43

Sen. Tullius 2

M. Tullius Cicero 5, 94

Q. Tullius Cicero 3

Valerius Messala 74

Valerius Messala Corvinus 58

Varro Murena 19, 56, 66

Quintilius Varus 33; Variana clades
2b., 49

Velitrae 1, 6, 94; Veliterni 94

Venus (iactus) 71

Vergilius, quoted (den. 1, 382) 40

Vestales virgines 31, 44, 10!

Victoria, figure of, 100

Vindelici 21

L. Vinicius 64, 71

T. Vinius Philopoemen 27

xysti 73
xystici 45

lj b

INDEX TO THE NOTES.

[Zhe numbers refer to the pages of this edition.)

A manu I30; a matre 7

abdicare 126

accommodare 75

acina 143

acroama I4I

acta of the Senate 10, 82

actus rerum 75; actus diurnus 145

ad spectaculum 96

adesse clientibus 115

adlectio 2

adoption, forms of 123, 125; adoption
of Agrippa Postumus and Tiberius
I2

zx and templum, difference between
8

aedes Apollinis 64
;» Daanae 65
»» Herculis Musarum 64
» lovis Olympii r19
;» Martis Ultoris 62
, Saturni 65
» lonantis 63
aedituus 10
aerarium Saturni 84, 161; militare 106
aesar 168
aetati indulgere 109
affinitates 104.
age, quaestorian 56
Agrippa, public works of 65—66
albulae 149
alternis 149
alveus Tiberis 67, 83
ambitio 55
ambitus, repression of 88
amphitheatrum Tauri 65, 95
angustus clavus 139
annuus 57
antiquarii 153
anuli ius 88; anulos aureos ponere 172
appellatio 77
aquae, charge of the 83
aquilus 147

ara of the Octavit 1; of Juhws at
Perusia 29—30; in provinces to
Augustus 119

aratores 94

aretalogi 141

argentarius 134

army, changes in 52, 106

C. Asinius Pollio joins Antony 24

assem et libram, per 123

assertus in ingenuitatem 140

aspis 40

dogadhs orparnddrns 55

athletae 95, 98; athletarum privilegia

100

atrium Libertatis 65

auditorium 151

augurium Salutis 71

August, month of 69

Augustus, dzographers of 4, Introd. § 1;
Jather of 9; birthday of 9; names
borne by 125, assumes the toga virilis
2, 14; raised to the Fatriciate 2;
made Pontifex 2; in Spain with
Lulius 15; at Apollonia 15; hears
of the death of Iulius 16; Ais early
policy, his connexion with the op-
timates and Cicero 21, 323 hts at-
tempted assassination of Antony 22;
his first imperium 22; at Mutina,
Philippi and Perusia 233—303 wars
with Sextus Pompeius 31—38; cele-
bration of his Siciliam victory 36;
breach with Antony and victory at
Actium 36—39; victory at Alex-
andria and settlement of Egypt 39—
43; conspiracies against 44—46; his
JSoreign wars 46—52; his military
discipline 52—55; offices held by 56
—60o; meditates restoring the republic
61—62;. Ais works on the Palatine
63; undertakes care of via Flaminia
67; his restoration of sacred buildings

pr d

210

68; Ais reforms 69—76, 86, 98; Ais
legislation 78; his dealings with the
Senate 79—85; his avoidance of public
receptions 1113; Ais Winesses 15, 26,
61, 118, 148; Ais absences from Italy
1173 is benefactions 90—94; Ais
colonies 101—102; his management
of the provinces 102—103; of the
feet 104—105; hts moderation, hts
marriages 131; his bright eyes 146;
his relations with mother and sister
120; his handwriting 124, (55; his
memoirs 1525 hes letters Intr. p. xxxi.
note 58 ; temples and altars to, in the
provinces 119; his death 172; his
will 174

aureo hamo piscari 55

auspicantes militiam 85

auspicia 47

autographae of Augustus 154

auxilia 104

avunculus maior 13

Baceolus 155

basilica Iulia 64

bath, hour of the 143; hot baths 148
beard, wearing of the 146
bella civilia 18; externa 46
belua 139

biferae ficus 142

birthday of Augustus 9, 116
breviarium Imperii 176
buccea 143

business, hours of 76

Cacozeli 153

calciamentum 13

Calendar, correction of the 69
calfacere 136

caligati 55

calumnia 74; calumniator 75
calumniari 25

campestres operae 4; exercitationes 149
Campus, burials in the 173
candidati Caesaris 114
capita bubula, ad 10

Capreis (/oc.) 169

carcinoma 127

caseus bubulus 142

caste II

catervarii 100

cavea media 98

celeber 1

cella penuaria 11

cena recta I40

cenacula 99

cenare adulteria 133

censores 84

censoria potestas 60

census held by Augustus 60—61
centumviralis hasta 82
cerritus 155

INDEX TO THE NOTES.

certamen Graecum 99

certum habere 9

Cestius Macedonicus of Perusia 29

children at the imperial table 124

chirographus 124, 155

cibus meridianus 144

Cilicia 142

circa 158

circuitus 39

circumtonsus 101

circus go

citra 53, 96

civilitas 108

clades Variana §1

Classis, the port of Ravenna 105

classis, stateons of the 104

clausula 171

clavus 139

clementia of Augustus 108

Cleopatra, schemes of 37; death of 40

clientela 39

coelibes and orbi, disabzAties of 78

cognitio 107

cognoscere 77

cohortes urbanae 105, 175; praetoriae
106, 175

collegia 73; collegia summa 172

collocare pecuniam 37

coloniae 7% /taly 101—102

comitia, ¢he 88

commentarii diurni 124

commilitones 54

commissio ludorum 97; commissiones
(émióelzeis) 158

commoda sacerdotum 70; praemiorum
53; missionum 53, 106

comoedia vetus 157

competere 7o

compitalicii 72

concinnitas 152

conclavia 137

condicio 122

conditorium Alexandri 41

condormio 145

confiscare 3r, 175

congiarium 92

coniurationes 44

consaucio 46

consilia semenstria 81

consistere 9o

consulares as judges in the provinces 77

consulships of Augustus 56—57

contribuere 104

convivari 140

corn trade of Egypt 43

corollarium 99

corona radiata 163

cubicula aestiva 137

cubiculi Lares 12

culleus (see parricidium) 76

cum with indicative 148

cura and curator 83

INDEX TO THE NOTES. |

curia III
curiosus 59

Decemviri stlitibus iudicandis 82

decimatio 93

decurias recognoscere 64; decuriae iu-
dicum 75; tribus et decuriae 117

decuriones 102

deducere 63

deficior 151

deification of Julius 30

delator 128

delegatus iudex 77

desiderare 129

desideria 39

designatores 100

despiciens 53

Diale flaminium 71

dictatorship 110

digitus infamis 101; salutaris 147

diplomata 107

discincti 53

discruciare 29

dispensator 130

distorti 150

divisores 4

divorce, restrictions on 79

dwoexdOeos 132

dominus rio

domos (gen.) 155

dona militaria 15

donari ri

ducenarii 75

ductu 47

Ove ooula. 160

dwarfs 96, 150

Edicta 113

in edito 138

egelidus 148

elephants 111

eloquentia 150

empire, division of between the trium-
virs 17—18, 28

emptos a patre 123

ephebi 169

epistula 107

equestris militia 102

equites on stage and arena 96

equitum travectio 86

equum reddere 86

ergastula, é#spection of 73

essedum 142

evOavacla 171

evocati 115

exauctorare 53

excerpta 157

excitare 29

excubiae 52

exerceo 8, 29

exsibilo ror

exuviae Iovis 163

2II

Fabulatores 145

in fabulis 132

facultas 31

falsae tabulae 45

fans 148

fatidica 69

faustis ominibus 117

feminalia 148

fercula 141

ferreae litterae 12

fetor 153

fingo 9

fire-brigades 54, 66

fiscus 31, 89

feet, construction of a 32; stations of
104

focillare 36

foederatae civitates 103

follicula 150

forensia 140

foruli 69

forum, loitering in the 91; exhibitions
in 94—95; forum aleatorium 136;
forum Augusti 62

Forum Gallorum, battle at 23

frigus 129
frumentum, déstribution of 83, 92;
mischief of 93

fungor, construction of 80, 82, 99
fustuarium 53

Gallia Cisalpina 22

. gallus 131

gambling 135

gaza 9i

genius 66, 119

geronticos (yepovrixws) 135
gestu gustuve 14

gladiatores 98, roo
grassatores, suppression of 73
gratiam facere 38, 87
gravedo 148

Haerere 134

harenae atque harundines 147

hastae auctio 53; hasta centumviralis
82

heredes primi secundi ec. 174—175

hereditas, /aws of 130

Herod 104

hiemare 138

histriones omnium linguarum 94; his-
trionum coercitio 100; licentia 101;
histriones at parties 141

honorare 100

hordeo pascere 53

hostiarum more 30

hostis iudicatus 37

houses, height of 157

Ignominia 53
imagines 7

212

immaturitas sponsarum 79

imperator 4

imperium M Augustus 56; imperium

augendum 49, 1
incendia 54, 62, 66; of the palace 117
index rerum 176 (see monumentum
Ancyranum)
indicti 54
infinitive present of future action 93
ingenia 157
initiati 1
iniuria 115
inobservantia 143
insane princes, treatment of 104
instrumentum regium 134
insulae Campaniae 138
inundations 62, 67
invitare se 144
ita...ut 87, 93, 114, 126

ewels dedicated in temples 68
luris ambigui 74
ius dicere Gf the Emperors) 76

Kalendae Graecae 155
hing at Rome, prophecies of 161
kings set up by Augustus 104

Lanistae 93

Lares compitales 72

laticlavii 165

Latinitas 103

latus clavus 85, 139, 165

laudationes 14, 150, 173; im a court of
law 115

lecticula lucubratoria 144

lectus imus 124

legati, places of in theatres 97; legati
of Augustus 46

leges Augustae 78

legio decima 53; alauda 75; quarta
and Martia 17

legions, number of 36, 52

legitima collegia 74; legitimus senatus
80; legitimi pugiles roo

lex ‘condition’ 49

lex Cornelia de iniuriis 115
” ” de falsis 45; 77

» curiata 125—126
» Furia Caninia 89
» Gabinia 8r
» Iulia de adulteriis 12—13

de ambitu 88

de collegiis 73

de iudicibus 75

de provinciis 8

» » Qe sociis 3

» » theatralis 87

» Papia 8r

» Pappia Poppaea 78

» Pedia 20, 31

» Pompeia 75

,3 99
99 99
99 9)?

INDEX TO THE NOTES.

lex Roscia 87, 97

» Rufrena 31

» Servilia [?Icilia] 75

» Voconia 175

libelli 99; famosi libelli 113
liberalitates of Augustus 9o0—91
libertas iusta 90

libertinus miles 54

liburnicae 3
lightning, places struck by, 63, 161
litare 16

locum ha 112
ig bod pos 8o
udi, editors of 94,
ludi compitalicii ra
, honorarii 75

, Magn) $53

, pontificales 98
» quinquennales 43, 119
» Saeculares 71

,, victoriae Caesaris 20
ludii 141

ludis (725) 100

lusus Troiae 95

Mactare 31

magisterium 3

magistratus of Augustus 56

magistri vicorum 66, 72

male 50

maleficium 75

mango 132

manubialis pecunia 67

manumission, regulations as to 89, 93

manus ‘stake’ 136

mariti 98

marmoream (Romam) relinquere 62

marriage, laws of 78; marriage with
foreigners 132

medici 93

micare 27

militare aerarium 106; militare opus 43

military service, length of 106

milites 2» theatres 98

mimus 17!

missilia rerum 169

missio of gladiators 100; of soldiers 106

modulata carmina 117

momenta horarum 108

monumentum Ancyranum quoted 13,
at, 22, 26, 47, 48, 50, 51, 57,
58, 61, 62, 64, 68, 72, 94, ‘OT,
106, 110, 173

mora, Italian game of 24

moriendum est 29

morosus 129

mortuum vidit 39

mos civilis 37; morum legumque regi-
men 60 .

muli 82

L. Munatius Plancus joins Antony 24

munera a4 the Saturnalia 141

INDEX TO THE NOTES.

murales (coronae) 55
murrinus calix 134
Mutina, battles near. 23
myrobrochus 153

Name, assumed by Tiberius and Livia
175; of Caesar taken by Augustus 17

natales Io

naufragium duplex 32

navale proelium 95

nec...et...ac II3

negotium (legal meaning) 75

nemus Caesarum 95; nemora 139

Neptuno invito 34

nomenculator 45, 112

nomina abolere 74

nones, an unlucky day 160

notare 124; per notas scribere 156

nuces 150

numera 81

Numerius Atticus 174

nummularius 9

nummus (sestertius) 92; nummi regii
I41; nummus aureus 169

nundinae 160

Oblimatae fossae 43

occurrere 29

ocellati 150

oculis rectis 33; oculi effossi 59

offices, extra-constitutional 56

official acts during the night 145

officium salutationis 59, 112; officia
cotidiana 120

opera publica 83

opinari de 109, 130

optimates 21

orations 51

orcini 7

ordinarii pugiles roo

Origines of Cato 154
ovatio 51

Pagani 59

pagus 4

palma 92

paludamentum 23

Pantheon, the 65

pantomimus rol

par impar 136

parricidium, punishment of 76

Parthians, intended expedition of Julius
against 15

paruerunt 166

pater patriae 117—118

pavimentum 137

per aestatem 32; per publicum rr1

peregrini, expulsion of 93

pergula 165

peristylus 148

perrogare 82

pertaesus 121

213

petasus 148

phalerae 55

phonascus {51

pila 150

pisciculi 142

plebs, meaning of 98, 102, 108

pontificatus maximus, election of Au-
gustus to the 68

populus ‘city populace’ 88, 94

porticus Liviae et Octaviae 64

postal service 107

potentia 28

praeceptores 93

praecipitium 146

praecipuus |

praedicere 158

praefectura urbis 83

praelucere 64

praetextati 98

praetores, number of 84

praetoria in the country 138

praetoriani 52, 106, 171

praetorii tv the treasury 82

prandium, ¢zme of 99, 144

prepositions with names of towns 153

princeps iuventutis 123

pro contione 14; pro partibus 25; pro
praetore 22

processtons, complimentary 111

proconsulare imperium 356

proconsulatus 6

proconsuls in Senatorial provinces 63, 109

professio 6

prolatio 67
ropagare 52

pranvifiion, the 38; Verres in the lists

^ 6f 134

proseco 2

provinciae, d?vision of 102

psylli 40

publica iudicia 63

publicare 63, 96

publice 38

pugillares 87

pullati 9o, 98

pulleiaceus 155

pulvinar 99

Quaestores urbani 82; quaestor Caesa-
ris 126

quasi 25, 34, 46

quattuordecim ordines 29, 87

et quidem 32

iw cen certamen 170; see also
udi

Rationarium 62

rationem vitae reddere 87; rationem
deducere 94

recensus populi 88

reddo 2

regia, the 72

214

regions of Rome 10, 66; of Italy 102,
see Introd. p. xxxiii. note 87

regna (surrounding the pe pall 104

relegatio in agros 53; relegatio and
exilium 113—113

religio est 11

reliquias legere 174

repetere 74

replicata iocinera 166

republic, restoration of contemplated 61
—62; statuette of 164

rescripta of the Emperors 99; answers
to pamphlets 151

residua vectigalium 176

rivers, executions in 130

rostra vetera 173

rudera 67

Sabbata 143

sacerdotes, addition to the 7o

sacramentum 53

sacrarium 10

sacrum Lupercale 71

salutatio 59; salutationes promiscuae
III

scalae anulariae 137

a se 89; de suo 99

seal with head of Augustus 108

secessus 138

secta IO, 25

secundarius panis 142

secus muliebre 98

sed (xal rTaÜra) 87, 140; sed et 11

segestria 150

sella and lectica 111

senatores, places of in games 97; sena-
torum census 91—92; senatorum liberi

senatus, Jectiortes of 79; places and day
of meeting 80; quorum in 81; acta
of 10, 82; respectful treatment of 111
—I12

senatus consulta, custody of 161; con-
ferring honours on Augustus 115

sententiae is the senate, order in
taking the 81—82; sententiarum in-
eptiae 152

seponere 126

sermones 151

sestertium 92

sextantes 144

shaving, fashion of 146

shipwrecks 32, 34

signatores of a will 77

simus 155

societas (of the triumvirs) 25

soleae 140

solium 149

sordes 74

sors ultima 45; sors rerum inaequalis-
simarum 142

sortitiones iudicum 63

INDEX TO THE NOTES.

spectacula 94

speculator 59, 140

owedde Bpadéws 55

sphinx t seal of Augustus 107

spongia 142, 152

sponsa et uxor I31

sponsalia 112

standards, restoration of the 50

statuae, of the emperors and kings 41;
of viri triumphales 72; silver 109

stemma en 3; Caesarum 445-

stips thrown into lacus Curtius 116;
stipem mendicare 159

stratum 111

strenae r16

strigilis 147

style, extravagance of 152

sub manum 107

subjunctive, loose use of 108

subsellia 115

subucula 148

super 15

superesse I15

supersedere 160

supinus 33

supprimere 73

supra 137

Tabellae duplices 59; tabella tertia

7
tabulae debitorum 74; votorum nuncu-
patorum 168
talus 135
tanquam 11
taxo 9
TexvóQvor 138
temere 34, III
temple for meeting of Senate 8o
» Of Apollo in Palatio 62
» Of Bellona 63
» Of Janus, closing of 50
» Of luppiter Capitolinus 164
» Of Rome and Augustus 109,
11
temples, night spent in 162
tensas deducere 97
tesserae 80; (dice) 135
testamentum of Antony 37; testamenti
licentia 113; testamentum ingratorum
12
theatres, employés in 100
theatrum Marcelli 64, 96; Balbi 65;
theatra trina ror
Oeodoyovmeva 162
thorax laneus 148
thronus 133
thyrsus 144
tibialia 148
tigris
tintinnabula 159
tirocinium fori 57

INDEX TO THE NOTES.

titulus r19

toga, disuse of 90; worn by foreign
princes 120; toga pinguis 148; toga
virilis 14, 165

togatarius 101

tonitrua, fear of 158

torques 54, 96

torture of slaves 60

tralaticius 21

tribules, payments to 89

tribunal praetoris in the theatre 98

tribuneship, Augustus tries for in vain
20; tts decline 87

tribunicia potestas 60, 87

tribus of Augustus 89, 114, 175

triumphales viri 67; triumphali effigie
72; triumphalis porta 172

triumphus 40, 51, 85

triumviratus 17, 57—58; triumviratus
legendi Senatus et equitum 84

triviales 141

tumultus 44

tunicati 53, 174

tutor 58

twelve gods, the 132

tympanizare 131

Unctorium 143
uva duracina 143

Vacare 16

vacatio triennis 78

vacation, in November and December
76

215

vacerrosus 155

valitudines 15, 20, 26, 61, 148

vallares (coronae) 55

vapide 155

vectigalia nova 107; vectigaliorum 176

vehicula 107

venatio 95, 99

vengeance 0n assassins 19, 59

versus 15

Vestals, the 70, 117

vestis domestica 139

veterani 22, 28, 31

vexillum 54; vexillum caeruleum 55

viae, charge of the 33, 67 ; via Campana
164

vicatim 94

vicem, construction of 99

vici (of the city) 66

victores exercitus 23

vigintivirate, the 85

vinctus tortusve 9o

vitricus 17

vitulus marinus 158

volumina 176

vomica 127

vomitandi consuetudo 144

Whales in the Mediterranean 139
women hostages 49; wine forbidden to
Women 12

Xystus 139
xystici 100

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